Floor Statements

Mr. President, I rise today to speak on the United States Climate Leadership on International Mitigation, Adaptation, and Technology Enhancement Act of 2021--the U.S. CLIMATE Act. Mr. President, climate change represents a clear and present threat to the stability, security and prosperity of nations around the world, including the United States. The cost of climate-induced disasters becomes more indisputable and devastating with every passing year. Barring swift and ambitious action, the situation will only worsen.

We've all seen the devastating impacts of climate change. For years, unprecedented tropical storms have destroyed communities in Mozambique, Central America, and the United States, including communities in my home state of New Jersey. This past February, incredibly abnormal and brutal winter weather, exacerbated by climatic disruption to the Arctic's polar vortex, killed eleven people and left thousands in Texas without power and water. Less than a year prior, deadly wildfires, exacerbated by climate change engulfed California, killing 31 people, and Australia, killing 34 people, and forced thousands to flee their homes and lose their livelihoods. And yet, while hurricanes and storm surges are horrific, climate change is also increasing the intensity, length and geographic expanse of droughts around the world contributing to food insecurity, natural resource scarcity and desertification.

Likewise, intensifying effects of climate change pose an existential threat to hundreds of millions of people and exacerbate global forced migration. Nations like Bangladesh, India, and Indonesia are incredibly vulnerable to mass displacement due to rising sea levels. Island nations like Tuvalu, Seychelles, the Republic of the Marshall Islands and Kiribati are already managing internal migration due to climate change induced sea-level rise. Without ambitious action to both keep global leverage temperatures well below an increase of two degrees Celsius above preindustrial levels it is forecasted that the entirety of certain nations may become uninhabitable within my grandchildren's lifetime. It is a moral imperative for the Senators in this body, and humanity, to act to ensure that is not the world we leave for the generations that will come after us. Today's generations are the first people to personally and regularly experience the effects of climate change on the natural world and its impact on humanity . . . and we are also the last generations that can, and must, act to prevent the worst forecasts from becoming reality.

Changing climate and weather patterns intensification of global food insecurity and resource scarcity especially threaten the lives and security of the world's most vulnerable populations. For months, heavy rainfall and warmer temperatures have triggered a locust plague in East Africa that has lasted more than an entire year. This historic locust plague--triggered by conditions exacerbated by climate change--has threatened agricultural and pastoral livelihoods and worsened already acute food insecurity in the region. At the same time, similar extreme weather patterns are expected to expand and shift the ranges of life- threatening diseases like malaria, West Nile Virus, cholera, and others. Beyond the palpable destruction and devastation of climate- induced crises, climate change is a ``threat multiplier,'' a term coined by the CNA Corporation's Military Advisory Board in 2007 to express the way in which climate change exacerbates instability; conflict and subsequent displacement; terrorism; and other vital security matters.

Clearly, climate change does not begin nor end at any nation's borders. No one is immune to the effects of climate change--which is why we must not only work with the rest of the

world to combat this crisis, but lead the charge. It is simply not enough to enact robust domestic policies--this is a global problem that requires internationally collaborative solutions. What's more, our leadership and renewed international engagement can generate opportunities for Americans. By committing to international agreements and adhering to emerging international production norms, we are opening the global markets for the innovation, ingenuity, and leadership of the American private sector.

I commend the Biden administration's commitment to returning the United States to the global stage, thereby granting us the capacity to reengage and lead the international community in tackling the greatest threat of our time. President Biden's Executive Order on Tackling the Climate Crisis at Home and Abroad has designated climate action as a core tenant of U.S. diplomacy and national security planning. He has appointed former Secretary of State John Kerry as Special Presidential Envoy for Climate, ensuring that climate considerations have a strong advocate where important decisions are being made. And, under the leadership of President Biden, the United States has officially rejoined the Paris Agreement.

The time for debate and discussion on why and how we must tackle this crisis is over. The science is clear: we must achieve net zero emissions by 2050 in order to ensure a safe and prosperous future for ourselves and our posterity. Now is the time for action and implementation of crucial efforts to save our planet.

Congress can and must do more to support the restoration of the United States' climate diplomacy and leadership. That is why I am introducing the United States Climate Leadership in International Mitigation, Adaptation, and Technological Enhancement Act, or the U.S. CLIMATE Act, of 2021, a comprehensive piece of legislation to bolster President Biden's bold commitment to U.S. climate leadership by providing resources, programs and policy to support and expedite the realization of United States action that will be essential to regaining the international community's trust and partnership with the U.S. in the global climate fight. It represents a bold course of action that Congress should take to support forward-looking leadership in the White House in their commitment to preventing the worst-case scenarios of climate change from becoming reality.

Title I of the bill establishes climate change as a cross-cutting imperative at the State Department. It also calls for the integration of climate models and forecasting into national security planning across all federal agencies and features directives on protecting our security and environmental interests in the Arctic.

Title II declares support for U.S. cooperation and engagement in international agreements. This includes directives on re-entry into the Paris Agreements; ratification of the Kigali Amendment to the Montreal Protocols; compliance with environmental initiatives of the International Civil Aviation Organization; and the establishment of new international efforts to mitigate transportation sector and greenhouse gas emissions.

Title III integrates climate change mitigation and adaptation efforts into a range of tools and initiatives at USAID, the Department of the Treasury, the Department of State, the DFC, and the United Nations.

Title IV incorporates a clean energy mandate into the United States' diplomatic and development efforts, thereby protecting our own energy security interests and promoting responsible global energy production.

Title V of the bill addresses the United States' bilateral and multilateral engagement on climate change, encouraging U.S. cooperation with China, India, the European Union and other key partners.

Title VI of the U.S. CLIMATE Act integrates our colleague from Hawai'i, Senator Hirono's Women and Climate Change Act, which acknowledges and addresses the disproportionate effects of climate change on women and girls around the world.

The science is clear: we are running out of time to stave off the most devastating effects of climate change that will directly impact our children and our children's children. After four years of being absent from the conversation, it is time for the United States to not only return to the table, but lead the charge to protect our shared home. We cannot solve this crisis alone--this is not an American problem, this is a global crisis that can only be combatted with coordinated, international action. The U.S. CLIMATE Act of 2021 provides the essential resources, programs, and support for the United States to lead the world forward in the existential fight to save our planet. Mr. President I ask unanimous consent that the full text of the legislation be printed in the Record following my remarks, I yield the floor and note the absence of a quorum.

So ordered.

Mr. President, the Committee on Foreign Relations has adopted rules governing its procedures for the 117th Congress. Pursuant to rule XXVI, paragraph 2, of the Standing Rules of the Senate, on behalf of myself and Senator Risch, I ask unanimous consent that a copy of the committee rules be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, I come to the floor in honor of an historic occasion: the 200th anniversary of Greece's independence. I am delighted to join the Greek-American community in New Jersey and across the United States in celebrating this bicentennial. The bonds of friendship between the United States and Greece are unbreakable, and as I stand here, in the center of American democracy, I am reminded of the strength of the shared democratic values on which our long partnership is based.

Greece has made incredible contributions to the world, not least of which is developing the ideals of democracy and rule of law that inspired our Founding Fathers to establish our American system of government. The very architecture of the Capitol building is a tribute to the foundational role Greece played in the shaping of our democracy and society. The democratic ideals developed in ancient Greece continue to motivate Americans and people around the world today.

The people of the United States in turn worked to support the people of Greece as they began their own struggle for independence 200 years ago. American Philhellene Committees, comprised of ordinary Americans, sprung up to support the Greek fight for freedom through fundraising and humanitarian assistance.

Members of Congress, including Daniel Webster applauded ``the struggle of an interesting and gallant people . . . contending against fearful odds . . . for the common privilege of human nature.'' In a letter to Greek scholar Adamantios Koraes, whose work formed the intellectual basis for the Greek independence struggle, Thomas Jefferson demonstrated his support by writing that ``no people sympathise more feelingly than ours with the sufferings of your countrymen, none offer more sincere and ardent prayers to heaven for their success.''

Several American Philhellenes traveled to Greece to assist the Greek people more directly. Dr. Samuel Gridley Howe, who later became a prominent voice in America's fight to end slavery, served with the Greek army as a surgeon and a soldier. Jonathan Peckham Miller, another future noted abolitionist, also served in the Greek army. George Jarvis fought alongside the Greek people, as well as working to provide food, medicine, and clothing to those who needed it with the support of the American Philhellene Committees.

The bonds between the peoples and governments of Greece and the United States have lasted throughout our countries' long history and are stronger than ever today. Greece is an invaluable partner to the United States as a NATO member, as an EU member, and in promoting peace and stability in the Balkans and the Eastern Mediterranean region. Greece's unwavering commitment to democracy and the rule of law makes it a truly reliable ally in the region and an increasingly critical one as we face the challenges of the 21st century.

I am proud that Congress demonstrated its support for further boosting U.S.-Greece cooperation and U.S. support for the Greece- Cyprus-Israel trilateral, with the passage of the Eastern Mediterranean Security and Energy Partnership Act a little over a year ago. Ensuring full implementation of this act is one of my priorities as chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee.

The past few years have seen critical developments in U.S.-Greece relations. I am grateful to the leadership of officials in both countries whose work has helped U.S.-Greece ties reach their strongest level ever, including Ambassador Geoff Pyatt, and I look forward to building on their fantastic efforts in the months and years to come.

This 200th anniversary of Greece's independence truly is a time to celebrate: a time to celebrate Greece's hard-won freedom; a time to celebrate the bonds between our peoples, and especially the many contributions Greek Americans have made to this country; and a time to celebrate our countries' shared history and democratic values, which will be the basis of our countries' cooperation for years to come.

This week, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee unanimously approved a resolution congratulating the people of Greece on the 200th anniversary of their independence. I am grateful to Senator Barrasso for joining me in leading this resolution and to my many Senate colleagues on both sides of the aisle who have cosponsored this resolution. With the passage of this resolution every year, Congress-- and, through us, the American people--send a clear message of support for the Greek people and our countries' enduring partnership.

Greece's 200th independence anniversary serves not only as a reminder of our countries' long friendship, but also as a time for us to look to build on that history and strengthen our partnership for generations to come. The Eastern Mediterranean region and the world face unprecedented challenges, and growing the U.S.-Greece relationship is more critical than ever for our shared security and stability. I look forward to working with the people of Greece and the Greek-American community to make the vision of an even stronger U.S.-Greece relationship a reality.

Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Madam President, I come to the floor today to discuss yesterday's report from the Intelligence Committee, a public report, which confirmed what we all suspected last year: that the Russian Federation favored Donald Trump's reelection and sought to influence the outcome by amplifying attacks on Joe Biden and his family. While the scale of interference appears to be less than what we saw in 2016, the receptiveness of Trump's inner circle appears to have been about the same. They were open for business.

I am not here to relitigate the 2016 or 2020 elections; I am here to raise my concern with the fact that, for two election cycles in a row now, the Republican Party's nominee for President sought to normalize foreign interference in our elections. And I want to be clear. It is wrong, it is hostile, it is undemocratic, and it must stop if you want the American people to have the confidence in the legitimacy and the credibility of our elections going forward.

This is not about party; this is about the durability of our democracy. Everyone in this body has an important role to play in rejecting foreign interference and restoring trust in our election process.

While the contents of the report came as no surprise, its findings were nonetheless breathtaking. Our intelligence community is highly confident--the highest assessment they have on any given issue--in its assessment that Vladimir Putin was involved in the operation whereby Andrii Derkach and Konstantin Kilimnik successfully manipulated President Trump's inner circle, including his personal attorney, Rudy Giuliani.

Thankfully, the American people had better sense than Mr. Giuliani and rejected the Kremlin-backed lies about Joe Biden and his family. That, however, does not diminish the fact that the Russian Government undertook this effort and the former President welcomed it. The Russian interference detailed in this report occurred at the very same time the Trump administration sought to publicly downplay the role played by Russia.

This report was mandated by Congress and for good reason. Americans deserve to know exactly who is interfering in our democracy and how. As I said before, everyone has a role to play, including the American people. We have to encourage Americans to practice better cyber security and to scrutinize the information they see on the web. Carefully examining social media posts before sharing them must become the new hallmark of a patriotic, active, and informed citizenry. And our social media companies must do a better job stopping the proliferation of foreign disinformation on their platforms.

The health of our democracy depends on this vigilance. The Kremlin will continue to attack our elections and seek to sow divisions among us. We have a responsibility to resist this interference and not make their job any easier.

We live in a media environment where Donald Trump and his Republican allies continue to this day to promote unhinged conspiracy theories that the election was stolen. The intelligence report confirms this is not true.

Some Republican officials have promoted wild conspiracy theories that China supported Democratic campaigns. The intelligence report confirms this was not true.

Former President Trump and his allies still assert that Venezuela manipulated voting machines. A companion report by the Department of Justice and Homeland Security confirmed this is not true.

We must come to terms with the fact that while Russia has aggressively promoted disinformation in our country, the most pernicious engine of lies in the United States is cast by the former President himself.

Knowing the facts sets a foundation for action, and I look forward to engaging with this administration on measures to respond to our intelligence community's findings. There should be sanctions required in response to this interference, and the administration should move quickly to impose them.

I welcome the approach thus far by the Biden administration as it crafts a Russia policy that calls out Kremlin aggression when it happens and takes strong measures in response. The sanctions imposed in response to the Navalny assassination attempt demonstrate that such reckless and dangerous behavior will not be tolerated. And our efforts to hold the Kremlin accountable will include close coordination with our European allies.

The package of sanctions announced on March 2 shows how committed the Biden administration is to confronting Kremlin aggression. This type of rigor in the development of sanctions packages is a welcome reminder of how our government should work. The Navalny sanctions were a good first step, and I look forward to soon seeing the results of the administration's review of Russia policy. In my view, we need a strategy that accomplishes four main goals.

One, limiting the Kremlin's ability to interfere in our democracy as well as those of our allies and partners. This includes a comprehensive plan to counter Russian-generated propaganda and corruption around the world.

Two, standing up for our friends in Ukraine who are literally on the frontlines battling Kremlin aggression. They need our diplomatic support in Europe. They need our security assistance to defend themselves. They need our encouragement to reform democratic institutions. I hope that President Biden will soon speak with President Zelensky to send these important messages.

Three, we have a responsibility to engage with the Russian Government when it is in our national security interests. I supported the extension of the New START agreement and urge the administration to continue to advance arms control policies that advance stability and our national security.

Finally, our Russia policy must extend a hand to the Russian people, many of whom have courageously turned out by the thousands in opposition to Putin and his government. Their struggle for democracy is theirs,

not ours, but we must make clear that our disagreements are not with them but with Vladimir Putin and his corrupt, autocratic regime.

Defending our elections isn't just about strong cyber measures, protecting the ballot box, and promoting better practices on social media. It is about having a foreign policy that clearly communicates our values and interests, one that leaves no room for debate over the openness of any American President to foreign interference. It is about a foreign policy that recognizes how the Kremlin's efforts to weaken democracy in Ukraine or in other European countries ultimately threatens democracy here in the United States. It is about a foreign policy that works with allies and partners, not one that denigrates them at every turn.

The intelligence community is getting better at detecting and guarding against interference, but we must remain vigilant. Russia and other foreign actors will continue to attack our democratic process. Their tactics may evolve, but their intentions remain the same, and we need to stay one step ahead of them.

The Biden administration is off to a good start in defending our democracy. As chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, I look forward to working together to advance policies that reflect America's time-honored democratic values both at him and abroad.

Further parliamentary inquiry: Is there a limit on time divided by side or is the floor open regardless?

Thank you.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table and that the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action.

Mr. President, I take no pleasure in coming to the floor today. We in the Senate take pride in our decorum and our sense of comity with each other, so much so that we often twist ourselves into pretzels to avoid saying anything that might be interpreted as a criticism of another Senator. Yet there comes a time when these verbal gymnastics simply won't do. You are either going to speak the truth or fail to do justice to the values you hold dear.

What one of our colleagues said last week about the events of January 6 was felt by many to be racist and hurtful--a stain on the office he is so fortunate to hold.

Look, I get that no one likes to be called racist, but sometimes there is just no other way to describe the use of bigoted tropes that for generations have threatened Black lives by stoking White fear of African Americans and Black men in particular.

On a radio show, our colleague explained that he never feared for his safety during the January 6 insurrection of the U.S. Capitol. But make no mistake, under different circumstances, he would have been afraid. He said:

Now, had the tables been turned--now, Joe, this will get me

in trouble--had the tables been turned and President Trump

won the election and those were tens of thousands of Black

Lives Matter and antifa protesters, I might have been a

little concerned.

Is that not racism?

I don't think the Senator is ignorant of the fact that for centuries in this country, White supremacy has thrived on using fear to justify oppression, discrimination, and violence against people of color. I do, however, think my colleague may be ignorant of the pain caused by his comments and unaware of how they compound the trauma that so many still feel in the wake of the events of January 6.

Because I do not think I can do justice to that pain, I want to share with you an email I received this weekend. It is from one of the most devoted public servants I have ever had the pleasure of working with, an African-American member of my staff. His name is Keith Roachford. He has devoted nearly three and one-half decades to serving the people of New Jersey in Congress and his community as a faithful churchgoer and Boy Scout leader. It reads:

Senator,

I would not normally send you an email like this but I am

at a loss of how to express

the outrage and hurt I am feeling from the comments made by

Senator Johnson that he would have been more afraid on

January 6th if the insurrectionists would have been from

Black Lives Matter.

I am blessed to be on your staff and have had the

opportunity to serve as a staff member in the NJ delegation

for 34 years, but this is the most painful thing I have ever

heard being said by a US Senator.

I could not imagine that the horrible and painful events

from [January] 6th could be replicated in a statement from a

sitting member of the Senate.

However, Johnson's comment is worse than the image of the

insurrectionists walking through the Capitol building with

the confederate flag.

He is perpetrating the racist trope that the country should

fear black people.

I have experienced what it is like to have a taxi cab pass

you by in order to pick up white passengers who are further

down the block of where you are standing.

Nothing can describe the feeling when you have entered a

store and having store clerks watch your every step while

shopping.

Sandy--

That is his wife--

and I have had the conversations with our sons when they were

young about how to enter a store; not look suspicious; keep

your hands out of your pockets until you make your purchase;

or how to respond and talk to police officers in any

interaction.

I have had the difficult conversation of explaining to a

young black scouter in our scout troop why a white campground

store clerk accused him of not paying for an item because he

was black.

[This] type of hate speech is [not] new. The hardest part

of what he said is that in 2021, a United States Senator

would so freely express this type of hate out loud.

I am so grateful for our officers who endured so many

injuries on [January] 6th, and I pray that they will recover

physically and mentally.

They are going through so much right now, I feel guilty

that my email to you might sound shallow because of the pain

they are trying to overcome.

I understand that the Senate works best when both sides can

find common ground, but how do [you] really reach common

ground when [such views can be held]?

Again, I am sorry for reaching out late on Saturday

evening, but I needed to share this with you.

Keith.

To read these pained words both broke my heart and boiled my blood. Thousands of people of color serve in the U.S. Capitol workforce. They are legislative staffers like Keith and Capitol Police officers and maintenance workers, cafeteria staff, and so much more. I should not have to stand here and remind anyone that many of them feared for their lives on January 6. But not Senator Johnson. He felt no fear. He wasn't afraid because, and I quote:

I knew those are people that love this country, that truly

respect law enforcement, would never do anything to break the

law, so I wasn't concerned.

People who love this country do not desecrate our most sacred democratic institutions and display symbols of racial hatred like the Confederate flag in the halls of Congress. People who respect law enforcement do not assault Capitol Police officers, beat them within inches of death, and hurl ugly epithets at officers of color. And people who would never do anything to break the law would not try to overturn the rule of law, plot to kill elected officials, and stop the peaceful transfer of power as instructed by the Constitution of the United States.

Now, I know what some rightwing media pundits and some of my Republican colleagues will say. They say it every time they are asked to accept some responsibility for perpetuating the lies told by President Trump that inspired the violent events of January 6.

They say: What about Black Lives Matter?

They say: Well, what about it?

Well, I say: Well, what about it?

The violent picture they paint of this movement could not be more divorced from reality. At this point, several reputable studies have confirmed that the protests launched in the wake of George Floyd's chilling murder were overwhelmingly peaceful. I repeat: The Black Lives Matter movement is overwhelmingly peaceful. I know many people don't care about facts these days, but it is the truth.

One study out of Harvard University analyzed 7,305 Black Lives Matter protests. The conclusion? Allow me to quote Professor Erica Chenoweth. She said:

Only 3.7 percent of the protests involved property damage

or [some form of] vandalism. Some portion of these involved

neither police nor protesters, but people engaging in

vandalism or looting alongside the protests. In short, our

data suggest that 96.3 percent of events involved no property

damage or police injuries, and in 97.7 percent of events, no

injuries were reported among participants, bystanders or

police.

Likewise, the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project--an organization I might add is partially funded by the U.S. Department of State's Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations--examined 7,750 different Black Lives Matter demonstrations across the Nation last summer. They found just 3 percent of those protests associated with any violence or property destruction whatsoever. They also concluded that police departments ``disproportionately used force while intervening in demonstrations associated with the [Black Lives Matter] movement relative to other types of demonstrations.''

Indeed, on January 6, as we waited for hours for backup from the National Guard and other law enforcement agencies to come to the aid of Congress, I know that I am not the only one who could not help but think of the violent, government-sanctioned crackdowns that met Black Lives Matter protesters last summer.

The bottom line is that these lies casting Black Lives Matter as violent have already done real damage. They have convinced millions of Americans that they should fear those who march under the banner of this movement for justice, when really it is the resurgence of violent White supremacy that should be Americans' real cause for alarm.

Indeed, last October, the Department of Homeland Security issued a report confirming that White supremacists pose the most lethal domestic terror threat to the American people. Research from the Center for Strategic and International Studies finds that White supremacists and their sympathizers carried out two-thirds of terrorist plots and attacks in 2020.

In the weeks since January 6, we have learned that far-right extremist groups that regularly preach White supremacy, such as the Oath Keepers and the Proud Boys, played a major role in plotting and executing the attack on the U.S. Capitol.

Every Member of this body owes their life to the sacrifices made that afternoon by Capitol Police officers, including officers of color. At least 100 officers were physically injured in the January 6 attack. One officer, a veteran and fellow New Jerseyan named Brian Sicknick, later succumbed to the injuries he sustained. Two others subsequently committed suicide. Hundreds of officers now carry with them invisible scars from the trauma they endured that day--scars that may not fade for years or even decades.

For one of our colleagues to cast those who attacked the Capitol as harmless patriots while stroking fear of Black Americans is like rubbing salt in an open wound.

Everybody in this body should know that when you perpetuate such racist tropes, you contribute to a culture that gives people permission to treat Black Americans as suspicious and their lives as expendable. We in the Senate are supposed to hold ourselves to a higher standard. We are supposed to advance America's long march toward a more perfect Union, not coddle and cater to those who would take us backwards, and we are supposed to stand up for the truth. That is what brought me to the floor today.

I hope Members of this body on both sides of the aisle will join me in making sure that we do not debase the institution and the people we are called to serve--all the people--for whom so much pain has existed for years and exists still today.

With that, I yield the floor.

Madam President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Madam President, I ask for 1 minute of the 2 minutes.

This provision is providing fundamental fairness so that hospitals in every State of this country have the resources they need to hire the best, most qualified providers.

Years ago, CMS came up with an arbitrary formula that excluded a series of States from a payment policy that intended to benefit all hospitals so we are not competing for labor unfairly. A bipartisan policy that began under President Bush continued through multiple administrations until the Trump administration ended it without justification.

Making matters worse, our States were at the epicenter of the COVID crisis. This provision would simply provide parity, and it would do so, unlike what the Senator is saying, without decreasing payments for any other State.

This is the fairest way to provide parity that our States need and to be able to deal with the challenges of getting people at a time in which we need them the most.

Madam President, I ask for 15 additional seconds.

And there is nothing that makes any other State in this country more special than our States.

Vote on Amendment No. 996

Mr. President, colleagues, this amendment is meant for one purpose and one purpose only and that is to kill the American Rescue Plan, to kill all the work that has brought us to this moment, to kill the $1,400 checks to American families that will help them stay in their homes and put food on the table, to kill the extended unemployment checks that millions are depending upon us not to let lapse next week, to kill the ability to put more vaccine in the arms of our families, to kill the desperate aid that small businesses need to stay alive, to kill the chance to lift 50 percent of all of those children in poverty into the sunlit plains of opportunity.

The Senate has already expressed itself today on Keystone. The committee rule could not accommodate this referral in the timeframe offered. Enough is enough. It is time to defeat this amendment and pass the American Rescue Plan.

I urge my colleagues to vote against it.

Mr. President, I rise today to express my concern about increasing insecurity in the Darfur region of Sudan and to call for immediate action to prevent further violence and protect civilians.

As many of my colleagues will recall, in 2003 the regime of toppled Sudanese dictator Omar al-Bashir began a vicious and deadly campaign against his own citizens in the Darfur region. Millions were driven from their homes, and hundreds of thousands killed and sometimes raped by militia armed and supported by the government. In 2004 Congress and the State Department stood united in determining that what was taking place in Darfur was, in fact, genocide. Three years after that determination, the United Nations-African Union Hybrid Operation in Darfur, UNAMID, was established.

UNAMID has not been perfect. However, despite numerous obstacles the Government of Sudan put in place under al-Bashir to obstruct the mission's ability to carry out its mandate to protect civilians, UNAMID has provided critical support for the people of Darfur. UNAMID policewomen have served as trusted confidants for Darfuri women to report sexual and domestic violence, and UNAMID soldiers have provided a protective presence, deterring violence against civilians in areas where they have been deployed. Overall, the presence of international forces has reinforced some sense of security and stability for the hundreds of thousands of people in Darfur who remain displaced, so that that they can continue to live full and dignified lives. These efforts have come at significant cost both in blood and treasure: 64 UNAMID peacekeepers have been killed, and billions of dollars spent, in support of the mission.

With the fall of Bashir, many had hoped that the situation in Darfur would improve. However, those hopes have yet to be fully realized. Violence in West Darfur in late December of 2019 killed dozens and displaced an estimated 40,000 people. In January 2020, two separate violent incidents in North Darfur were additional indicators that all was not well in the region, as were deadly attacks on internally displaced camps in July. In January of this year, communal clashes in West and South Darfur resulted in the death of over 250 people and the displacement of over 100,000. These episodes raise the specter of a return to the catastrophic and genocidal violence that engulfed the region in 2003. But instead of redoubling its commitment to Darfur's long-suffering people at this critical time, the international community risks abandoning them.

This past December, the United Nations Security Council made the decision to dissolve UNAMID. Although it will retain a presence in the region until it completes its full drawdown at the end of June 2021, UNAMID's core civilian protection functions have now ceased. UNAMID is to be replaced by the United Nations Integrated Transition Assistance Mission in Sudan, or UNITAMS. UNITAMS is a Sudan-wide political mission that is aimed at assisting with the transition. I agree that such a mission is needed to ensure that Sudan's transition to democracy is successful. However, supporting the transition and protecting vulnerable civilians are not mutually exclusive, and the mandate for UNITAMS could have included both. Unfortunately, Sudan's transitional government refused to accept this course of action, and

UNITAMS therefore lacks UNAMID's Chapter VII authorities to deploy military tools in service of civilian protection and the advancement of peace in Darfur. Officials in the transitional government at the highest levels have argued that a Chapter VII mission is not necessary because the security situation in Darfur has improved; that many of the warring parties in Darfur have made peace with the Government of Sudan through the Juba Peace Agreement; that Bashir's genocidal regime, which bore primary responsibility for the crisis in the region, is no longer in power; and that the transitional government is implementing a security plan for Darfur that will adequately protect civilians.

I do not share this assessment of the situation in Darfur, and recent clashes, as well earlier rounds of violence that have plagued Darfur since Sudan's transition began in 2019, demonstrate that the region remains fragile. Communal tensions over land, water, and political power persist, and Darfur is awash in weapons. The government's program to provide security to the region, including through its National Plan for Civilian Protection, has yet to be adequately fleshed out let alone implemented. Just last week, the UNAMID team site at Saraf Umrah that was transferred to the Sudanese Government on January 21 was looted by unnamed assailants, and all of the buildings on the site were reportedly destroyed despite the government's prior commitment to secure it. The Juba Peace Agreement, while promising, has not been endorsed by all of Darfur's warring parties. And most worryingly, those likely to be charged with protecting civilians in Darfur, including components of the Sudanese military and the Rapid Support Forces, RSF, of Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, are the same actors that for years worked to implement Bashir's campaign of terror and genocide in the region.

In this context, the United Nations Security Council's ill-timed and poorly-conceived decision to end UNAMID's mandate--facilitated by the Trump administration's lack of a well-thought-out diplomatic strategy and approach--and to rapidly draw down the mission exposes the Darfuri people to significant harm. It could derail Sudan's civilian-led transition to democracy, resulting in another round of instability that Sudan and the broader region can ill afford. That is why in February 2020 I led a group of Senators in writing to the Trump administration, urging it to ensure that the U.N. maintain a mission in Darfur with an adequate number of peacekeeping troops operating under a robust Chapter VII mandate to protect civilians from violence; and that is why I am raising the alarm again here today. The United States, along with its international partners, must work rapidly to put in place mechanisms that can protect Darfur's civilians until such a time that Sudan's transitional government is capable of providing security to the region.

Fortunately, the plight of Darfur has long attracted the bipartisan support of Congress and multiple administrations. At this critical time, it is vital that our commitment remain steadfast. I hope to work with the Biden administration to urgently address the security vacuum created by UNAMID's drawdown and call upon Secretary of State Blinken and United Nations Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield to take urgent steps.

First, we must use our voice and vote at the UNSC to encourage a temporary reauthorization of UNAMID so that it can carry out critical protection of civilian functions, at the very least until it fully draws down in June 2021. Second, we must work actively at the UNSC to strengthen the mandate of the UNITAMS so that it includes robust civilian protection mechanisms. Third, we should press Sudan's civilian-led transitional government to develop a credible civilian protection plan in Darfur that does not--I repeat, does not--involve the RSF or any other forces implicated in violence in Darfur. Fourth, the administration should carefully monitor progress on civilian protection in Darfur and provide support where necessary, including by considering how much of the recently appropriated $700 million for Sudan needs to be set aside to support civilian security in Darfur. Fifth, we must make clear to all that sustainable peace in Darfur requires justice and accountability for past atrocities, no matter how powerful the people implicated.

Mr. President, I strongly support a closer bilateral relationship with Sudan and will continue, as I have for the past 2 years, to do what I can to ensure the United States does its part to see to it that Sudan's civilian-led transition to democracy is successful. We have what may be a once in a generation opportunity. A healthy political transition at the national level will only aid the cause of peace in Darfur, and vice versa.

Mr. President, the situation in Darfur requires our urgent and considered attention. Let us continue our strong tradition of bipartisan support for the long-suffering people of Sudan at this critical time.

Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed

in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD- 423.

Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.