Madam President, like 17 million other Americans, I watched the January 6 committee in its latest session last Thursday night. For 2 hours, I was there watching closely as they presented witnesses and evidence of the obvious. It reminded…
Madam President, like 17 million other Americans, I watched the January 6 committee in its latest session last Thursday night. For 2 hours, I was there watching closely as they presented witnesses and evidence of the obvious. It reminded me that our committee--the Senate Judiciary Committee--last October released a report that showed in alarming detail how former President Donald Trump tried to bully the Justice Department into overturning an election which he lost.
Our report showed just how aggressively the defeated President tried to hold on to power, how some with the Justice Department were actually conspiring to help him, and how hard the Department's leadership had to work to prevent Trump's illegal scheme from succeeding.
We knew when we produced our report that it was just one chapter in an intricate plot to subvert America's democracy.
In eight public hearings over the last 6 weeks, the House Select Committee to Investigate the January 6 Attack on the U.S. Capitol has laid out in clear and chilling detail more chapters in the plot to overturn the 2020 Presidential election.
The facts are damning. What makes them even more shocking and credible is that they have been revealed, under oath, not by former President Trump's political foes but by people who once believed in him--people who worked with him for years, close aides, advisers, even his own family members.
I am sure you remember January 6, 2021. Those of us who were in this Chamber will never forget it.
We were here in the Senate to count the electoral ballots forwarded from the States to the Senate and the House to confirm the results of the 2020 Presidential election. We heard the furious mob outside. They attacked Capitol Police officers with hockey sticks, iron bars, toxic bear spray, flagpoles--whatever weapons they could find. The Trump mob was on the march. They smashed windows and doors, broke into this Capitol Building.
Capitol Police officers ordered the Senators to evacuate the Chamber immediately. I remember it well. They first told us: Well, wait here. This will be a safe room. Ten minutes later, they said: Leave through these back doors as quickly as you can; the mob has taken over the Capitol. We rushed to a secure location.
For hours, as the Capitol Police and DC Metropolitan Police battled the mob in brutal hand-to-hand combat, we asked the same questions: Where is the protection? Where is the National Guard? Where is the President? Donald Trump set this carnage in motion by riling up his supporters with the Big Lie and ordering them to march on the Capitol. We thought to ourselves, Why won't he tell them to stop? This has gone too far.
The public hearings of the January 6 Committee have answered the question in frightening detail. Where was the President? We now know from last Thursday's hearing, Donald Trump knew within 15 minutes of finishing his remarks that the mob was on its way to attack this building and the people inside. What did he do? What did Donald Trump do for 3 hours 7 minutes? He sat in his private dining room next to the Oval Office watching the violence
on TV. He refused to contact his national security leaders to defend the Capitol of the United States of America. He refused pleas from congressional leaders of both parties, from his own staff and family, from his allies in the media at FOX News to call off the mob. He refused to walk less than 60 seconds to the White House briefing room to make a simple statement asking for the violence to stop. He was silent, and he watched FOX News every second of that 3 hours 7 minutes.
We learned that members of Vice President Pence's Secret Service detail actually thought that they might die as they confronted this mob. As some of those agents made what they feared might be their last calls to their families to tell them that they loved them, President Donald Trump sent out a tweet telling the mob Vice President Pence had betrayed them. Instead of calming the riot, Donald Trump poured gasoline on the fire.
Illinois Representative Adam Kinzinger, a Republican member of the January 6 Committee, summed it up well. He said:
Trump didn't fail to act . . . he chose not to act.
Only when it was clear that his coup had failed did Donald Trump reluctantly record a video telling his supporters to leave the Capitol and go home. And he carefully chose his words--we can tell from the outtakes--not to concede the Big Lie. There was not a word of condemnation about the violence, not a word of concern for the police officers who battled that mob to protect our safety and our democracy. More than 140 police officers--Capitol Police, DC Metropolitan Police-- suffered serious injuries on January 6. Where is this President who loved law and order? Silently watching on FOX.
Over the next few days and weeks, sadly, several officers who defended the Capitol died. Not a word from former President Trump.
In the committee's earlier hearings, we learned how the President had ignored his own aides and advisers and relentlessly pressed false claims of voter fraud, listening to his ``gifted'' legal counsel, Rudy Giuliani, even when he was told repeatedly that these claims were wrong.
We learned how he pressured Vice President Pence to go along with the plan to overturn his loss even after he was told by the experts around him: President Trump, it would be illegal.
We learned how President Trump pressed elected leaders in key States to change the vote totals in their States. When that failed, he pressed allies to send false slates of electors that would make him the winner.
He learned how to summon a mob to Washington and turned them loose on this building, even after being told the mob was carrying weapons. And even after all the harm his Big Lie has done to our democracy, he is still relentlessly peddling it.
Outtakes aired by the House committee last week showed on the day of insurrection, he still refused to say the election is over. This little man just can't bring himself to accept reality.
Wisconsin's Assembly Speaker, who happens to be a Republican, said Donald Trump called him to urge him to overturn the State's vote in the 2020 election. When did he call him? Two weeks ago. He is still on a rampage.
The Senate will soon consider a bipartisan Electoral Count Reform Act to make it plain that a Presidential election cannot be overturned by wrongful partisan interference by a Vice President or any State or congressional officials. I support this effort. Senators Klobuchar, King, and I offered our own ideas several months ago on this anticipated Electoral Count Act reform. I hope that this bipartisan effort can get 60 votes in the Senate.
I hope that 10 Republicans will join us in modernizing this law so it works for today. It was written in haste in the middle of political controversy in the 19th century. Some of the sections of that law are almost unintelligible. Let's clarify it. Let's give the American people an assurance that we learned a lesson on January 6, 2021, and in the election that preceded it. And in that lesson, we learned that the American people want their votes to count accurately, honestly, and fairly.
Ultimately, however, the only way we can protect our elections and our democracy is by respecting the rule of law and the will of the American people and telling them the truth. By laying out the truth clearly for the American people and for history, the January 6 Committee is performing an invaluable public service. They deserve our respect.
One closing comment. There wasn't supposed to be a committee in the House. Madam President, you remember and I do, too, the proposal was for a bipartisan Commission to be created to investigate this travesty on January 6 as they investigated 9/11--take politics out of it, take elected officials out of it, bring together people who are respected from across the political spectrum, and get to the bottom of it. That proposal for a bipartisan Commission was stopped by Republican leadership in the House and the Senate. After all of the statements they made expressing outrage over January 6, when it came time to appoint the Commission--bipartisan Commission--they refused. There is only one conclusion you can draw: They don't want to face the truth. They don't want the truth to be on the record from a bipartisan Commission. Luckily, in the House of Representatives, the January 6 Committee has achieved that, and there is more to come.
I might add, people say: Why didn't the Senate Judiciary Committee take this on? That is a very valid question. The difference is this. In order to issue a subpoena from the Senate Judiciary Committee in such a committee hearing, we need to have agreement from at least one Republican member of the committee. We had no assurance that that agreement would be offered. So I supported the January 6 Committee in the House, and I am glad that they moved forward as they have.
Abortion
Madam President, it was a month ago the Dobbs decision was handed down. One of the most controversial issues in American politics is the issue of abortion and reproductive health.
We know that Justice Alito's opinion, a 6-to-3 decision, overturned Roe v. Wade. Since then, we have been trying to sort out the impact of that decision on America. There are many things that have happened which have been shocking--the fact that they have called into question some of the things that we had accepted for 50 years as constitutionally guaranteed rights.
Yes, there was a 10-year-old girl who was viciously raped and turned up pregnant in the State of Ohio. And, yes, under the law in the State of Ohio because she was 6 weeks 3 days pregnant, she couldn't qualify for a procedure to terminate her pregnancy in the State of Ohio. She had to go to Indiana, the neighboring State. There were those who disputed that it ever happened and denied that such a thing could occur. As it turned out, they were wrong. It did happen. I was saddened to read that one of the leaders in the right to life movement said she should carry that baby to term--a 10-year-old girl.
Madam President, I am sure you have seen a lot of 10-year-old young people. I have seen them, too, even in my household, one of my grandchildren. At that age, you are still questioning whether they can cross a busy street without help. And to think someone would say she should carry that baby to term ignores her own health and ignores the reality of that situation. That is the kind of rhetoric we are hearing from people who are proposing a national ban on abortions.
I was reading this morning an article in the New York Times.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to have this New York Times article printed in the Record.
I want to read this because it tells you the complications that have been created by what seemed like a very simple decision overturning a previous Supreme Court case. This writer, Gina Kolata, wrote an article entitled ``After Roe, Urgent Questions About Cancer Care.'' It was in Sunday's New York Times, July 24, 2022. I was struck by this article because it suggests the complexity of this issue and the real-world impact of this decision:
In April of last year, Rachel Brown's oncologist called
with bad news--at age 36, she had an aggressive form of
breast cancer. The very next day, she found out she was
pregnant after nearly a year of trying with her fiance to
have a baby.
She had always said she would never have an abortion. But
the choices she faced were wrenching. If she had the
chemotherapy that she needed to prevent the spread of her
cancer, she could harm the baby. If she didn't have it, the
cancer could spread and kill her. She had two children, ages
2 and 11, who would lose their mother.
For Ms. Brown and others in the unlucky sorority of women
who receive a cancer diagnosis when they are pregnant, the
Supreme Court decision in [Dobbs], ending the constitutional
right to an abortion, can seem like a slap in the face. If
the life of a fetus is paramount, a pregnancy can mean a
woman cannot get effective treatment for her cancer. One in a
thousand women who gets pregnant each year is diagnosed with
cancer, meaning thousands of women are facing a serious and
possibly fatal disease while they are expecting a baby.
Before the Supreme Court decision, a pregnant woman with
cancer was already ``entering a world with tremendous
unknowns,'' said Dr. Clifford Hudis, the chief executive
officer at the American Society of Clinical Oncology. Now,
not only the women but also the doctors and hospitals that
treat them, are caught up in the added complications of
abortion bans.
``If a doctor can't give a drug without fear of damaging a
fetus, is that going to compromise outcomes?'' Dr. Hudis
asked. ``It's a whole new world.''
Cancer drugs are dangerous for fetuses in the first
trimester. Although older chemotherapy drugs are safe in the
second and third trimesters, the safety of the newer and more
effective drugs is unknown and doctors are reluctant to give
them to [a] pregnant [woman].
This woman decided to terminate her pregnancy, take the cancer therapy, and save her life. She closes with the following statements:
But having gone through that grueling treatment, she also
wondered how she could ever have handled having a newborn
baby and her two other children to care for.
``My bones ached, I couldn't walk more than a few steps
without being out of breath. It was hard to get nutrients
because of nausea and vomiting,'' she said.
The Supreme Court decision hit her hard.
``I felt like the reason I did what I did didn't matter,''
she said. ``My life didn't
matter, and my children's lives didn't matter.
``It didn't matter if I lost my life because I was being
forced to be pregnant,'' she said.
That is the reality today. I hear my colleagues come to the floor with absolute certain moral clarity on this issue. I have learned during the course of my life and my public life that there is not that element of certainty when it comes down to real life. And to jeopardize the health and safety, even the life of the mother in this circumstance, to leave doctors wondering if they have criminal liability for professional medical care is something this Nation should never see. But we face it now, and it is up to us to show leadership and come together, I hope, and bring back the constitutional protections that have been the case for 50 years in this country.
I yield the floor.