Floor Statements

Mr. President, I rise to address the situation facing refugees from Afghanistan who were resettled in Vermont and who, like Afghan refugees in other States, the Trump administration is now threatening to deport.

Vermont is home to more than 650 Afghans who risked their lives to support the U.S. mission in Afghanistan. They have been welcomed by our communities. They are growing our workforce and tax base and contributing to our economy. A statewide nonprofit in Vermont, the Vermont Afghan Alliance, which is largely led by Afghans, helps reunite these Afghans with their families and assists other Afghan refugees when they arrive. They are one of several groups in Vermont doing incredible work to resettle Afghans. These individuals risked their lives for our government, and they did everything we asked of them. And now, they have become valued members of our communities.

The U.S. withdrawal in 2021 was chaotic, but the Afghans who fled did so because of a very real fear of persecution. No one can question that. Afghans who had worked with the U.S. military and intelligence community were taken to the airport in Kabul to help secure it before being allowed on a plane. They were told to leave their wives and children behind, assured that their families would come later. They feared for their lives. These individuals

had been subjected to rigorous vetting at the time of employment with the U.S. military or intelligence community, and many were vetted again in a third country by an interagency vetting process before coming to the United States.

Once in the United States, they were vetted again when applying for an immigration benefit. They were vetted yet again when interviewed by a USCIS officer in the U.S., and in adjusting immigration status. So our Afghan allies are some of the most thoroughly vetted members of our immigrant community. In fact, they may be the most extensively vetted foreign population in U.S. history.

The vetting is exhaustive, it has spanned years, conducted by multiple Agencies and administrations. It has included turning over cell phones to the FBI, providing every address resided at since birth, notification of every biometric exam taken in their lifetimes, and detailed information about the occupations and addresses of family and extended family members.

But as extensive as the vetting was and is, we know that no vetting process is 100 percent foolproof. No one can predict with absolute certainty that a person--regardless of nationality--who is cleared today won't commit a crime years later.

The horrific, targeted shooting of two members of the West Virginia National Guard on November 26--by an Afghan refugee who was reportedly trained by the CIA--was a terrible crime for which the person responsible should and will be brought to justice.

President Trump's use of that tragedy to go after a minority community has become a hallmark of this administration's hostile attitude toward immigrants and refugees. Even though it was the Trump administration that vetted the accused most recently prior to granting him asylum, President Trump has called for re-vetting all refugees who arrived under President Biden. This includes people from Afghanistan and 18 other countries, some of whom also reside in Vermont. The President has halted resettlement, paused all asylum applications, and called for the removal of anyone deemed a risk.

The fact that an Afghan has been charged with this heinous crime is tragic, but it is no more reasonable to label the entire Afghan refugee community, as well as those from 18 other countries, a security risk than it would be to label all Vermonters a security risk because of the act of one individual who a year ago shot three Palestinian students walking down a street in Burlington. It is wrong to accuse a whole population, whether on religious, racial, ethnic, or other grounds, for the abhorrent act of one individual.

I want to convey my condolences to the family of the West Virginians who were targeted, one of whom, Sarah Beckstrom, died while serving her country. She was only 20 years old and had a promising life ahead of her.

At the same time, I want to express my appreciation to the Afghans who supported our ill-fated mission in Afghanistan, at great risk to themselves, and who as a result had to abandon their country and their families to seek safety in the United States. Five years later, many of them are still waiting to be reunited with their families. Our communities are better for their presence among us.

Mr. President, I thank my esteemed colleague from Louisiana.

The United States is on the brink of a war, a war of regime change in Venezuela. President Trump has amassed an armada of U.S. warships, fighter planes, and Special Forces off the coast of Venezuela.

Around 15,000 military personnel are in the region, and that includes Special Forces, marines, and specialized units. Reports indicate that 13 warships are operating in the Caribbean right now, and that includes the USS Gerald Ford carrier group and several amphibious assault ships. And more than 100 advanced aircraft have been deployed and are being deployed. That includes F-35s from the Vermont Air National Guard.

The President has also deployed combat rescue units, the types of specialists that can rescue pilots who are down in hostile territory. And the President himself has said that the attack could come very soon.

So the question is, Why are our warships, a carrier group, and support assets in the Caribbean? They are not there for drug interdiction. The reason they are there is obvious, and it is even acknowledged.

President Trump wants Maduro gone. He wants regime change. The President has said himself that Maduro's days ``are numbered.''

His Chief of Staff, Susie Wiles, said that the President ``wants to keep on blowing boats up until Maduro cries uncle, and people way smarter than me on that say that he will.''

When Secretary Rubio was asked a few weeks ago if the Venezuelan Government should be concerned about the massive military buildup in the Caribbean he said that ``they don't have a government. There's an illegitimate regime that's basically a narcotrafficking organization that's empowered itself.''

All of us revile Maduro. He is a tyrant. He has tortured and jailed political opponents. His policies have bankrupted his very wealthy country, driving millions of Venezuelans to flee their homes.

Yet we face two questions: First, should the United States go to war for the purpose of changing a regime we despise?

Second, can the President--any President--through his unilateral actions, plunge our country into a war for the purpose of changing regimes and do that without coming to this Congress for approval under the War Powers Act?

We have had experience with wars to change regimes we despise. The Iraq war was sold confidently by its promoters as a simple operation. Our troops would be welcomed as liberators. We remember that, and we know how that ended. True, it only took weeks for America's superior firepower to topple Saddam Hussein's regime.

But that was only the beginning. The war in Iraq unleashed decades of instability, ushering in revolutionary, violent, Islamic insurgencies across the region. And, of course, the war in Afghanistan took only a handful of Special Forces troops and targeted airstrikes to lead to the quick fall of the Taliban regime. But it also dragged our country and many of our allies into our longest war, fighting a 20-year insurgency.

In each case, it was easy to topple the regime, but what followed was tremendously terrible for our soldiers and our taxpayers. Those wars cost the United States and our allies the lives of 10,000 of our brave soldiers. It cost us trillions of dollars, and we are still paying for that.

The Executive has two obligations, and the Congress must demand compliance. First, the administration owes us transparency.

In the buildup of our military presence, the administration has ordered the extrajudicial killings of nearly 100 civilians in international waters. That they were alleged drug dealers or drug couriers does not give the President the authority to direct the military to attack.

The administration has provided absolutely no information to Congress about these attacks, who was killed, or the basis of the attacks; nor has it released the video of the recent attack in which survivors were killed in a second strike; nor has the administration made public the classified legal opinion upon which it relies to justify its actions.

Members of Congress, including me, have had an opportunity to read that opinion, which I found woefully unconvincing. But since it was classified, I can't discuss it. My view, release that opinion to the American people. My view, release that video to the American people.

Second, as the President masses our forces for a war, as he and his associates have explicitly stated, it is one in which their goal would be the elimination of the Maduro regime. The President refuses to come to Congress and seek congressional approval for a military action, as is required under the War Powers Act.

All of us--all of us as elected Members of the U.S. Senate--have vested in us under the Constitution, article I, the responsibility and exclusive authority to declare war. Let us all accept our duty and demand that the Executive be transparent, be accountable, and comply with the provisions of the War Powers Act and come to Congress for our approval of the military action that is clearly underway.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, reserving the right to object, first of all, what is important for me to acknowledge is that Senator Risch on the Foreign Relations Committee has done excellent work on making certain we don't get taxpayer dollars to the Taliban.

I also want to acknowledge my appreciation for the service of the Senator from Montana and his wife in protecting us against terrorist activity.

Let me explain why I object, because my objection is not for the purpose of keeping money out of the Taliban. That objective I support.

What I don't support is a bill that is written in a way where aid and humanitarian organizations that are spending money they raise to do work we support--and that is to protect women and children who are subject to the vicious conduct of the Taliban--that they will be cut off from being able to do their work.

The reality is, for some of these NGOs, if they have to pay an electric bill, then the bill, as drafted, would mean they are not able to do their work.

So when you have an aid organization that is dedicated to trying to help girls and women from the oppression, who are from the Afghan people, who are the victims of the Taliban authoritarianism, and even paying an electric utility bill, even paying a water bill would mean that organization is shut down and can't do the good work that I believe the majority of us, if not all of us, in the Senate would support--because our concern is the well-being of the people of Afghanistan, and our objection is to the authoritarian and violent rule of the Taliban.

So this bill, as drafted, would interfere with legitimate work that would do good for the people in Afghanistan, especially women and girls, who are the victims of the Taliban. Our government is not sending money to the Taliban. That was discontinued under President Trump.

Our government is not sending money to American NGOs or NGOs in governments that are our allies. So what this bill is doing is trying to ensure that money that is sent to help Afghan women and children and other vulnerable people is not siphoned off to indirectly support the Taliban. That is a worthy objective, but it is overly broad in how it is written.

So it would literally mean that NGOs that are doing work that we support can't be done. And for that reason, I do object.

You know, we have got to keep in mind that the Taliban is our adversary, but there are over 3 million Afghans who have lost access to health services.

There are many Afghans who served with our military and to whom we owe a debt of gratitude. They saved, in many cases, the lives of men and women who served in the military. And among the people who have been the biggest advocates for the Afghan people, as opposed to the Taliban, are many of our brave soldiers who have served in Afghanistan.

So the objection here is based on how the bill is written, how it is overly broad and will have the effect of stopping good work that does good things for oppressed people. That is the reason that I want to assert my objection to this legislation.

Mr. President, I rise to speak about the ongoing and often forgotten civil war and humanitarian crisis taking place in Burma, which impacts the broader Southeast Asia region. We should all be outraged by the horrific crimes against humanity perpetrated by the Burmese military

against the Rohingya and other Burmese minority groups.

The fallout from the Burmese military's February 2021 coup and jailing of State Counsellor and Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi continues to roil the country. Ethnic minority groups within Burma, which had long been at odds with the Burmese military junta, saw the ousting of Suu Kyi as a prelude to greater repression, and took up arms against the junta, in collaboration with the ``People's Defense Forces'' of the government in exile.

The violent conflict between opposition groups and the Burmese junta has caused immense suffering of Burmese civilians, primarily due to displacement and military bombing campaigns, targeting civilians as retribution for rebel gains on the battlefield.

The Burmese people are no stranger to displacement. A decade ago, Burma's military junta engaged in a violent persecution of the Rohingya minority, forcing 1.5 million people to flee to Bangladesh and Thailand. A recent investigation by the United Nations concluded the 2017 attacks were a ``coordinated and organized operation'' to strip the Rohingya of their land rights within the country. In 2022, the State Department officially determined that these actions constituted a genocide.

Today, refugees from the conflict in Burma, both Rohingya and members of other minority groups, face an even more dire situation. Amnesty International reports that the Arakan Army, one of the ethnic armed organizations controlling parts of Burma, is continuing to displace the Rohingya. Many other Burmese citizens are fleeing bombardment by junta artillery and warplanes. Despite these horrors, many countries are now refusing to accept any Burmese refugees--including, regrettably, the United States, which recently banned all travel to the U.S. by Burmese citizens following an executive order from President Trump.

Rather than slamming the door, the Trump administration should reverse this misguided decision and allow Burmese refugees who have a credible fear of persecution to seek refuge in the United States. The United States should also increase aid to the Burmese people and support for democratic forces within the country, strengthening the opposition's position in potential negotiations with the junta for an end to the conflict. Trump administration aid cuts, including in the aftermath of a devastating earthquake that hit the country earlier this year, contravene the express purposes of the bipartisan BURMA Act. I recently cosigned signed a letter to Secretary Rubio with eight of my Senate colleagues calling for the Trump administration to make Burma a diplomatic priority in the coming months.

Mr. President, 4 years ago, on February 4, 2022, Vladimir Putin initiated his full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The question that Ukraine faced then was this: Could they defend themselves? Could Ukraine hold against a far more powerful enemy?

Most thought the answer to that was no, including our own Central Intelligence Agency that predicted that Kyiv would fall in a matter of weeks.

The questions the United States faced at that time were: Would we choose, the United States of America, to aid a sovereign country that was defending itself from a brutal attack by an aggressor? Would the United States remain steadfast with our European allies in defending a world where borders cannot be changed by force, where nations do not invade and seize territory of their weaker neighbors, and where might does not make right?

Nearly 4 years later, we face the same question today. We faced that question within those 4 years. We have seen the bravery, the resilience, and the effectiveness of the Ukrainian people who are standing up to the Putin aggression. What Ukraine has done is create the largest army in Europe. With approximately 1 million in arms, what the Ukrainians have done is build a remarkably adaptive military fighting machine with innovation that would rival Silicon Valley. Long- range Ukrainian-designed drones and cruise missiles are now striking thousands of miles into Russia against oil facilities and strategic air force bases. Ukrainians have changed naval warfare. With their stealthy naval drones, they have pushed the feared Russian Navy out of Crimea.

Ukraine is now producing close to 100 percent of its own drones. More than 200 new homegrown Ukrainian tech startups are producing millions of drones annually, all while they are being bombarded by Russia.

Also, we have seen in those 4 years that our European allies have stood strong and rallied to help Ukraine. In many cases, the European countries together, on a per capita basis, have contributed more to Ukraine than even the United States. While it is true that the United States has been, by far, the largest single nation contributor, Europe overall, our allies, have contributed more in both military aid and financial aid.

Even our own defense has benefited. We have now two new allies in NATO, Sweden and Finland--also, the contributions of our allies. Denmark gave Ukraine advanced F-16s that are shooting down Russian drones and cruise missiles. Italy gave Ukraine critical air defense missiles and artillery systems. Greece is contributing to regional economic integration by signing an agreement just last month to supply American LNG to Ukraine. These are just a few of the coordinated actions taken by the United States and its allies.

On the other hand, when we see what Russia has done, what Putin has done, we see that Putin's war plan is to directly target civilians, including innocent women and children, and send soldiers into the meat grinder of certain

death where there have been, by many reports, over a million casualties.

Last week, Putin launched over 600 drones against civilians in Kyiv on a single night, and the objective was to kill civilians, especially women and children. Not since the Blitz of London in 1940 has a European capital faced such a ruthless campaign of airborne terror that was directed at civilians.

Next to me here is a photograph of the graves of three children from a single family who were killed by Putin's campaign of terror. These kids were among the more than 600 Ukrainian children who were killed recently by Russian strikes. Three graves. Parents, neighbors--everyone knows that their kids could be next.

On this question of the United States coming to the aid of Ukraine, I want to acknowledge the leadership of many of my Republican colleagues, especially Senator McConnell, who stood firmly and immediately in favor of protecting Ukraine and standing up for American principles; Senator Wicker, our Armed Services Committee chair; and others, a few of whom I mentioned.

It was under Republican leadership and support that the Senate passed the Ukraine Invasion War Crimes Deterrence and Accountability Act into law. And that law states explicitly that it is ``under the direction of President Putin'' that the Russian military has committed war crimes, including targeting of civilians, killing noncombatants, deportation of civilians, and hostage-taking.

Recently, it was reported that the Russians have made some incremental gains in the past few months. But the reality is that the Russian troops are creeping forward at the cost of thousands of Russian casualties. According to some reports, Russia has suffered up to a million casualties in the Ukrainian battlefield.

Putin is completely indifferent to the suffering of his own people and the violence he is inflicting on innocent people in Ukraine. And after the thousands of Iranian drones launched every week by Russia at Ukrainian civilians, they don't really point to military effectiveness. They point to military desperation on the part of Russia.

Ineffective on the battlefield, the Putin war plan is to target civilians and try to wear down Ukraine's morale. But I can tell you, last week, I was on a bipartisan delegation led by Senator Rounds and Senator Shaheen at the Halifax Security Conference, and we heard directly from Ukrainian members of Parliament. They are fighting. It is hard, but they are not giving up. The question before us is not whether Ukraine will persevere; it is whether the U.S. support will persevere.

I believe--I think many of us in this body believe--that we must stand firm against Putin and his lawless aggression. And if he is successful in Ukraine, he will be emboldened to continue his march through Moldova and America's Baltic and Nordic allies on Russia's borders: Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Finland, Sweden, and Norway.

Some asked if can we afford to continue to support Ukraine. My view: We can't afford not to. But also, when you look at the economic cost, which is real, it is modest. It is about 0.2 percent of our gross domestic product. Is that such a large amount of money that we can't invest it for the security of our country and our allies in Western Europe, which we fought for in World War II?

The question before this U.S. Senate right now is not whether Ukraine is going to hang in there and fight. They proved again and again that they will hang in and fight. If Ukraine won't falter in that fight, the United States must also persevere.

In addition to us continuing our support, there are three pieces of legislation that we could take up on this floor that would make a significant difference right away: No. 1 is the bill led by Senator Graham and Senator Blumenthal. It has 85 cosponsors, and it would impose sanctions to stop customers like India and China and Brazil from buying Russian oil. And the argument Senator Graham makes that I think is very compelling is, you go after the customers, and you squeeze the finances of the Russian war machine. We have 85 cosponsors. Let's take it up, and let's pass it.

The second bill--the State Sponsor of Terrorism bill designation for Russia--is related to the fact that Russia did something that is absolutely unconscionable: They kidnapped children. Over 20,000 kids have been taken hostage and delivered to other families in the occupied territories and in Russia itself. That is so unimaginable. Let's go at that directly.

Third, let's take up legislation here similar to legislation pending in Europe where Russian assets--about $5 billion in this country, about $300 million in the European Union--are seized and are used for the reconstruction of Ukraine since the aggressor, Russia, is the acting party that did all that damage.

I believe we must renew our commitment to the Ukrainian people. I believe we must stay the course. This year, we are celebrating the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II, when the United States advanced a foreign policy principle that borders cannot be changed by force. We have seen decades of unprecedented prosperity, and we have seen decades without another World War conflagration.

We have an opportunity today to stand up and protect that legacy for this century by recommitting to the Ukrainian people that we will stand in support of that principle, in support of their freedom, and in support of our security.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, for those of us who have long supported U.S. diplomatic leadership in pursuit of a secure, democratic Israel alongside a demilitarized, independent Palestinian state, the protection of due process and the rule of law has central importance.

Equal access to justice is essential for lasting peace in the Middle East. Today, I voice a concern shared by many of my colleagues: the incarceration, prosecution, and punishment of Palestinian children in the Israeli military justice system.

As a former public defender and member of the Judiciary Committee's Subcommittee on the Constitution, which has jurisdiction over human rights, I have a perspective on the way justice systems should treat children. To put it categorically, civilians, and especially children, should not be prosecuted in military courts. It is analogous to how I feel about child soldiers; children should not be recruited or allowed to serve in the armed forces.

The reasons should be obvious. Civilians are, by definition, noncombatants. Military justice systems lack independence and routinely fall short in providing the fundamental protections of due process and a fair trial that exist in the civilian justice system and which are rooted in international law.

Israel, however, automatically and systematically prosecutes Palestinian civilians in the West Bank in Israeli military courts under Israeli military law. These courts lack impartiality and transparency, as military court judges and military court prosecutors are active or reserve duty officers in the Israeli military and subject to the chain of command.

To make the process even less credible, in the West Bank Israeli military law only applies to the Palestinian population, while Israeli citizens have the benefit of the protections of Israeli civil law and courts. This double standard is glaringly inconsistent with the principle of equal justice that is foundational to a democracy.

According to numerous credible reports, Palestinian children are frequently arrested in their homes by heavily armed Israeli soldiers. They are bound, blindfolded, and often beaten in military vehicles during transport before arriving at an Israeli police station for interrogation, which is often located in an Israeli settlement. They are routinely interrogated alone without the presence of a family member or attorney and often threatened with physical violence if they don't confess.

Nearly half of the approximately 350 Palestinian children currently detained by Israel are in administrative detention. Most have not been formally charged or brought to trial. When they are charged in military courts, they are overwhelmingly accused of throwing rocks. Rarely are they accused of causing injury or significant property damage. Generally, there is no evidence-gathering process by Israeli authorities for children who are charged in the military courts, so the crux of the case is the child's confession or a signature on a document in Hebrew they don't understand. There can also be an affidavit from an arresting soldier or intelligence officer or an incriminating statement made against the child by another child who was also arrested and accused in connection with the same alleged incident.

Only a small percentage of Palestinian children in the military courts are released on bail. Custodial pre-trial--and often pre- charge--detention is the norm. Almost all prosecutions of children in military courts are resolved with plea agreements, which are the fastest way for a Palestinian child to be released from detention. Entering a not guilty plea is rare, and contesting a charge in the military courts means legal proceedings can be long and drawn out. To put it bluntly, punishment, not justice, is the goal of the military courts. The system is stacked unfairly against the child defendant, whose family is not even allowed to be present during court hearings, so irrespective of the facts or the reliability of the confession, pleading guilty in return for the shortest time in jail--which can still mean weeks or months or even years--is the norm.

I think of Mohammed Ibrahim, a Palestinian American who was detained for nearly 10 months after being arrested at the age of 15 in his home at 3 in the morning by heavily armed Israeli soldiers. He described being bound and beaten while being transported and threatened while being interrogated without the presence of a family member or an attorney. U.S. Embassy officials who visited him most recently in November described obvious deterioration in his mental and physical condition.

Mohammed's case fits the pattern, except that he is an American citizen. Putting aside that his confession may have been coerced, even if everything he was accused of--throwing stones that caused no harm-- were true, it is unconscionable that he was abused and detained for months. He was deprived of adequate food and reportedly lost a third of his body weight. Senator Van Hollen, I, and other Members of Congress repeatedly raised concerns about him, and thankfully, on Thanksgiving Day, he was released. It is now the Israeli Government's obligation to hold accountable the soldiers who beat him and the jailers who mistreated him.

Israeli authorities have defended this inherently flawed and discriminatory system as a necessary response to an ongoing state of hostilities. There are at least three problems with that argument:

First, these are children. Children do not belong in military detention or military courts, and the fact that they are caught in the middle of a decades-long conflict doesn't change that. A child does not become an armed combatant deserving of prosecution and punishment in the military justice system because of throwing a stone that causes no injury. Yet that is the reality for Palestinian children in the West Bank.

Second, administrative detention, compounded by physical and psychological abuse and humiliation of Palestinian detainees and the lack of due process that is endemic in the military justice system, have long-lasting impacts on a child. They have difficulty re-entering and continuing school, face increased restriction on freedom of movement, disruptions to family life, behavior and mental health issues, and it fuels resentment and hatred.

And third, Israeli settlers routinely and increasingly engage in provocations, threats, and violence--sometime deadly violence--against Palestinians with impunity. These attacks and gratuitous destruction and theft of Palestinian property are often observed and tolerated by IDF soldiers. This too fuels hatred and more violence.

Absent a legitimate claim of self-defense, violence is wrong no matter who engages in it. But the incarceration, prosecution, and punishment of Palestinian children by Israeli military prosecutors and judges should stop. It is a flagrant violation of international law. It perpetuates an indefensible double standard of tiers of justice based on ethnicity, religion, and nationality. And by fomenting hatred, it makes Israel less secure.

Finally, it should stop because it reflects badly on the United States. The Israel Defense Forces are a major recipient of U.S. aid, and the United States should not explicitly or implicitly condone a flawed system of justice that systematically abuses and violates the rights of Palestinian children.

Mr. President, I want to thank my colleague the Senator from Kansas, and I wanted to join him in drinking a glass of whole milk. My only regret is it is not Vermont milk, but I have got to tell you the best milk is made in Vermont.

Thank you very much.

As the Senator was saying, this is a very serious thing in two ways. No. 1, we have to have good nutrition for our kids, and the Senator from Kansas has outlined why milk is so good.

Of course, I remember growing up and going to grammar school, and I looked forward to milk. We had milk breaks, and it made a difference to pay attention in those afternoon classes and to be active in your sports activities right after that.

The second reason is that the dairy farming industry is not so much an industry as it is a way of life, and in Vermont, the hardest working people we have are our dairy farmers. It is a hard, hard job, but it is one where families have done it from generation to generation.

There is enormous pride in being custodians of the landscape and caring for the animals and the herd, and in providing nutritious milk for the community. And there is a lot of pressure on our farmers. This whole milk bill is an acknowledgment of the extraordinary contribution that the dairy farmers in the State of Vermont make to the entire State of Vermont and that the dairy farmers in America make to all of America, including, of course, those wonderful dairy farmers in the great State of Kansas.

Now, on this bill, we have had incredible cooperation from our Senators, who have raised a very important concern: Some people are lactose intolerant. They can't drink milk. And the way the legislation was written--but, actually, because of something that went back to the Truman years--there is some suggestion that is a disability.

I want to thank Senator Alsobrooks, who is here, for bringing this to our attention, along with Senator Warnock, in working with us to try to get through this so that there is no question about this being a ``disability.'' This is about folks who can drink milk having access to milk, and it is about honoring our dairy farmers for the work that they do.

I am really happy to be here with my colleague. I understand Senator Alsobrooks may have some questions, and I will yield to her for that purpose.

Mr. President, I want to thank Senator Alsobrooks, as usual she is right, and there are two points. One is we want to make certain that the parents have the ability, on behalf of their children, to choose an alternative that is best for their kids. So this is not about forcing people to drink milk or depriving parents of the responsibility and power they have to make certain that their kids are healthy. So thank you so much, Senator Alsobrooks, for that.

And then, secondly, the lactose intolerance point the Senator makes is valid, and that is why I am enthusiastically looking forward to working with her, so we make certain there is no stigma associated with a person who is lactose intolerant.

So thank you so much for your cooperation on this, Senator, and you have my commitment to work with you to try to resolve what is an anomaly and shouldn't be there.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I am here to speak about the urgent need for the Trump administration to release $4 billion in LIHEAP funding. LIHEAP, as you know, is the low-income plan. It is absolutely critical that that money be distributed to the States so the States can distribute it to the citizens who need it. We are in the cold weather season and getting money out after the cold weather season does not help keep people warm.

LIHEAP funding enjoys broad support, and that is because, in the Presiding Officer's State and in mine, folks in the winter who are on the margins financially, literally, can't get by unless they have access to this funding.

So here we are, the heating season is upon us, and the LIHEAP funding is stuck and not being distributed.

This is an absolute responsibility of the Trump administration, and there is no--no--excuse for withholding the funding. It just means that people who are cold are going to be cold and terrified, and they have no confidence about their ability to stay warm.

It is getting cold in Vermont. You know, most families who use LIHEAP funding, they make about 150 percent of the poverty level, that is about $23,000 a year. You know, the cost of home heating fuel is between 3 and 4 bucks a gallon, right now. That help is essential.

In Vermont, around 26,000 people rely on LIHEAP to afford heat. And by the way, for folks in the warm weather

parts of our country, it helps on air-conditioning, which is vital. And as the Presiding Officer knows, the number of people who are dying of heat exposure has been increasing, alarmingly. So this is the call to the Trump administration: Do your job.

Now, Secretary Kennedy has a legal responsibility to disburse the current LIHEAP funding, and it is illegal for him to withhold those funds as well as really pretty cruel.

The reality is that this summer we in Congress came together, on a bipartisan basis, to increase and to pass the $4 billion in funding for the program. And, again, I emphasize, it is not a red State, blue State deal. It is not a Republican, Democratic deal. It is a person who is in a home, doesn't have money, and is cold. That is what it is about.

So I am calling on President Trump and Secretary Kennedy to stop stalling and to act with alacrity and release the LIHEAP funding for the benefit of the people in the State of Vermont and in every State in this country who depend on it.

I yield the floor.

Madam President, there is a lot of focus on what divides us, but

the real opportunity here is what unites us. We are having a contest here with this shutdown, where our side is very concerned about what happens with these tax credits; your side is very concerned about using a shutdown as a tactic.

I think we both have pretty valid arguments, and one of the reasons I think there is merit in our position is the reality that, once the December 31 deadline arrives, people literally are going to lose healthcare.

So what unites us? Both sides really do want to have all of government paid and be reopened. And both sides, I believe, want to make certain the people we represent continue to have access to healthcare--that the healthcare they had in 2025 they are going to have in 2026.

That won't happen unless we resolve this. And given the time crunch, the only way, as a practical matter, we can do something that helps the people you represent, that helps the people I represent, is to extend what we have for another year.

So it is not an overreach on the part of, say, folks who want a single-payer healthcare system. It is not overreach or diminishing any concerns that folks on the Republican side--and, by the way, on our side--have about the cost of healthcare.

We are in a practical crunch, where, unless this U.S. Senate acts, the people we represent are going to lose healthcare. That is the fact. That is just the fact. It is the way it is, and we talked about how these premium increases are going to spike.

So what do we do in this situation where Leader Thune, who we trust, who we respect, is taking a position that we won't have discussions until we reopen government.

Why do we object to that or are cautious about that? We trust Leader Thune. We trust our Republican colleagues. But what happens after it goes out of the Senate? We have no guarantee whatsoever it will be taken up in the House at all.

So the question that farmer in Vermont would ask me, at the end of any agreement, is: Peter, what does this mean? Will I get my healthcare in 2026?

And unless we have it where it is going to get a vote with some support from our colleagues in the House, the answer is: I don't know, but I hope so.

So we find ourselves with January 1 here, and that farmer, that small business person, not having healthcare. And, again, this is the lament I have. What we are trying to do here--the folks who are going to benefit or not suffer are Republicans who voted for Trump and Democrats who voted for Harris and Independents who didn't like either candidate at all.

So we have an opportunity--and actually, we are the only people in the United States of America who have an opportunity--the only people, it is us, who have been entrusted by the people whom we represent, with their vote, to solve this problem.

And what I think is being proposed has a quality that is rare around here. It is restraint. We are not trying to overreach. We are just saying: Maintain the status quo so that the folks in America who are getting their healthcare with the help of some tax credits will continue to have that healthcare in 2026, as they have in 2025.

So I hope we can come together for this temporary fix. And, by the way, I just want to say, the cost of healthcare is exploding, and we have an obligation if we want to maintain access to healthcare, to address that.

It is not a solution to deal with the healthcare crisis by taking people off of healthcare. They still get sick. So when our leader says that we want this bipartisan committee to address the cost of healthcare, we are sincere about that because the biggest threat to the continued access to healthcare is the exploding cost of healthcare.

I yield to my colleague from Wisconsin.

Mr. President, I rise today to request unanimous consent on my bill to extend the Affordable Care Act's premium tax credits. Those tax credits have made it possible for over 24 million Americans in my State of Vermont and in the Presiding Officer's State of Tennessee and across this entire country to have access to affordable healthcare.

Around 30,000 Vermonters receive these healthcare tax credits that then help them pay, from their own hard-earned money, for private insurance. But in Vermont, and this is true everywhere--everywhere-- annual premiums have doubled and, in some cases, way more.

I heard this directly this weekend from a farmer in the Northeast Kingdom of Vermont, which is right on the border with Canada, an incredibly hard-working, rural part of our State. It is a place, frankly, in Vermont, that is Trump country. His premium rose $1,600 a month. And what he said to me is this: Peter, if I have to pay that premium, I am going to go without healthcare.

That story is being repeated by citizens that you care about, that the chairman from Idaho cares about, and that I certainly care about.

I heard directly from Allison Mindel in Vermont. She has a 17-year- old son. He spent 174 days in a hospital fighting myeloid leukemia. He is cancer-free. That is really good news, and it is a reflection of the extraordinary care that he got at a local community hospital, where there was a quick diagnosis, and at the University of Vermont Medical Center, where he got expert care.

But that family, who was the beneficiary of having access to affordable healthcare--their premium is going to go up by $40,000. Mr. President, $40,000 is what they are going to have to pay, and they don't have that money. And they know how absolutely critical it is that they have insurance because their beloved son is alive and healthy today because they did have access to healthcare.

As you know, open enrollment began on November 1, and what is going to happen is that as folks see this notice of the sky-high premiums, they are going to opt out of insurance altogether. And they are not going to opt out because they don't want to pay it; they are going to opt out because they can't pay it.

And I have in mind a woman who she and her husband have two kids. They have a small business where they make meals, and they are a take- out.

And she said: You know, as a mother, I feel totally irresponsible if I don't have healthcare for my kids. But if I can't pay it, what do I do?

And the point here--I see the chairman of the Finance Committee. It is so good to see you, Senator. You care. I care about folks who need the healthcare that they have now. I think we all share that. But they won't have it unless we do something to extend these tax credits.

You know this is not a red-State, blue-State deal. It is not a Republican or Democratic deal. We have got some examples in other States.

A farmer and his family of four in Tennessee making $120,000 a year-- by the way, that probably includes some off-farm income, with one from the couple working off the farm, as is so often the case. Those premiums will go up $1,900 a month. That is $33,000 a year. How does a family with an income of $120,000 add $33,000 in expenses?

The small businessowner and baker, in Alabama, making $85,000 a year, will see premiums increase by $750 a month. That is about $15,000.

A mechanic, a single person in North Carolina who makes $65,000, who loses access to the tax credits--actually loses access to the tax credits entirely--and to afford any healthcare, they will have to pay $14,000 a year.

You know, the majority leader is saying that we can get what we want or we can get to an outcome if we just trust him and vote to negotiate later.

I want to say something directly to you and to all of my colleagues: I trust the majority leader. I trust John Thune. But here is a fact: It is beyond his control if we don't get an enforceable agreement because we have to get buy-in from the House of Representatives. And to the everlasting disgrace of the House of Representatives, they are not here today, and they haven't been here for over 6 weeks.

Many over there have made it clear that they want nothing to do with extending the tax credits. So, yes, I trust my Republican colleagues; I trust our Senate majority leader. But if we don't have a House that is even here, how are we going to get it?

Thank you very much.

One of the questions is, Why don't we just open up and deal with this later? And there is an answer to that. This is not about one party trying to jam the other. It is about, as the ranking member of the Finance Committee said, a deadline. Folks have to make a decision about signing up during open enrollment that began on November 1, and they are looking at these very much higher bills, and they have to figure out whether they can afford to pay them.

For many families, they won't be able to afford it. The decision is made when they get a notice that the premium is going up $30,000. That will

have spill-on effects. First of all, it will be incredibly insecure. It just will be painful for these families that are thinking they don't have health coverage for their family. And we all relate to that.

But then, they are going to get sick, and they are going to go to a community hospital, and they are going to get coverage. And the hospitals are going to try to figure out how to get paid. And the way they will do that is by seeking rate increases and then having the cost shift further escalate the expense to our employers who really deeply care about providing coverage to the folks that work for them.

I know in Oregon, in Idaho, in Ohio, your employers care about their employees, and they want them to have coverage. But if they can't afford it, you get back to the same old thing: You know what? I will try to deal with the premium increase.

The employer says: But we are not going to be able to give you that raise you need to pay the utility bills.

My heartbreak on this is that I know we all care about the well-being of the families that we represent, and there is an urgency to the moment because the open enrollment now, in November, is here, and families have to make decisions.

This body is literally the only institution in the United States of America that has the ability, that has the authority, that has the power to provide a remedy to the families we all care about.

So that is my plea to my Republican colleagues.

You know, President Trump--I don't want to, in this case, turn this into a political deal--but he is the President, and he has got enormous authority, and he has got enormous influence on the Republicans in the House and in the Senate. It would be so good if he would come and sit down and figure out how to address this problem.

And the simplest way to do it is to extend the tax credits. And then, all of us acknowledge that we have to address the cost of healthcare-- we have to.

And I, as a person who is always focused on access, the biggest threat to continued access to care for folks in Vermont is the rise in expense. At a certain point, you just can't afford it.

So you know, I know in talking to many of my Republican colleagues, they are focused on cost--totally fair. But the answer to dealing with the cost of healthcare is not to take away insurance.

People still get sick. So we have got an urgent moment here where people are just getting this horrible feeling when they open up that mail and that family who has had healthcare in 2025--and, oftentimes, it will be a couple, and they are caring about their kids, and they are caring about each other. They want that sense of confidence and purpose that comes from being a parent who loves their kids. It comes from being an employer who feels good that they are able to meet the healthcare insurance needs of their workers.

They care about it. But they get a bill where they are going to perceive it as a fail if they can't continue to provide that coverage in 2026 that folks had in 2025. Parents are going to feel that.

We can change that. We can change that. And as somebody who is deeply concerned about extending those credits so people can have healthcare-- I pledge to you--I am so glad we have got the chair and we have got the ranking member of the Finance Committee. And I can just say, on my behalf, that anything that is reasonable to do to deal with this cost that is so detrimental to the well-being of the country, that healthcare is just too expensive, I will be there.

But I do believe that the one thing we cannot do, in good conscience, is allow these premium tax credits to expire, when what that means is that the folks we care about, who have no control themselves over what the cost of healthcare is, they are just on the receiving end; that we have got to extend those, and that can bring us time to start addressing some of the concerns that my colleagues have about the cost of healthcare.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Finance be discharged from further consideration of S. 3102 and the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration; that the Welch substitute amendment, which is at the desk, be considered and agreed to; that the bill, as amended, be considered read a third time and passed; and that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Mr. President, I want to address some of the points the chair of the Finance Committee made.

First of all, I happen to be in agreement with you that we have a broken healthcare system. No. 2, I am absolutely willing to engage with you and with anyone in this Chamber to address the rising costs, and we have made some bipartisan progress.

I support the international crises mechanism that President Trump is talking about to try to bring down prescription drug costs. We had a PBM and physician payment bill that was in legislation last year that got blown up when Elon Musk intervened.

We should be doing what you are saying, and I can just speak for myself. When it comes to talking about how we bring down the cost of healthcare, I think that is absolutely essential for the well-being of the economy and the well-being of the American people.

Also, I want to acknowledge that on COVID, it was temporary. You are right about that. Of course, that was because we had an emergency where healthcare demand went way up and employment went way down. So it is a fair point, and I owe you an answer on why it is I am standing here today asking to extend something that was temporary.

Here is the reason: We did fail to bring down the cost of healthcare. So what has happened since COVID left is there has been very significant inflation, including really high inflation in healthcare costs, and people in this country are not able to pay their bills, and it is really becoming a problem for the people you and I both represent.

So the cost of healthcare has gone way up. In fact, if we don't extend that premium support--even though, yes, it is temporary--it will expire. It is going to mean that those premium increases I cited where some folks are going to need to pay $32,000 more--they have a real problem. They are not going to be able to do it.

So you make a meritorious point, but the point I make is that those individuals and those families who are dealing with the reality that they are getting, say, a $32,000 increase have no capacity to do the things that only we have the capacity to do. They are on the receiving end. They have no control over it. So it is not like somebody in the family has been irresponsible last year where they are smoking and getting sick. They are just going about their lives, doing their work, and in the mail, they get a notice that they have to pay $32,000 more.

So, you know, the question for us is, Do we want to give them at least a year where they have some stability and then we take up the challenge? Because I think all of us here know that the cost of healthcare is totally, completely unsustainable. It is brutal.

But the reality is, however we got here, the families in every single State of this Nation are going to be faced with premium increases they can't afford.

So I just want to convey to you, Senator, my respect for your points, but that is my best response to them.

At the end of the day, the casualties of our failures as an institution to deal with healthcare costs can't become an insurmountable burden for the families we represent.

Yes. Yes.

Well, it is.

I want to be fair to my colleague because I think he wants to work with us. We obviously have different points of view, but we have to sit down, and we have to stay at it, and we have to have hearings, and we have to do the work we are blessed to be able to do.

I will, yes.

I thank you. I thank my colleagues.

I would love to get the government open, and I would love to be able to let folks know that the healthcare they had in 2025 they would be able to have in 2026.

I would like the President to do what Presidents do and that is get the parties together in a room and negotiate an outcome that works for all of us.

Whatever we do in this--this is where I want to agree with both my chairman and ranking member--we have real work to do on the cost side of healthcare. We really all have to take that on. But the approach to dealing with the high cost of healthcare can't be taking people's healthcare away; it has to be making the healthcare they have more affordable.

So I thank the gentleman. I thank my colleague Senator Wyden, our ranking member.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I strongly support this resolution.

I do want to say thank you to Senator Kaine.

Senator Kaine, I think I speak for you and I think I speak for every Member of the Senate: Senator from Illinois, you are wonderful.

It is so amazing what she did.

As an enlisted person in combat, the injuries you suffered, the devotion that you have to your fellow servicemembers, the indomitable spirit you have of solidarity with them, and then the credibility you bring to this discussion about the importance of the role of the legislature to make the decisions about whether you and your fellow citizens, the folks who made the decision to step forward and serve our country--whether we, as elected representatives, have the responsibility to make the decision whether they have to go into harm's way--you have inspired us every day.

If you are ordered to go, you go; you report for duty. The Commander in Chief makes the decision. But if it is about a decision to go to war, we, the U.S. Congress, have the obligation to make that decision. And nobody has more credibility in making that case than you do.

And both of you have already stated the factual predicate here that we are engaged in hostilities. We have 10 percent of our Navy out there. The President is saying that he is going to do land strikes and then changing his mind on it. But, you know what, he is also asserting what there is--that we all share as a real concern--and that is, any kind of drugs coming into this country, we are all appalled by it and want to do everything that we can to stop it.

But what is at stake here is the Constitution and the constitutional provision that the people who are elected and directly accountable--the House of Representatives and the Members of the U.S. Senate--who have to make that decision where we know, when it is made to go to war, there will be people like Senator Duckworth, who say: I am ready. I am ready.

We have that responsibility. It can't be the arbitrary action of any single individual, including the President of the United States. So what is at stake here is preserving the accountability that has so weakened as the Congress itself has delegated so many of our responsibilities to the Chief Executive. It is a terrible development in our democracy where the checks and balances that were essential to the well-being of our country, with the tug-of-war that goes on in every generation about what is the right policy; the tug-of-war that goes on in every generation with competing efforts to get more power in either the judiciary, the executive, or the Congress; the checks and balances system that we have where a check we have, as U.S. Senators, is the right to make that decision whether the citizens of this country--the citizens that we serve--are going to be put in harm's way.

So we couldn't have a better advocate than a person who herself made that decision to stand up for America, to defend our country, put herself in harm's way, who inspires us every day with her incredibly positive attitude despite these incredible injuries that none of us-- none of us can imagine what it is like.

You are so special.

It is amazing to be her colleague, isn't it? It really is.

But what you are speaking about is so profoundly moving to me because you understand better than any of us ever can how significant a decision it is to go to war. You experienced it. You have seen, as you call them, your ``buddies'' who have experienced it. You have paid a price yourself. You have seen the price that others have paid. You have seen the nobility and the patriotism of those folks who do serve us in the services, and you take really seriously the obligation that we have to make that profound decision on--yes or no--should we go into war.

So I want to thank you, and Senator Kaine, I want to thank you, because there is no more important thing for this Congress to do than to reassert its responsibility--to accept our responsibility for the powers that were delegated to the U.S. Congress, particularly about whether we do or don't go to war.

I so appreciate this resolution. I believe it is one of the most important acts that we can assert: to reestablish that we will defend the constitutional obligation--obligation--to bear the burden of making these very, very difficult decisions about whether this country goes to war.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, on September 3, 2025, I spoke about the upcoming November 30 general elections in Honduras for President, Members of Congress, and Members of the Central American Parliament. Significant fraud has been a problem in many of Honduras' past elections, most notably prior to, and during, the 2013 and 2017 elections of former President Juan Orlando Hernando who today sits in a U.S. prison. So it is important that this election, like the election of Hernandez' successor in 2021, is widely accepted as free, fair, and transparent and that the results are honored in and outside of Honduras.

At that time, I expressed concern about a report that on July 16, Counselor Ana Paola Hall had resigned from the National Electoral Council due to political pressure and threats against her and her family. I also expressed concern that the government of President Castro had reportedly failed to

implement the system for transmitting election results, which is designed to ensure transparent and timely reporting.

Since then, I have been informed that Ms. Paola did not resign and that Honduras's electoral authority--the National Electoral Council or CNE--is now implementing an updated system for transmitting election results. This is positive news, and it should reinforce public confidence in the CNE's commitment to the integrity of the elections. It is my understanding that this new electoral transmission system is considered to be more effective and secure than the systems in place during previous elections, and it should help counter efforts--already reportedly underway--to undermine the fairness of the electoral process through legal and judicial maneuvers or to manufacture an excuse by some to challenge the results of the election if their candidate loses.

On September 3, I also spoke about President Castro's failure to achieve her pledge to establish an international commission to combat corruption and impunity, and the lack of progress in bringing to justice those responsible for the murder of environmentalist Juan Lopez and others who have lost their lives defending the land and water that indigenous communities depend on. There is no doubt that part of the responsibility for the failure to establish the commission falls on the Honduran Congress, which is dominated by the National Party of former President Hernandez, whose government functioned as a criminal enterprise. But President Castro insisted this was a priority, including during her campaign, and it is disappointing that she and her government did not do more to build public support to overcome opposition in the Congress. Honduras' justice system has so far been largely incapable of bringing to justice those responsible for significant crimes of corruption and for ordering the killings of environmental defenders, other social activists, and journalists-- including indigenous environmental leader Berta Caceres and members of cooperatives in the Aguan Valley, where land rights defenders continue to be targeted with violence. It is critically important that Honduras' next President reaffirms the government's commitment to such a commission and strives to make it a reality.

It is in the interest of the United States that on November 30th the people of Honduras can freely cast their votes in a fair election for the candidates of their choice. It is not the role of the United States to pick winners and losers. I hope the elections usher in a new government of leaders who are committed to strengthening the institutions of democracy, upholding the rule of law, and improving the lives and protecting the rights of the Honduran people.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate execute the order of October 7 in relationship to S.J. Res. 77.

Mr. President, I want to speak on two topics, one after the other, healthcare and then tariffs.

Healthcare

Mr. President, open enrollment will begin across the country on Saturday. Many have already received notice of new sky-high premiums, including, by the way, notices that went out to my fellow Vermonters. Many across the country will log on to the Marketplace on Saturday. It is a scary day for them because they will be checking to see what it will cost them next year to purchase the same healthcare that they have this year. Twenty-four million Americans are going to be doing that this Saturday.

Folks across the country are going to get some bad news; that without the tax credits that are in place now and are set to expire by the end of the year, their healthcare premiums are going to double, triple, and, in some cases, quadruple and even worse.

What Vermonters are finding--our website went up on October 15--is truly a shocking increase in premiums, and it is not affordable. By the way, these are folks, some of whom voted for Trump, some of whom didn't, but all of whom deeply care about their families and their small businesses and their farmers. I will give you an example.

A family of four making $130,000 a year--a very good income in Vermont--would have paid $1,200 a month in 2025. Next year, they are going to have to pay $3,035. That is a $22,000 increase. A family of four making about $64,000 a year is going to pay 920 percent more for healthcare premiums. Obviously, that is going to mean they have to decide whether they are going to go without or somehow, some way, try to find a way to pay that, which they really won't be able to do.

Let me give some starters to make it very concrete about Vermonters. A woman named Sarah is going to see her premium go from $217 a month to $1,200 a month. This is a person who is 63, self-employed, and might have to go without healthcare for the first time in her life.

Cara, also self-employed, has had the same income for 20 years, really scraping by. She pays about $100 a month for healthcare through the Marketplace. Her premium goes up to $1,200.

Erica is paying $1,166 for her family. The deductible for her family of three is $15,000. This is barely insurance. Erica and her family make this premium work somehow, but I am sure it is not easy. Without the tax credits, her monthly premium goes to $2,650.

Maria and her husband run a small food business in Vermont. He spends half the year fishing in Alaska. They pay just under $240 a month, but they are looking at $1,740 per month unless the Senate acts. That is for bronze plan, which you know is the lowest level plan. They will be paying about $21,000 per year with a deductible of $7,700 per person.

The examples I gave of Vermonters are going to be true in Indiana; they are going to be true in Louisiana; they are going to be true all across the country. We have been having this debate about a shutdown, but what we haven't been having is a negotiation about how to protect families from a rate shot that they can't afford that means they are really going to lose healthcare.

I do urge us and I urge the President to act aggressively to resolve this. It will help folks. Whether they are in a red State or a blue State, whether they identify as a Republican or Democrat or Independent, it just doesn't matter. We have a healthcare system that is too, too expensive--beyond reach--and it is crippling to our small businesses, our farmers, and our families.

Tariffs

Mr. President, I want to address another topic, and that is the topic of tariffs. They are doing incredible harm to our economy in Vermont. In my view, they are doing long-term damage to our economy here in the United States.

I want to commend my colleagues Senator Paul, Senator Kaine, and others, Senator Shaheen, Ranking Member Wyden, and Leader Schumer for sponsoring the bipartisan legislation we voted on yesterday suspending the emergency authority on which the President was acting to impose a tariff on Brazil, a country, by the way, with whom we have a trade surplus.

We are 9 months into this trade war with tariffs at the forefront. It is a war with Canada. It sort of started with them. That is a big deal for Vermont. We are a border State. But it is a big deal for all of our States because Vermont is 1 of 34 States whose major trading partner is Canada.

For Vermont, Canada has been our largest export market and the largest source of imports. Trade with Canada accounted for 35 percent of our State exports and 67 percent of Vermont's imports and 56 percent of its total trade.

We have small businesses now that are really struggling to keep their lights on. We have farmers across the country but also farmers in Vermont who are incredibly worried about whether they are going to be able to make it into the next harvest. We had a drought. We had early floods. And now we have these tariffs that are increasing the input costs. I know, Mr. President, as a Senator from Indiana, you are very sensitive to the challenges that our agriculture economy and our farmers face.

Things were bumping along, and then President Trump just recently announced an additional 10-percent tariff on Canada, which already had a 35-percent effective rate. We don't even know what that applies to. Is that 10 percent on top of 35 percent or on specific products? Of course, all of that was done because the President was irritated about an ad that was run, apparently, by the Province of Ontario that was quoting a speech that President Reagan made some years ago about how destructive tariffs are. Maybe that does irritate the President. But the constant changing of what a tariff is from day to day creates havoc for our businesses that are trying to plan and control their expenses and deal with all the other uncertainties that they face.

These tariffs are hurting our farmers. Just think about this. Fertilizers--those costs are up 16 percent and in some cases, 39 percent. The effective rate on tractors and other farming machinery is 16 percent and 13 percent, respectively.

We have also had, as a result of the tariffs that are seen by our trading partner in Canada that was the participant in the U.S.-Mexico- Canada Trade Agreement--negotiated, by the way, by President Trump, an agreement he bragged about as being really effective and the best trade agreement--that is getting ripped up in many ways. And then when you add to it the insults that were hurled at Canada--the ``51st State,'' the ``Governor of Canada''--it has had a catastrophic impact on the tourism Vermont has depended on from our Canadian neighbors with whom we have enormous respect.

That is not just true for Vermont. New Hampshire, Maine, Montana are seeing an incredible drop in tourism that is related to this tariff battle and the rhetoric associated with it.

Also, in Vermont, just as in Indiana, our small businesses are really a big deal. I have been hearing from them. I am hearing from bed and breakfasts, hotels, brewers, distillers--any industry. I will give a few stories, a few quotes.

Simon Perkins at Orvis in Manchester:

The reality is that, in a rapidly changing tariff

environment, one that's forced on companies too quickly, it's

really hard for a business to respond quick enough to make it

work.

Orvis, which was founded in 1856, announced the closure of 31 stores and five outlet locations by 2026. Orvis had to lay off 50 employees, citing tariffs.

Another business, Peter Case of Burrows Sports in Brattleboro:

We love what we do and it's under attack! For 90 years,

Burrows Sports has proudly served Brattleboro, growing with

our community through good times and hard ones. Today's

economic pressures, rising costs, and shrinking margins are

testing small local businesses like never before.

Jim Hall from Vermont Country Store:

This is the lull before the storm. . . . Do they realize

this is a tax on Christmas?

These tariffs are a tax. They are paid for by our businesses. They disrupt our businesses. They are passed on to consumers, and there is nothing but a downside, especially when you add the fact that these tariffs are a tax. They are imposed and implemented in a totally arbitrary way, wherein a person who is running a business has to contend with all the uncertainties of a

volatile marketplace and has to deal with the constant uncertainties that are the result of an ever-changing tariff policy.

I urge all of us in the Senate to reassert our own authority under article I, which gives to the Congress the power to tax, the power to impose tariffs or not, and to not have us continue to relinquish the authority and responsibility to the Executive that we have as the U.S. Senate.

This is our responsibility, and part of the reason is that we are close to people who are affected by these policies. It is a shirking of our responsibility for the U.S. Senate to essentially cede that authority to a President, particularly when we are seeing in every single State the harmful impacts on folks in our States--on the businesses in our States, on the farmers and ranchers in our States-- who are working hard to try to pull things together and keep their businesses going, our economy going, and contributing to the well-being of our country.

I call on the President to reconsider what these tariffs are doing.

I call on our U.S. Senate to reassert its authority and be the decider of what the tariff policy shall be in this country.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, on September 11, 2025, the spokeswoman for the U.S. Agency for International Development, USAID, confirmed to the New York Times that $9.7 million worth of contraceptives being stored in a warehouse in Belgium had been destroyed at the direction of the Trump administration. These contraceptives were intended for people in poor countries with high rates of morbidity and mortality for pregnant women, infants, and children.

Just 1 day later, the spokeswoman rescinded her previous statement, claiming that there had been a ``miscommunication'' and that the contraceptives in question had not yet been incinerated. This was confirmed by Belgian officials who visited the warehouse where the materials were being stored.

Although Belgium prohibits the destruction of reusable medical devices, aid workers worry that the Trump administration will run down the clock until these contraceptives expire. Most of the products expire in 2028 or 2029, with some expiring as early as April 2027. Destination countries often have rules for importing medical supplies based on remaining shelf life. The administration may exploit these rules to stop their distribution.

Destroying these contraceptives would have cost American taxpayers an estimated $167,000, on top of the $9.7 million already spent to purchase them. At the time of this incident, three African countries had reportedly already run out of contraceptives completely, and 13 more were on the verge of running out due to President Trump's and Elon Musk's reckless destruction of USAID and cuts to foreign aid.

Seeking to destroy safe, lifesaving contraceptives is emblematic of the Trump administration's approach to foreign aid. Destroying these birth control products would exacerbate an already dire problem and would lead to more unwanted and high-risk pregnancies, unsafe abortions, and higher maternal mortality rates. The administration's other drastic cuts to foreign aid have already reduced or eliminated food aid for many families, forcing parents to remove their young daughters from school and into child marriage, increasing sexual violence and the risk of pregnancy-related deaths.

This administration's ideologically driven disregard for global public health worldwide is appalling. Contraceptives are legal and widely used in America. They prevent unwanted pregnancies and abortions. They enable women to choose when to have a child and grow their families, by doing so increasing the chances their children will survive beyond the age of 2.

I urge the White House to put the lives of women and children above politics by allowing these contraceptives, purchased with funds agreed to by a large majority of congressional Republicans and Democrats, to be made available to those who need them most. Women and girls in dozens of the poorest countries are depending on these commodities to take control of their lives. Destroying them is antithetical to America's long-held values and reputation of safeguarding public health around the world.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, the President of the United States says that the United States is at war. In the past 7 weeks, President Trump has ordered U.S. forces to take military action to destroy 10 boats in international waters. That has resulted in the death of more than 40 possible drug couriers.

President Trump has also told Congress he is determined that the United States is at war with what he calls ``narcoterrorists.'' He has also said that he is taking steps to escalate military action against Venezuela and Colombia. And, of course, he is sending U.S. warships, fighter planes, and special forces to their coasts. And he is also openly tossing around threats of airstrikes against targets in the sea and on land.

The questions before us, as the U.S. Senate, are clear, and they are urgent: Are the President's actions steering the American people into yet another undeclared war, and would it be legal for the President to expand this war to the sovereign territories of countries in South America, as he is now threatening to do?

The clear answer is no, that this President--no President--has the legal authority, without congressional authorization, to take America into military conflict.

There have been no credible legal experts who have defended the President's actions, with one exception, and, of course, that is the Attorney General, who has provided an opinion to the President--we are told, but we have not seen--that what he is doing is legal.

That is without precedent. It is without precedent for the top legal official in this country to give an opinion that it is legal to go to war without congressional authorization. But it is

clearly the legal advice the President wanted and won't even share with the Members of the U.S. Senate.

The President, of course, seems to be basing the legality of these actions on the declaration that drug traffickers are terrorists. We all hate what the drug traffickers do, but it is also based on that legal opinion, the Office of Legal Counsel at the Justice Department, that we are told gives legal cover for the President to do what is clearly beyond the authority of the Chief Executive. We know nothing about that opinion in this body, and all who have called for it to be released are doing the right thing.

We know that under the U.S. Constitution, the President does not have authority to start a war without congressional authorization. It is an article I responsibility of the Congress of the United States, and there is a reason for that, that is so very important.

If we are going to ask--with the authority of Congress and the Executive--men and women to go to war on behalf of defending our country, that profoundly important decision that is being made by Congress but is putting in harm's way the men and women who serve in the military, there should be a debate, and there should be a vote; there should be responsibility, and there should be accountability.

And simply determination by the President that he is attacking a group of what he calls terrorists--``narco-terrorists''--does not, by itself, make it legal under the Constitution.

You know, some people may say: What is the big deal? These are bad folks. Drugs are terrible.

We all agree with that, but it is not up to the President to determine whether we go to war. It is up to Congress: Should we be going to war with Venezuela?

All of us are on board, Republicans and Democrats, with the fight against narcotics, illegal drugs, fentanyl, in particular, which mostly enter the United States through Mexico and on the Pacific Ocean, and are wreaking havoc on our communities.

It has happened in Vermont as well as West Virginia, Idaho, Florida, Montana, and every other State. Our sons and daughters, mothers and fathers are struggling with addiction and dying from overdose.

So yes, this is a very serious problem, and we should be doing far more to deal with treating addiction in our own country, bolstering our local police forces, our mental health resources, and working with source countries to stop the production and transshipment of these dangerous drugs.

This has not been a partisan issue. In fact, it was an issue where, when I served in the House, there was a Republican and Democratic collective action to provide treatment that is providing real-world help in realtime to folks in your State and in mine.

But laws matter, and the Constitution matters. If the President does want to start a war, if he wants to put America's troops in harm's way, he needs to seek authorization from Congress.

As my colleagues and I know too well, the United States has a very unfortunate history of wars--forever wars--started by Presidents who misrepresented the facts; from the USS Maine incident used to justify the war against Spain to the Gulf of Tonkin resolution incident to justify the Vietnam war--60,000 young Americans killed--to President Bush's stretching of the facts about Iraq's alleged weapons of mass destruction to launch a disastrous forever war.

In each of these cases, majorities of our predecessors on this very Senate floor abdicated their responsibility to question the President's intentions and justifications for war.

That is why I hope that each of my colleagues--each of us here--will join me in questioning the President's legal basis to carry out these killings and to potentially launch attacks against one or more South American countries. We should demand that Congress assert its constitutional obligation to determine where and why the United States goes to war.

You know, as I mentioned, we all hate the scourge of drugs. But why are we spending billions of dollars in this effort in Venezuela while at the same time taking funding away for treatment programs here at home that actually have been proven effective to help the most vulnerable Americans that are actually struggling with addiction to fentanyl and other drugs?

The Department of Justice has also diverted thousands of Drug Enforcement Administration funds and other law enforcement personnel from their critical missions to carry out the President's immigration agenda. Yet the Department has inexplicably shut down the Organized Crime and Drug Enforcement Task Force, which has been effective in dismantling thousands of criminal organizations, and, unilaterally, the administration has terminated hundreds of grants that do provide critical funding to State and local law enforcement, folks on the ground in the community helping folks who are struggling with addiction and helping law enforcement get to the sellers of those terrible drugs.

In fact, the administration's fiscal year 2026 budget would slash the High Intensity Drug Trafficking Areas Program by more than a third from $298 million to $196 million. And under the direction of Attorney General Bondi, Federal drug prosecutions--I have no idea how this happened--but Federal drug prosecutions have dropped to the lowest level in decades, a fact I find shocking.

So when the President claims his new war is about protecting America from drugs, it is a fair question: Why are we doing so little? Why are we taking money away from treatment? Why are we taking money away from high intensity drug enforcement? Why are we not prosecuting more, instead prosecuting so much less?

It is up to the Senate to do its job. We have seen from history that our failure to assert our constitutional responsibility to decide whether to send our military to war has resulted in grievous suffering for the American people and a weakening of our national security.

In asserting our responsibility, at the bare minimum, this U.S. Senate should demand--should demand--to see Attorney General Bondi's legal analysis that the President has used to justify his use of the U.S. military to engage in these attacks.

I yield the floor.