Floor Statements

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I may place into the Record a portion of the final report by the National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence,

NSCAI. This landmark report and its important recommendations are the result of the John S. McCain National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2019, which established the NSCAI as an independent commission ``to consider the methods and means necessary to advance the development of artificial intelligence, machine learning, and associated technologies to comprehensively address the national security and defense needs of the United States.''

In March 2021, the Commission submitted its final report to Congress and the President, in part, warning of the dangers of the Chinese Government obtaining the personal genetic information of U.S. citizens and the importance of ensuring U.S. leadership in biotechnology. As we complete our work on the United States Innovation and Competition Act that will enable us to maintain our technological edge over China, it is imperative that we acknowledge the findings of this Commission regarding the critical importance of securing our biodata from China and its agents. To that end, allow me to cite warnings and recommendations directly from this Commission. I hope our State Department leadership, including Secretary Blinken, take these into serious consideration and put them into action.

On Page 53, the report finds: ``[China understands the tremendous upside associated with leading the bio revolution. Massive genomic data sets at places like BGI Group (formerly known as the Beijing Genomics Institute), coupled with China's now-global genetic data collection platform and ``all-of-nation'' approach to AI, will make them a formidable competitor in the bio realm. BGI may be serving, wittingly or unwittingly, as a global collection mechanism for Chinese government genetic databases, providing China with greater raw numbers and diversity of human genome samples, as well as access to sensitive personal information about key individuals around the world. The United States cannot afford to look back in 10 years and be ``surprised'' by the biotechnology equivalent of Huawei.]''

Later, on Page 586, the report finds: ``[BGI has also benefited from substantial support from the Chinese government, as well as its 2013 acquisition of a competing U.S. firm, Complete Genomics. There are indications that BGI's links with the Chinese government may run deeper than it publicly claims, as it built and operates China National GeneBank, the Chinese government's national genetic database, and has used PLA-owned supercomputers to process genetic information. Chinese diplomats have pushed BGI-built COVID-19 testing kits, including in the United States, and by August 2020 BGI had ``sold 35 million rapid COVID-19 testing kits to 180 countries, and built 58 labs in 18 countries.'' The highest levels of the United States government should publicly state these concerns so as to raise awareness among the U.S. commercial and academic biotechnology communities, as well as U.S. allies, many of which currently have partnerships or business dealings with BGI.]''

The Commission then recommends on Page 587 that the State Department design a specific initiative to warn America and its allies about BGI. ``[Launch a strategic communications campaign to publicly highlight the links between the Chinese government and BGI. The Secretary of State should personally voice concern about BGI's ties to the Chinese government and instruct the Department to conduct a strategic communications campaign to highlight those links and warn of the dangers of the Chinese government obtaining personal genetic information via BGI. The Department should also warn BGI and the Chinese government that it will closely monitor BGI's activities, and that should BGI be utilized as a mass DNA-collection apparatus for the Chinese government, it could face additional U.S. regulatory action.]''

It is important to note that two subsidiaries of BGI were placed on the entity list by the Commerce Department last year for their role in aiding the genocide being perpetrated by the Chinese Government against the Uyghur minority in Xinjiang, an issue that I and many of my Senate colleagues have been vocal on.

In closing, I think it is important that this report be part of our Record today.

Mr. President, today I rise to recognize the 10th annual observance of National Moth Week, which will be celebrated this year from July 17 to 25.

What began as a plan for a statewide moth night in my home State of New Jersey evolved into a national week of recognition and quickly became an international citizen science project. In 2012, residents from East Brunswick, NJ, founded this initiative to promote the appreciation and conservation of moths and their important role in the ecosystem. Since then, thousands of people in all 50 U.S. States and 100 countries have participated in observing and documenting moths during this week.

National Moth Week encourages people of all ages and abilities to shine a light on nighttime nature and record what they see. Moths are incredibly diverse members of the Lepidoptera order of insects, with estimates of 150,000 to more than 500,000 moth species. They serve as pollinators of crops and flowers and a food source for birds and other fauna. Enriching mothing events have been held at U.S. National Parks and Monuments; State, county, and local parks; museums, libraries, nature centers, and backyards.

This scientific event is an all-volunteer effort coordinated by the Friends of the East Brunswick Environmental Commission with the assistance of a team of entomologists, researchers, educators, and enthusiasts around the world. In addition, country coordinators in Asia, Africa, Europe, Central and South America, and Australia are helping to increase awareness, study and appreciation of moths, their incredible diversity, and ecological importance in their own countries.

National Moth Week has brought people together from many different cultures and ethnicities for the purpose of observing and protecting an important natural resource and dispelling the negative conceptions some may have of moths. It proudly represents the best of the Garden State and its concern for the health of our environment and all of its inhabitants.

It is my great honor to recognize the anniversary of National Moth Week and celebrate the vibrant research and scientific community in the State of New Jersey.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that my statements before the nominee who is supposed to be voted on at 5:30 be allowed to take place before the vote.

Madam President, I rise today to express my support for the nomination of Uzra Zeya to be the next Under Secretary of State for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights.

Ms. Zeya is immensely qualified to lead U.S. efforts to recenter our most fundamental values in our foreign policy efforts and to strengthen the Bureaus she will lead. Her experience and the more than 20 years as a Foreign Service officer, including as the Acting Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor in the State Department, make her the perfect fit for this position.

The previous administration abdicated our global responsibility, but we now have the opportunity to restore U.S. leadership in the fight for democracy, human rights, and rule of law around the world. It is an exciting prospect for us, but more importantly, it will give hope to those still fighting for their rights, the millions of people

around the world who look to the United States for inspiration and support in their own democratic struggles.

We see that in places like Cuba today. Looking around the globe, we see China stripping away Hong Kong's autonomy and freedoms at an alarming pace. Military dictators are cementing their illegitimate rule in places like Burma and Mali, eroding and eliminating the institutions of democracy, while Russia and Belarus have imprisoned political opponents without accountability.

At the same time, an unprecedented 80 million people have been forcibly displaced from their homes, communities, and countries. We must look no farther than our own southern border to see the destruction, desperation, and displacement wrought by violence, climate change, and lack of economic opportunity.

All of these developments negatively impact American national security interests. Our Secretary of State and, indeed, our country need senior human rights leadership of the caliber of Ms. Zeya.

The fact that the nomination of Ms. Zeya--a nominee so superbly qualified and whose leadership is so essential to rebuilding the State Department--has languished for 82 days is a travesty. I strongly urge my colleagues to join me in voting to confirm her to the position of Under Secretary of State for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights, and I hope my Republican colleagues will stop blocking qualified and critical nominees to the Nation's foreign policy and national security mission from moving forward

With that, I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I rise today to acknowledge the 10th anniversary of South Sudan's independence. July 9 is a bittersweet day for the resilient people of South Sudan. For decades, South Sudanese fought a brutal war with the government in Khartoum in which 2 million people lost their lives. After decades of bloody struggle, the parties to the conflict signed the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, CPA, which provided for self-determination for the South and paved the way for South Sudan's independence in 2011, with the diplomatic support of the United States and others in the international community.

Yet the promise of South Sudan's independence has turned into tragedy. Deep fault lines that emerged during the country's long struggle for independence, accentuated by rivalry and rent seeking among the country's corrupt political elite, brought about catastrophe. A little over 2 years after independence, 400,000 people were killed and more than 4 million were displaced during the 5-year civil war between forces loyal President Salva Kiir against those aligned with Vice-President Riek Machar. Unspeakable atrocities were committed against civilians during the conflict, including women and children. In 2017, the war induced a famine that brought hundreds of thousands more to the brink of disaster.

The United States and its international partners have invested heavily in diplomatic efforts to support and end to the conflict in South Sudan. Despite failed cease-fire agreements and the intransigence of the warring parties, in 2018 regional leaders working through the InterGovernmental Authority on Development, IGAD, were finally able to obtain agreement on what was called the Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of Conflict in South Sudan, R-ARCSS. Although far from ideal, the agreement lays out a framework for a peaceful resolution of the conflict, political reform, and democratic transition.

But implementation of the agreement remains slow, and South Sudan sits at a very dangerous crossroad. Responsible parties have failed to implement major provisions of the R-ARCSS, including those on power- sharing, constitutional development, security sector reform, economic issues, and transitional justice, or have reneged on their commitments. Nonsignatories to the R-ARCSS continue to wage an active insurgency, particularly in Equatoria. Locally rooted communal violence is also rampant, fueled by the invisible hand of rival national political elites. Kiir's security apparatus continues to violate the human, civil, and political rights of the South Sudanese people. Overlaying all of these problems is an urgent humanitarian crisis--driven by conflict induced food insecurity, displacement, and COVID-19--made all the more worse by longstanding efforts by the Government of South Sudan to undercut humanitarian access.

It is clear that South Sudan's stalled peace process needs a reboot. The lack of progress on implementation of the R-ARCSS has created significant concern about elections now slated for 2022--if they are even held. And if they are held, without prior implementation of core components of the agreement and other key actions, the polls could be a flash point for conflict and violence.

In order to prevent this outcome, South Sudanese leadership, the United States, and international partners must take urgent action.

Political leadership in Juba must immediately organize a process for robust and inclusive negotiations over a new constitution in a process that involves all South Sudanese stakeholders, including civil society and holdout rebel groups. While I would not presume to dictate what the South Sudanese people themselves might decide, it seems to me that devolution of power from the national government to the states and local administration, and genuine power-sharing at the national level are necessary ingredients to avoid the winner-take-all calculus that has served as an incentive to take and hold on to central power at any cost.

Regional neighbors must act as well. Ongoing instability in East Africa, including the war in Tigray, a fragile transition in Sudan, and political turmoil in Somalia, has distracted regional actors who traditionally engage

on South Sudan issues. This must change. Capitols in Africa, working through the African Union, AU, and IGAD, must ensure that peace in South Sudan is at the top of the agenda for policymakers. Working with the Europeans and other partners, the United States should actively support the efforts of the African stakeholders to rehabilitate South Sudan's broken peace process.

The United States also has a prominent role to play. The relationship between South Sudan and the United States runs deep. For decades the United States has been the leading donor to South Sudan, including major contributions from U.S. civil society. U.S. diplomacy has long supported the South Sudanese cause and was critical to the signing of the CPA. After independence, the United States remained firmly engaged in supporting South Sudan, both through its bilateral engagement and participation in the Troika. That tradition must continue and there is no time to waste. I encourage the Biden administration to take four steps:

First, appoint an experienced Ambassador to South Sudan, someone who has served as an Ambassador in the region who is familiar with the history of the relationship.

Second, the administration should pursue additional bilateral and multilateral sanctions on South Sudanese political actors where needed, including on those who obstruct the delivery of humanitarian aid. In that same vein, it should support the continuation of the U.N. arms embargo and regularly name parties that violate the embargo and hold them accountable.

Third, the corruption that has long fueled South Sudan's political crisis must be confronted head on. The United States and its partners must demand full transparency from the Government of South Sudan on its oil accounts: the international community must know what revenue is coming in and what expenditures are being made. Kiir's foot-dragging on public financial management has persisted for years; it is well past time that Juba face consequences. The United States must use its voice and vote at international financial institutions to oppose all budget support to the Government of South Sudan and urge an end to all programs that do not directly benefit the health and welfare of the South Sudanese people until and unless the government is willing to open its books to donors and, more importantly, the South Sudanese people.

Finally, ending the cycle of conflict and despair in South Sudan will require accountability for past crimes and atrocities. The lesson of 8 years of conflict in South Sudan is that progress is impossible in a climate of impunity. Yet, despite support to the AU Hybrid Court for South Sudan from the United States and other donors, the AU has failed to fulfill its responsibilities, and the Hybrid Court remains in limbo. Justice delayed is justice denied. With our allies in tow, the Biden administration must make clear to relevant stakeholders at the AU and in Juba that further delay on the issue of transitional justice is unacceptable. If these parties do not act, the Biden administration should work with allies to pursue alternative justice and accountability mechanisms.

Mr. President, I congratulate the people of South Sudan on this milestone. Their independence was hard won. I only wish their leaders had treated them better. At this critical moment, the United States must stand with all South Sudanese in their pursuit of justice, democracy, and equitable development.

Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. President, for the Committee on Foreign Relations I report favorably the following nomination list which was printed in the Record on the date indicated, and ask unanimous consent, to save the expense of reprinting on the Executive Calendar that this nomination lie at the Secretary's desk for the information of Senators.

Mr. President, I rise today to express significant concern about the Biden administration's decision to file an amicus brief in the case of Ramona Matos Rodriguez v. Pan American Health Organization.

This case involves serious allegations that the Pan American Health Organization facilitated human trafficking and regrettably places the administration in a position in which it is undercutting efforts by the victims of the Cuban dictatorship's forced labor schemes.

Now, let me be clear, I am a strong advocate for the Pan American Health Organization and its mission strengthening health systems across Latin America and the Caribbean. Given the significant impact of COVID- 19 on the region, PAHO's efforts are needed now more than ever, and I have fought to ensure that the Pan American Health Organization has the resources it needs to carry out its lifesaving work during the pandemic and throughout a good period of time of my congressional career. However, I also firmly believe that the Pan American Health Organization must be held accountable for its past transgressions, including the unacceptable role that it played facilitating a program that subjected more than 10,000 Cuban medical professionals to forced labor conditions in Brazil.

From 2013 to 2019, the Pan American Health Organization profited from its participation in Brazil's Mais Medicos Program, an initiative that allowed Cuba's dictatorship to earn income from trafficking doctors.

The Cuban regime's so-called foreign medical missions are nothing more than human trafficking. In November of 2019, the United Nation's Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of slavery and the United Nation's Special Rapporteur on trafficking in persons raised concerns that the Cuban regime's trafficking of medical professionals constitutes forced labor and modern slavery.

In fact, the Department of State's last ``Trafficking in Persons'' report found the Cuban regime garnishes the wages of its medical professionals that serve overseas, surveils them, confiscates their passports so they can't

leave anywhere, and retaliates against family members in Cuba if they leave from the program. So if you send me abroad, don't pay me, get money from the country that you send me from, take away my passport, and retaliate against my family, that is the ultimate forced labor. Cuba's dictatorship generated more than $6 billion in profit from its forced labor schemes in 2018 alone as it trafficked tens of thousands of Cuban medical professionals to some 60 countries.

The Pan American Health Organization's participation in the Cuban dictatorship's human trafficking programs cannot be overlooked, and accountability is urgently needed.

It is against this backdrop that I have reviewed the Biden administration's amicus brief in Rodriguez v. Pan American Health Organization. And while the brief addresses some of the technical aspects of the case, it effectively does nothing--nothing--to condemn Cuba's dictatorship for human trafficking or the Pan American Health Organization's participation in those programs that were human trafficking.

For over two decades, the United States has led the international community in combating human trafficking. In 2000, the United States enacted the Trafficking Victims Protection Act--something I was involved with in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee--which has set a standard for countries around the world to strengthen efforts to prosecute traffickers, increase protection for victims, and expand foreign assistance programs. We have built a range of financial tools to combat the human trafficking industry and its illicit profits. We have spearheaded efforts to ensure that slavery-free supply chains-- slavery-free supply chains--that respect workers' rights and prevent against forced labor conditions around the world become more and more a reality.

The Biden administration squandered an opportunity in this brief, an opportunity to support Cuban trafficking victims and an opportunity to advance our extraordinary American leadership in combating all forms of human trafficking and modern slavery. It is a major disappointment.

I urge the President and the Secretary of State to redouble efforts to pressure Cuba to end this medical trafficking program and the many other abuses it perpetrates against the Cuban people.

I yield the floor.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Madam President.

Madam President, reserving the right to object, I have real concerns my colleagues' efforts to subvert the legislative process and push through a bill without due consideration from the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. I know my distinguished colleague from Florida is very interested in these issues. I hope he would ask his leadership to put him on the committee because he consistently comes to the floor and wants to circumvent the committee. This is not the first time.

Let me be very clear: Hamas is a terrorist organization, and the terrorists who lead Hamas have no regard for human life, whether they be the life of innocent Israelis targeted by their rocket attacks or the Palestinian families they constantly put in harm's way.

Israel has every right and responsibility to defend herself from attacks against their civilians, and the United States does not, and will not, ever provide funding to Hamas. Neither of those statements are up for debate. In fact, I would argue that every single Member of this body agrees with those assertions.

Indeed, the Senate has a long history of carefully crafting foreign aid programs with robust oversight, as well as sanctions that target Hamas and its supporters. With that in mind, there is simply no reason this bill can't go through regular order and sustain a markup in the Foreign Relations Committee. I looked at the dates of introduction and then its subsequent referrals--less than 3 weeks. We have done it before, and we can do it again.

As the chair of the Foreign Relations Committee, I have shown that I prioritize moving serious, bipartisan legislation. This bill in question is not a serious attempt at legislating; it is a partisan talking point.

Had the Senator from Florida, who is the chair of the Republican Senatorial Campaign Committee, or any of the bill's sponsors had a genuine interest in asserting Congress's role in foreign policy and the hard work that goes into legislating, they would have gone through the regular order of the committee process. They did not.

Instead, I imagine they would rather relish in a tweet proclaiming that Democrats support taxpayer funding of Hamas or oppose defending Israel. And all I can say to this is, enough abusing the United States- Israel relationship for partisan political purposes. It does damage to the United States. It does damage to the State of Israel.

I am proud of my legislative efforts to defend Israel for over three decades, and I would argue that the facts that these efforts have been bipartisan speak to the strength of the United States-Israel relationship. Both Republicans and Democrats share a long track record of working together to defend Israel's right to exist and legislating accountability for U.S. taxpayer dollars spent overseas. But we have to do the work, and I do believe there are Senators who are genuinely interested in working toward that goal.

The truth is, we already have a number of laws and regulations in place regarding the delivery of lifesaving humanitarian relief. As written, this bill, by way of example why we have bills go through the committee so they can be worked on, seems intended to ensure that nobody in Gaza could ever receive any of this support. The language is written so broadly that, for example, before delivering clean water or water infrastructure, the President would effectively have to certify that anyone related to Hamas would never drink that water or drink from a water fountain that carried that water. That is simply absurd.

I would welcome a robust discussion on the ways we can continue to ensure that taxpayer dollars intended for lifesaving humanitarian relief in Gaza and elsewhere can get to those who need it the most and certainly evade and avoid the hands of Hamas.

Let's remember why we invest in foreign aid programs in the first place. We do so in pursuit of our common humanity, of our values, and our own security interests. So let's recognize the political games being played on the floor today for what they are and reject them.

Because of all of those reasons, Madam President, I object.

Madam President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Madam President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. President, I thank my distinguished colleague from New Jersey for allowing me to go first because I have one of our foreign country's Ambassador in my office.

Today, in the Senate, we have an opportunity to both alleviate a judicial emergency and make history by supporting the confirmation of Zahid Quraishi to the U.S. District Court of New Jersey, where he currently serves as a U.S. magistrate judge.

As I mentioned many times in the past, the vacancies on this court have been declared judicial emergencies by the Judicial Conference of the United States. The U.S. District of New Jersey is one of the busiest courts in the entire country, with 46,000 cases pending before it. Yet being short-staffed has left our judges with mind-boggling caseloads, more than three times the national average.

Fortunately, we in the Senate have an extraordinary nominee before us this week. Judge Quraishi has devoted his career to serving our country, and his story embodies both the rich diversity of New Jersey and the promise of America as a place where anything is possible.

He was born in New York, grew up in Fanwood, NJ, with his parents, both immigrants from Pakistan, who came to this country to build a better life. In 1997, he graduated from the John Jay College of Criminal Justice in New York, and in 2000, he earned his J.D. from Rutgers Law School, my alma mater.

After a clerkship with the New Jersey Superior Court, Mr. Quraishi accepted a position with a New York law firm. His first day on the job was September 11, 2001, and the horrific events of that day prompted him to change the trajectory of his career and focus on serving our country.

In 2003, he joined the U.S. Army Judge Advocate General's Corps, where he earned the rank of captain and served two deployments in Iraq--first in 2004 and then 2006. For his service, Mr. Quraishi was awarded the Bronze Star and the Combat Action Badge, a recognition by the U.S. Army for noninfantry soldiers who engage in ground combat.

After leaving the Army, he continued to work in public service, first as trial counsel with the Department of Homeland Security and then as a Federal prosecutor in the U.S. Attorney's Office for the District of New Jersey.

In 2013, he joined the law firm of Riker Danzig, where he worked until 2019, when he was appointed as a U.S. magistrate judge for the U.S. district court and became the first Asian-American Federal judge in New Jersey's history.

Now Mr. Quraishi is poised to break barriers once more. If confirmed, he will become the first Muslim American in U.S. history to serve as an article III Federal judge. My colleagues, Zahid Quraishi is a man of integrity, a consummate public servant, and a trailblazer for Asian Americans and Muslim Americans across this country who dream of one day presiding over a court of their own.

We should all draw our inspiration from his story because it is a story that could only take place in the United States of America. I urge my colleagues to support this historic nomination to the U.S. District Court of New Jersey without delay.

And I want to thank my distinguished colleague from New Jersey, Senator Booker, for bringing Judge Quraishi's nomination to the President and to myself, and it is an example of the power of having someone sitting on the Judiciary Committee knowing the importance of diversity, so that any American who comes before a Federal court can think that someone like them is sitting in judgment of them. So I thank Senator Booker.

With that, I yield the floor.