Floor Statements

Mr. President, I have 7 requests for committees to meet during today's session of the Senate. They have the approval of the Majority and Minority leaders.

Pursuant to Rule XXVI, paragraph 5(a), of the Standing Rules of the Senate, the following committees are authorized to meet during today's session of the Senate:

Committee on Armed Services

The Committee on Armed Services is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, March 23, 2021, at 9:30 a.m., to conduct a hearing on a nomination.

Committee on Foreign Relations

The Committee on Foreign Relations is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, March 23, 2021, at 10 a.m., to conduct a hearing on nominations.

Committee on Foreign Relations

The Committee on Foreign Relations is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, March 23, 2021, at 2:30 p.m., to conduct a hearing.

Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions

The Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, March 23, 2021, at 10 a.m., to conduct a hearing.

Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs

The Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, March 23, 2021, at 2:30 p.m., to conduct a hearing.

Committee on the Judiciary

The Committee on the Judiciary is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, March 23, 2021, at 10 a.m., to conduct a hearing.

Select Committee on Intelligence

The Select Committee on Intelligence is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, March 23, 2021, at 2:30 p.m., to conduct a closed briefing.

Mr. President, all of us have been sent here by the people of our States to represent them. I have always felt a true measure of the quality of our service is reflected in the kind of people we hire to help us do these awesome jobs. The people in our State offices, on our frontlines, are critical in this effort.

John Goodrow is one such public servant. I hired him in 1987 from his job at a local radio station. John brought his radio voice and Vermont sensibility. He has a great sense of humor and could see the challenges, frustrations, and occasional absurdities of everyday life in a Senate office. This was coupled with a determination to serve all Vermonters.

On March 4 of this year, John Goodrow marked 34 years as a loyal and dedicated service. With deep appreciation and respect and more than a little bit of sadness, I recently informed my staff that John has decided to retire on March 31.

At the age of 25, John came to my office scheduling appointments and events, and serving as my on-the-ground Vermont press secretary. He clipped news items in a time when they were actually cut and copied from newspapers, and John loved his typewriter. It was just a few years ago that he reluctantly let go of the typewriter in his office. Staff may have even spirited it away when he wasn't there.

He understood the importance of my travel throughout our State to meet with Vermonters, and in his bones, he knew it how meaningful it was for Marcelle and me to be home at our farmhouse in Middlesex.

He fielded the scores of scheduling requests that came to my office. And later, as my deputy State director, he has helped in overseeing an exceptionally skilled and dedicated staff.

What I also treasured was how direct John could be with me. When something was wrong, he let me know. If I was reluctant to do something he deemed important, he made his case. In our jobs, we are frequently surrounded by people who are too quick to flatter. That was never a problem with John and something I always valued.

John has been a valuable resource and coach to countless staff members and interns over the years. His institutional memory, his good judgment and steadiness of purpose, and his connections to Vermonters across our State are unmatched. His droll sense of humor, including practical jokes, and his gifted storytelling can take you back many years, including back to every one of my campaigns. And his empathy and compassion for others is a gift.

Marcelle and I value John's friendship, his loyalty, and his dedication to helping those in need. We have watched his family grow and prosper as he and Mary Ellen raised their two boys, Joe and Jamie.

While we will miss his booming voice when we walk down the hall of the Burlington office, we will take comfort in knowing that voice will continue to be heard at Centennial Field as baseball season begins anew.

Marcelle and I congratulate John for all he has accomplished, we commend

him for his service to Vermont, and we thank him for his friendship and loyal service to our State. We will miss our daily interactions with him, but we are grateful that he forever will be part of the Leahy family.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Madam President, last week the Congress passed and tomorrow the President will sign into law the American Rescue Plan Act of 2021, which includes $10 billion to respond to COVID-19 internationally. While this is a tiny fraction of the $1.9 trillion in the Rescue Plan, it is critically necessary. As long as the virus continues to spread and mutate into more transmissible and deadlier variants in other countries, it will remain a threat to Americans.

Within that amount, $580 million is included to support the U.N. Global Humanitarian Response Plan for COVID-19 through U.S. voluntary contributions to international organizations, including the World Health Organization, the World Food Programme, UNICEF, the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees, and other international organizations.

UNICEF offers critical operations and technical assistance to ministries of health and education around the world as countries continue to adapt their health and education activities to meet COVID- 19 protocols. UNICEF also focuses on strengthening risk communication and community engagement to ensure that women, children, and their families know how to prevent COVID-19; providing supplies to communities and educational and health facilities to support the prevention and treatment of COVID-19, including WASH supplies and personal protective equipment; and ensuring that children and women have continued access to basic healthcare, education, child protection, and gender-based violence services, including ensuring access to immunizations, prenatal and postnatal care, and HIV care in an environment safe from infection by the virus.

It is obvious that UNICEF has a critical role to play in the international COVID-19 response. The same can be said of the World Food Programme, UNHCR, and WHO. I am pleased that Congress was able to provide additional funding for these and other international organizations to support their lifesaving work.

Madam President, I want to associate myself with the words of the distinguished deputy leader. Nobody has said it better. Nobody could. But in the meantime, we have to get up and vote.

Madam President, I am going to put in a quorum call for just a minute, and then I will take it off.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Madam President, earlier this month, actually for the first time in--earlier last month, I should say, in February, for the first time in our Nation's history, the Senate convened as a Court of Impeachment to try a former President for a high crime and misdemeanor.

For 5 days, every Member of the Senate was here to hear presentations and arguments from an extraordinarily intelligent group of Congressmen and Congresswomen representing the House of Representatives. We also heard from counsel for former President Donald Trump. After listening to the compelling evidence presented by the House managers, I voted to convict President Trump for inciting the Capitol riots on January 6, and I will have a lot more to say about my vote to convict the former President in a later statement.

Today, though, I am going to speak about the unique role I had in this historic trial as its Presiding Officer. It is unique in the history of the Senate, and I thought for my fellow Senators and, also, for historical purposes I would like you all to know some of my feelings.

Now, I understand why some of my Republican friends were skeptical of a Democratic Senator presiding over the trial of a Republican former President. I noted the Constitution does not contemplate that the Chief Justice would preside over the impeachment trial of a former President, but I also note the impeachment process, no matter who presides, is inherently and often intensely divisive. Presidential impeachments have historically been partisan. Having a member of one particular party in the Chair presiding over the trial could understandably give some pause.

Now, as my fellow Senators know, I did not ask, I did not seek to preside over this trial, but I am occupying the constitutional office of the President pro tempore, and because I am, it was incumbent upon me to do so. A Court of Impeachment is not a civil or a criminal court; it is a constitutional court. And the President pro tempore, as a constitutional officer, has historically presided over impeachment trials of non-Presidents. As President Trump's term had expired before the trial began, the responsibility to preside over this historic trial fell to me, as it would have anybody who would have been President pro tempore. I just happened to be.

I was not going to shirk my duty. My staff and I spent hundreds of hours poring over the constitutional background of these trials. I read transcripts. I read everything. And what I found is, throughout our Nation's history, each President pro tempore has almost without exception belonged to a political party, and each has no doubt had their own personal and political views on the matters before the Senate. But when presiding over the Senate, as I go back through history, I see Presidents pro tempore have historically served as a neutral arbiter, issuing rulings where appropriate and preserving order. I consider holding the Office of the President pro tempore and the responsibilities that come with it as one of the highest honors but also one of the most serious responsibilities of my career here in the Senate.

When presiding over an impeachment trial, the President pro tempore takes an additional--not just his regular role but an additional one to do impartial justice according to the Constitution and the laws. This is an oath that I take extraordinarily seriously.

In fact, to demonstrate my commitment to preside over the trial with fairness and transparency, before the trial I wrote a letter to every single Senator and the parties to the trial. In it I made clear my intention and my solemn obligation was to conduct the trial with fairness to all. I committed to adhering to the Constitution and to applicable Senate rules, precedents, and governing resolutions.

I committed to consulting with the Senate's esteemed and nonpartisan Parliamentarian, Elizabeth MacDonough, and I committed to being guided by Senate precedent should a motion or an objection or a request or an application be put before me. I reiterated that any decision I made-- any decision I made--from the Chair would be subject to the review of the full Senate--every Democratic Senator, every Republican Senator, every Independent Senator. And I stated I would put any matter before the entire Senate in the first instance where appropriate in light of the precedents and practices of the Senate, giving all Senators an equal say in resolving the issue at the outset. I also informed all Senators, though, that I would enforce the Senate rules, and I would enforce the precedent governing decorum and do what I could to ensure the trial reflected the best traditions of the Senate.

Now, with the trial behind us, I believe I made good on those commitments. My job wasn't to shape the trial or to direct or slant it in any particular way but to make sure the rules were followed, the proceedings were fair to all parties, consistent with the will of the whole Senate, and I believe it was.

I did my best. I followed the advice of the Parliamentarian and enforced our rules and precedents. Where objections were raised, they were ultimately resolved without a vote challenging the rulings I made from the Chair.

While I never faced this situation, before the start of the trial I had decided--and I had informed the Parliamentarian of my decision-- that should a ruling of mine be appealed, I would abstain from voting as a Senator on the question of whether to sustain my own ruling. Now, I know from the Constitution and the practices and the rules of the Senate, the Presiding Officer is fully empowered to do so--to vote--and it happens routinely during legislative sessions. But in going back through all the hundreds of pages--the thousands of pages--I could not find a historical precedent for Presiding Officers doing so during impeachment trials, and I was determined to strictly adhere to precedent, even if it limited my authority as a Senator in this instance.

Now I would note that, on two occasions during the trial, I felt it was necessary to remind counsel--and I did, as did Chief Justice Roberts during President Trump's first trial--to refrain from using language that was not conducive to civil discourse. On the final day of the trial, when it got a little bit heated, I was prepared to do so in stronger terms, if needed. Yet, during closing arguments, I believe neither side gave me reason to do so.

Now, like those who presided over the three prior Presidential impeachment trials in our history, I understood each of my decisions was important historically and would become important precedents to guide those who preside over trials in the future, just as I had read and studied the precedents of past trials.

Since the conclusion of the trial, both Republican and Democratic Senators have thanked me for being fair, and I appreciate that greatly. I may have had a prominent role for this historic trial, but I was committed to not shaping it in any way. I just wanted to give voice to our institution's precedents and rules and to otherwise let the Senate determine the trial's structure and direction, to let each side present its case, and let the chips fall where they may, but let the Senate do its job.

I have now had the opportunity to sit as a judge and juror in numerous impeachment trials, including three trials of Presidents. All were historic moments for the Senate and this country.

I hold no illusion that the Senate was at its best for every moment of every trial, but each has nonetheless increased my respect for our system of government and our Constitution.

I was proud to uphold my oath as a Senator and as a Presiding Officer, my oath to do impartial justice according to our Constitution and the laws during last month's trial. There are some things I consider far more important than allegiance to any person or political party, and my commitment to the Constitution and this great institution of the Senate are listed high among them.

I have felt from the first day I came here that the Senate can be and should be the conscience of the Nation. I wanted to help make sure that conscience was upheld, and I appreciate the fact that my colleagues elected me President pro tempore and gave me this opportunity.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, consistent with Standing Rule XXVI, I ask

unanimous consent that the rules of procedure of the Committee on Appropriations for the 117th Congress be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, I would like to pay tribute to a great Vermonter, Christina Nolan, a most dedicated public servant who has served as U.S. attorney for the District of Vermont since November 2017. She will be resigning her post at the end of this month, 11 years since she first joined the U.S. Attorney's Office, but her work and the strong partnerships she forged will carry on for many years to come.

A profile of Christina recently appeared in Vermont Business Magazine under the headline ``A Born Advocate for Justice.'' And she has been just that. During her tenure, Christina worked to stem the deadly surge of heroin and fentanyl in our small State, and she has joined with Federal partners to slow the illegal trafficking of firearms. She has also used her voice to shine a spotlight on domestic violence and human trafficking, not only prosecuting critical cases but also highlighting the plight of victims who are caught in the path of such heinous crimes. Her personal approach to each and every case, signing off on every charging document in the office, as well as her commitment to victims and her dedication to upholding the rule of law are evident to anyone who has witnessed her work and her work ethic.

While Vermont's U.S. Attorney's Office is among the smallest in the country, it is fair to say that under Christina's leadership, the team has punched well above their weight. In one instance, her office set out to investigate kickbacks and fraudulent billing practices involving the electronic health records industry, unraveling a scheme that resulted in an $8 billion national settlement with Perdue Pharma, which admitted to needlessly and shamelessly promoting the prescribed use of OxyContin, a highly addictive opioid.

During her time as U.S. attorney, Christina has forged strong relationships with her partners in Federal, State and local law enforcement circles, many of whom have shared with me how much they appreciated her engagement. In the courtroom, colleagues on both sides of the bench have lauded her fairness. A Federal judge, interviewed for the aforementioned magazine profile, spoke of her ``quiet confidence'' and her ``natural courtroom presence: graceful and commanding.''

I am proud to have worked with Gov. Phil Scott to recommend Christina Nolan for the position of U.S. attorney back in 2017. She has served Vermonters very well during her tenure. Marcelle and I wish Christina and her longtime partner, Jill, and their family our very best in future endeavors.

Mr. President, I appreciate what the leader just said about COVID. It certainly reflects the feelings of people in my State that we have to get going.

But I am here on a different matter today. Since the 1780s, we have had an extraordinary list of Secretaries of the Senate. The outgoing Secretary Julie Adams is one of those extraordinary people who have been here, and I have had the distinct pleasure and honor of serving with so many.

But let me be personal for a moment. On Monday, in my role as President pro tempore, I will administer the oath of office to an amazing person, Sonceria Ann Berry. She will become the Secretary of the Senate.

This is a woman who earned her bachelor's degree in education from the University of North Alabama, and she has had so much experience in the Senate. She first worked for Senator Howell Heflin of Alabama.

I had the pleasure of serving with Senator Heflin--as I found when I would travel to Alabama with him, he usually would be greeted with ``Hello, Judge.'' He was a man who had an extraordinary sense of how the Senate worked but made very clear to me how much he relied on Ann Berry. She worked with other good friends of mine: Senator Pat Moynihan, whose office was right down the hall from mine, and Senator Edwards and Senator Carper. She took time out from her duties in my office to help stand up Senator Jones' office.

She came to the Leahy office in 2007, and she worked with my chief of staff, J.P. Dowd. They gave such leadership to my office, and I have found that almost daily, I would stick my head into Ann's office and say: Here is the situation; what do you think we should do here or there? I knew what a go-to in the Senate she had been for generations of staffers, a mentor to dozens of young staffers and interns. I have also said over and over again that we Senators are merely a constitutional impediment to our staffs. Well, this impediment was delighted he could go to Ann Berry and seek help and advice.

I think of her and her family--Reginald, her wonderful husband, and her daughter, Elizabeth, whom I have had a chance to see grow up to become a young woman who is distinguishing herself working here in the Senate.

I also think of her sayings, like ``This, too, shall pass'' or ``I may have been born at night, but I wasn't born last night.'' ``There is more than one way to skin a cat,'' or sometimes when we had been here late into the night, she says, ``Nothing good happens after midnight.'' But with her, everything good happened.

I think of the Senate and all of us in it, in a way, as a family. Over my years here, I have become more and more aware of that. But Ann Berry truly was. I don't know how many times somebody working in my office would have an issue--not just the professionals things; she was always there to answer those and give direction. They would go in and say, ``You know, I have had this thing that has been troubling me'' and know that they could get wonderful advice but also advice in confidence.

I will admit that my grandchildren, my wife and I think the world of her. We do have one grandchild, now 15, but

for the last few years, he would be in my office, and he would say, ``I want to go leave a note for Miss Ann,'' and young Patrick would go and leave notes for her. It is a kind of family.

I think the world of our majority leader. When he told me that he wanted to appoint Ann Berry as Secretary of the Senate, I told him I will forgive him this once only because of her extraordinary capabilities.

I will speak more about her next week, but one thing that is going to give me pride because of who it involves is that on Monday, as President pro tempore, I will administer the oath of office to the extraordinary Ann Berry, and I will do it as one of the proudest moments since I have been here.

I yield the floor.

Madam President, for more than a year, our country has been in the grip of an unprecedented health and economic catastrophe.

It was January, if we recall, of last year when the first confirmed case of COVID-19 was found in our country. Since then, more than 444,000 of our fellow citizens have died, more than 26 million have been infected, millions have lost their jobs, and every day there are another thousands more deaths.

A year ago, former President Trump boasted--just think of this. This is just a year ago. He said that there were only 15 COVID-19 cases in this country, and he said that soon the number would be zero.

For months, he told the American people there was nothing to worry about. Nothing to worry about? Tell the 26 million who have been infected, the nearly half a million who have died, because it is obvious to anyone paying attention to the country's public health experts that, unfortunately, he had no idea what he was talking about. But, of course, he wasn't interested in what anyone else had to say.

All of us can see so many unforgiveable mistakes, so many missed opportunities in dealing with this virus that we and the world are now facing a calamity unlike anything in modern history.

The last administration, rather than unite the country against the virus, chastised people for wearing masks. They vilified Governors who tried to stop the spread of the virus. Former President Trump said it would disappear ``like magic.''

Over the summer we lost even more time with the inexplicable decision to take a ``pause'' and delay further COVID relief. That was precious time that could have been spent trying to get the pandemic under control. Time was wasted while the virus spread and mutated, and now we are dealing with multiple variants, some of which are more easily transmissible and possibly more deadly.

The previous administration's handling of this disease was a monumental, unforgiveable failure of leadership. Tens of thousands of Americans would be alive today if the Trump administration had done their job or, at the very least, stopped making it impossible for the people who wanted to do their job. Historians are going to judge him harshly. That was then. Our job now is to rally behind a President who understands the seriousness and urgency of what we are facing.

The $1.9 trillion package proposed by President Biden is the kind of bold, comprehensive proposal we have needed since last spring. I felt privileged to sit with him this morning, along with other Senators, and discuss it, because we know the President's plan would provide the resources to mount a national vaccination program, safely open our schools, restore American global leadership, and provide direct support to the people in need.

Now, everybody here wants to reopen our economy, but we can't do that if we don't defeat the virus. President Biden understands that. He also understands that as long as the virus is spreading anywhere, it threatens people everywhere. That is why we need a global response.

As incoming chairman of the Senate Appropriations Committee, I am committed to supporting the President's proposal expeditiously. The American people have endured enough despair, sickness, and death due to the incompetence of the previous administration.

I also share President Biden's desire to make this a bipartisan process. He and I served together in this body, and I know he wants to do that. But the price of bipartisanship cannot be a package that falls far short of meeting the needs of the American people.

There were painful consequences for delaying another broad relief package between April and December of last year, even though many of us wanted to bring it to the floor of the Senate, and now there are reasons why States today don't have the quantity of vaccines they need, why our schools are being closed, why millions are out of work, and why the virus is spreading out of control. Valuable time was squandered. Countless people suffered and died as a result.

So I certainly cannot accept a piecemeal approach or months of further delay. The clock is ticking. In mid-March, key benefits that millions of Americans are relying on to survive will begin to lapse. We can't allow a self-inflicted wound to make their lives even worse.

Now, I am glad to see several of my friends from the other side of the aisle bring forth their own plan, but I am afraid the plan they have shown so far shortchanges America in critical ways. It provides little of the resources needed to reopen schools. It doesn't include money for State and local governments that are on the frontlines fighting this virus. And those State and local governments have been forced to lay off more than 1 million people since March. It cuts direct payments t struggling families from $1,400 to $1,000. If you are one of those struggling families, it not only hurts, it can be devastating.

And their proposal completely ignores what every single public health expert knows: If we don't help the lower income countries protect their people, we cannot defeat the virus. This is a global pandemic, and as long as it is spreading in Central America and Africa and Asia, the virus and more deadly variants will find their way here. We learned that when we got together and fought Ebola when it was only an airplane flight away. Well, these strains are popping up all over the world. We have to work with other countries.

So I am hopeful there may be a bipartisan path forward, but I am not going to concede any tools at our disposal that can deliver the relief that the American people need--the relief long overdue.

I support the budget resolution that has been introduced. It put us on a path to passing a COVID relief package through the budget reconciliation process, and there is no reason a reconciliation bill can't be bipartisan. We have passed at least 17 bipartisan reconciliation bills since 1980 on behalf of the American people, and I welcome any Republican who would like to discuss where we could reach a compromise.

But let us not forget for a moment we are in the midst of a public health emergency, and right now the virus is winning. We are not winning; the virus is winning. So we can't waste months, like we did last year, negotiating a plan that fails to mount an effective response to the virus or to fully respond to the economic havoc it is causing.

We need quick action. We need a bold and comprehensive plan to fight the virus. We need to get people back to work so our economy can recover. That is what President Biden proposed.

You know, there is greater danger in doing too little than in doing too much. Secretary Yellen stated it so well when she recently stated, ``The smartest thing we can do is act big.''

It has been more than a year since this disease arrived in our country. It was never going to just ``disappear.'' Viruses never do that. So there is no excuse for dragging our feet. Let's all support the bold package proposed by President Biden for the American people. I know I will.

I see the distinguished Senator from Ohio on the floor, so I yield to him.

Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to speak in morning business.

Madam President, as you know, as you walk around the Capitol these last couple of weeks, you have to notice the changes. Quiet views of the Capitol, the seat of our government, are obstructed by fences topped with barbed wire and servicemembers on patrol at every corner, every entrance, and every gateway. These servicemembers, men and women of our National Guard, are our neighbors. They are our coworkers. They are members of our family. They are called away from home, many of which volunteered to come here to the Nation's Capitol to protect the very heart of democracy. They deserve our thanks. They deserve our gratitude. They deserve our unwavering support.

With over 25,000 members of the Guard from every State, territory, and District of Columbia present in Washington to protect our time- honored traditions, there is no greater representation of the best of America here as we carry out the people's business. I am grateful to them for their service.

Now, 2 weeks ago, I had the pleasure of visiting and thanking some members of Vermont's own National Guard--Lieutenant Colonel Day, along with Captain Lahr, and First Sergeant Stewart from Bravo Troop of Vermont's renowned Mountain Calvary Battalion. They welcomed me and introduced me to a contingent of the Vermonters present.

Now, through their deployment, they are asked to face challenges at a moment's notice. They use the training and the teamwork that has always helped them succeed in Vermont and overseas. They met those challenges, and they exceeded those challenges.

Like all National Guard units when they deploy, these Vermonters came to the District with deep ties back to our communities and the families and employers that make their service possible.

I am privileged to be the cochair of the Senate National Guard Caucus. I have heard, time and again, firsthand testimony from members of the Guard that that hometown connection is the glue that makes what they do possible. We are grateful to their families, their communities, and their employers too. But that can be said about every Senator here, including our distinguished Presiding Officer.

The Vermont Guard members I talked to carried with them the support of Vermont communities, especially from Southern Vermont, where Bravo Troop's armory is located. To give you an idea of how they are part of the community, the deployment was led by the vice principal of Brattleboro Union High School. It included the cousin of one of my staffers. It was filled with soldiers with connections and stories that make up the culture and community I proudly call home--Vermont. A similar story could be told about the communities represented in the units from every State and territory. I am especially grateful because most of the soldiers from Vermont are going to deploy overseas later this year. Everyone that came down this January volunteered to be here.

So much has been asked of the National Guard these last 3 months, from the COVID-19 response to several disturbances this summer, to safeguarding the Nation's Capitol--all of it on top of regular training and deployment schedules.

To the men and women of the National Guard from every State and territory and the District of Columbia, we appreciate the immense contributions you have made to our country today and every day. You are real patriots. You are real heroes, and democracy thanks you.

Madam President, on another matter to bring to our leaders, you know, I first came to this Capitol when I was a teenager with my parents. We came down from Vermont. I remember looking around and walking through it, thinking what a privilege it was just to walk here. And then, during my years at Georgetown Law School, I would come here often just to see it, just to watch it, and to walk up the Mall and look at the Capitol and say: That is democracy.

I never thought I would work here, but I have now for a number of years.

I found the assault on and the defilement of the U.S. Capitol mere weeks ago was an attack on the bedrock of our democratic institutions right here in the citadel of our democracy.

The toll that this insurrection has taken and will take on our great Nation will be felt for so long. In addition to the physical damage done, there is a human toll that this attack has taken on the lives lost and the injuries suffered by so many brave officers of the Capitol Police.

I was both in this Chamber and in the House Chamber during the time this attack unfolded. The next morning, I recorded some of the lingering physical damage to this building in several photographs that I made.

But the attack also is about things you can't photograph, the unseen scars in the Capitol community--the staff members and the Capitol employees who work every day to help make our Capitol Building function as it needs to function. Most Members of Congress were also roiled by this attack. It has shaken all of us.

Chad Pergram of FOX News has written an essay that captures this heavy toll on the people who work in the Capitol. I was so moved when I read his essay.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the essay by Chad Pergram written on January 31, 2021

With that, Madam President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.