Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record the following article from The Washington Post regarding consideration of H.R. 312. [From the Washington Post, May 13, 2019] A Riddle in New England: A Casino, 321 Acres of Indian Tribal Land and a…
Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record the following article from The Washington Post regarding consideration of H.R. 312.
[From the Washington Post, May 13, 2019]
A Riddle in New England: A Casino, 321 Acres of Indian Tribal Land and
a Presidential Tweet
(By Marc Fisher)
Between a boast about bringing jobs to Ohio and a statement
of sympathy for victims of a school shooting in Colorado,
President Trump last week found time to tweet about an
obscure House bill that would assure a Massachusetts Indian
tribe control of 321 acres of land it wants to use for a
gambling casino.
The president was against the bill, he wrote, because it
was ``unfair and doesn't treat Native Americans equally!''
Presidents don't usually get involved in local tiffs over a
planned 900-room casino hotel. And even though this president
has a four-decade-long record of slamming American Indian
casinos as scams that pose unfair competition to other
gambling enterprises, notably his own, Trump's decision to
weigh in on a measure that had strong bipartisan support
seemed unusual for a chief executive who doesn't like to be
bothered with the little stuff.
But a closer look at House Bill 312 and the favor it would
do for the Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe reveals a sprawling
network of Trump-related interests, from the National
Enquirer to a Rhode Island casino company--a small but
strikingly intricate example of the ways this president's
business dealings, personal bonds and political alliances can
complicate and color the ordinary doings of government.
On the surface, the matter is a simple dispute over who
wants a casino and who doesn't. The Mashpee Tribe seeks to
build a casino in southeastern Massachusetts. If the federal
government decreed the land to be the tribe's sovereign
property, the casino would be exempt from many taxes.
But some residents of the town where the casino would be
built sued over the project, and after the tribe broke
ground, a federal judge sided with the residents, ruling
that, because of the history of that parcel of land, the feds
didn't have the authority to guarantee it to the tribe.
So far, no Trump connection. But the tribe's site is about
18 miles from Rhode Island, and that state's politicians
aren't keen to have a new competitor go up against their two
casinos, both of which are run by Twin River Worldwide
Holdings, a public company with strong Trump ties.
Twin River's president, George Papanier, was a finance
executive at the Trump Plaza casino hotel in Atlantic City
earlier in his career, and Twin River's chief marketing
officer, Phil Juliano, also lists experience at a Trump
casino on his resume.
For decades, Trump, whose Atlantic City casinos were his
first big venture outside New York--they became some of his
biggest failures when they suffered bankruptcies in the early
1990s--has spoken of casinos built by Indian tribes as
fraudulent ventures: ``the biggest scandal ever,'' he said.
In 1993, concerned about competition from the Foxwoods
Resort Casino in Connecticut, Trump urged a House committee
on native affairs to investigate whether members of the tribe
that operates that resort were really Native Americans.
``They don't look like Indians to me,'' Trump said. In an
earlier interview, he opined that ``I might have more Indian
blood than a lot of the so-called Indians that are trying to
open up the reservations'' to gambling.
In 2000, when New York state considered expanding Indian
casinos in the Catskill Mountains north of New York City,
Trump, working through his longtime ally Roger Stone, funded
a group that paid for TV and print ads accusing prominent
members of the Mohawk Indian tribe of having mob connections
and criminal records. Trump and Stone failed to report their
spending on the ads as lobbying, as the state required, and
state regulators imposed their largest-ever civil penalty,
$250,000, on Trump, who was forced to issue a public apology.
But Trump has not always opposed Indian casinos. In 1997,
he cut a deal with another Connecticut tribe, the Paucatuck
Indians, who agreed to pay him a management fee in exchange
for his efforts to win the tribe the federal recognition it
needed to open a casino.
In the Mashpee case, Twin River, the operator of the two
Rhode Island casinos, has hired Matthew Schlapp, chairman of
the American Conservative Union and a vocal Trump supporter,
to lobby for it on the land issue. Schlapp's wife, Mercedes,
is director of strategic communications at the White House.
Matthew Schlapp said last week that his wife played ``no
role in my advocacy'' and that he lobbied against the casino
because it was a ``terrible idea.''
The lobbyist apparently focused Trump's attention on the
casino bill by connecting it to Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-
Mass.), who is seeking her party's presidential nomination
and has been for years a favorite target of Trump's because
of her since-retracted claim to be Native American. But there
is no Senate version of the House bill, which the House is
scheduled to vote on this week, and Warren has made no
statement on the casino project.
Twin River has paid Schlapp's company, Cove Strategies,
$30,000 this year, according to federal records. Another
lobbyist, Black Diamond Strategies. also got $30,000 from the
casino firm to work on the Mashpee case, records show. One of
Black Diamond's lobbyists working for Twin River, Doug
Davenport, was a delegate strategist for Trump's 2016
campaign and formerly worked for ex-Trump campaign manager
Paul Manafort's lobbying company, where he handled public
affairs for clients including Trump.
As a candidate, Trump repeatedly promised to ``drain the
swamp,'' describing Washington as a den of elite thieves--
politicians, lawyers, lobbyists, domineering corporations--
whose interlocking interests were more powerful than any
political party or ideological allegiance.
But as president, Trump has embraced the very structures he
railed against in the 2016 campaign, for example picking more
than 350 former lobbyists to serve in his administration,
most in agencies that they used to lobby.
Spokesmen for the White House and Twin River did not
respond to requests for comment.
The intersections between Trump and entities involved with
Twin River can be complex.
Among Twin River's major investors is a $4 billion New
Jersey-based hedge fund called Chatham Asset Management and
its founder, Anthony Melchiorre, according to SEC records.
Chatham also owned about 80 percent of American Media Inc.,
the publisher of the National Enquirer, the supermarket
tabloid that took payments from Trump's longtime lawyer and
fixer, Michael Cohen, to make certain that no stories were
published about two women's allegations that they had affairs
with Trump.
A spokesman for Chatham declined to speak on the record
about Twin River's involvement in the Mashpee Indian matter,
but Chatham and Twin River have been embroiled in a lawsuit
in Delaware, where Chatham accused top executives at the
casino company of self-dealing and ``placing their personal
financial interests above those of Twin River's
stockholders.'' Twin River has denied the allegations.
David Pecker, American Media's chief executive and a
longtime ally of Trump's, has said that Chatham saved his
company from financial collapse. Pecker last fall signed an
agreement to cooperate with federal prosecutors in New York
who were investigating the
payments made to Trump's accusers. As part of the agreement,
Pecker and the Enquirer's chief content officer, Dylan
Howard, admitted to paying the women to ``influence the
election.''
According to the company's website, AMI's four-person board
of directors consists of Pecker, two Chatham executives and a
former chief financial officer of Trump Entertainment
Resorts, David R. Hughes.
American Media agreed last month to sell the Enquirer to
the chief executive of Hudson News, a chain of airport
newsstands, for $100 million. The sale was prompted by
Melchiorre's unhappiness with the Enquirer's actions on
Trump's behalf, including the so-called ``catch and kill''
gambit in which the tabloid bought the two accusers' stories
and then published nothing about them, and the Enquirer's
exposeV an extramarital affair conducted by Amazon
billionaire Jeff Bezos, who also owns The Washington Post.
American Media's board and Melchiorre ``didn't want to deal
with hassles like this anymore,'' according to an individual
familiar with the board's deliberations who spoke on the
condition of anonymity to discuss private talks.
That individual said Trump ``has been somewhat estranged
from Pecker'' since the Enquirer executive began talking to
federal prosecutors.