Department Of Defense Appropriations Act, 2015
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the further consideration of H.R. 4870, and that I may include tabular…
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the further consideration of H.R. 4870, and that I may include tabular material on the same.
I would like to join with the ranking member in commending you for this colloquy and for the purpose of the colloquy.
Mr. Chairman, as you know, we share, love, and represent a number of Ukrainian Americans, and we know their plight, and we salute your efforts. This is an important focus that you have brought to our attention.
Will the gentleman yield?
Let me thank my colleague from New Jersey for raising this important issue. We believe this proposal to be an extremely risky proposition because the KC-10 provides a particularly vital link in the air bridge that enables global operations of our Armed Forces.
We could not have done what we did in Afghanistan and Iraq without this vital link, and to retire the entire fleet would be a huge mistake. This is the only tanker that currently uses the boom to fuel Air Force aircraft and the basket to refuel the Navy and Marine Corps fleet. So it is darn important.
I appreciate the work the gentleman has done to bring this to our attention. We have included, of course, language in our bill which reemphasizes the importance of the KC-10 to national security.
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Madam Chair, I seek time in opposition.
Madam Chair, I would first like to recognize Mr. Moran's service on our committee. As just exhibited, in the full committee, he is truly a passionate man, and I must say he has been consistently passionate on this issue, but despite his passion and his reasoning, I stand in opposition to his amendment.
The provisions contained in our bill are the same as current law, and they have been carried in some form since fiscal year 2010, in both the appropriations bill and in the Defense authorization bill. Quite honestly, they need to remain there.
The provisions we carry ensure that the remaining Gitmo detainees who are judged to be the most dangerous will never be brought into our homeland, where U.S. citizens could be threatened. There is a pretty strong and enduring consensus--bipartisan consensus--in Congress that Guantanamo Bay should remain open, that the detainees should not be transferred to the United States for any reason, and that no facility should be built in the United States to house them.
As everyone here is aware and as it has been mentioned in earlier debate, a number of detainees who have been released from Guantanamo have gone back to the fight and killed and wounded Americans. The threat is real. We haven't quite left Afghanistan. The threats there are real.
I strongly oppose the gentleman's amendment, and I ask the House to give it a strong negative vote.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Madam Chair, what about justice for the victims of those who died on September 11, 2001? What about justice for those five detainees that were released the other day in the prisoner exchange, how is there justice there?
They were among the worst of the worst. We need to keep the provisions in this bill. I urge a strong ``no'' vote on this amendment.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Madam Chair, I move to strike the last word.
Madam Chair, I yield to the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Byrne) for the purpose of a colloquy.
Let me first salute the gentleman from Alabama for his strong advocacy on behalf of the littoral combat ship, and let me say that the littoral combat ship plays an extremely important role in the future of the Navy's fleet.
In fact, the ship represents nearly one-sixth of the 306-ship fleet the Navy has expressed as its stated fleet requirement.
During markup of the bill, the committee spent as much time, if not more, on this issue than any other. In the end, we were extremely concerned with the strong words expressed by the Secretary of Defense with respect to the small surface combat requirements that these ships must have.
Since the littoral combat ship does play a vital role, we want to make sure we are buying the correct version. That is why we slowed the production.
However, we recognize the importance of the industrial base--very much so--and we certainly don't want to let that in any way stagnate, so we have provided funding for two ships to bridge the gap until the Navy can verify the requirements and incorporate them into the production line.
I do recognize that this is an important program for your community, and you have been a remarkable advocate. You have been on my case for quite a long time, and I am hugely admiring of your passion and determination.
I want to assure you that we will continue to work with you to address your concerns. We will continue to monitor, as we proceed to conference with the Senate, and we will work with the gentleman to ensure we adopt the right policy for our national security and the industrial base, including a very important shipyard in the gentleman's district in Mobile, Alabama.
Madam Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.
Amendment No. 31 Offered by Ms. Lee of California
Madam Chair, I reserve a point of order on the gentlewoman's amendment.
Madam Chair, I withdraw my reservation, and I seek the time in opposition.
Madam Chair, what is occurring in Iraq is complicated and dangerous and violent.
This is a complicated issue that the gentlewoman seeks to address with multifaceted policy ramifications that really cannot be fully debated in an amendment in this short period of time.
The situation in Iraq remains highly complicated, very dangerous, and does, I believe, and many believe, pose an imminent threat to U.S. and allied interests, particularly regional security; witness the fact that the President has sent over a number of advisers to either protect the Embassy or work with the Iraqi military.
This amendment, in my judgment, goes too far as it attempts to tie the U.S. Government's hands, i.e., the Commander in Chief's hands, in navigating the complicated situation we face related to threats emanating from Iraq, recognizing that half of the country is now in the hands of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria.
We have to be realistic. What this amendment would do is to remove any possibility of the U.S. engaging under any circumstance, even if such engagement would be in the best interest of our own country or allies. For example, this would preclude the U.S. from providing any assistance to the Iraqi Government to defeat a terrorist group inside Iraq, and it appears we may be on the verge of doing exactly that.
Given the ever-changing dynamics in Iraq and the rising terrorist threats coming from within Iraq--and again, almost half the country is in the hands of terrorists--this is a very ill-advised amendment, and I strongly oppose it.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Madam Chair, this amendment sends, I think, the wrong message to the Iraqi people, who have suffered a great deal, and of course I recognize the loss of our soldiers and the sacrifice of our soldiers and their families.
I think this is a very ill-advised amendment and I strongly oppose it.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Madam Chair, I object.
Madam Chair, we do not oppose the amendment.
Madam Chair, I claim the time in opposition.
Madam Chair, I rise in opposition to the gentlewoman's amendment.
As the gentlelady knows, U.S. military action in Iraq came to an end in December of 2011. I want to make sure that she also knows that there are no funds in this act for military action in Iraq, pursuant to the Iraq AUMF resolution. Its grant of authority has both practically and legally ended.
This amendment is an amendment in search of a problem, a problem that doesn't exist. This amendment is not about substance. To a great extent, it is about symbolism. It is intended to send a message that the United States has washed its hands of Iraq, which we haven't.
At a time when sectarian tensions are at the highest level since we left and terrorists have, once again, succeeded in capturing large swaths of territory in Iraq and brutalizing the Iraqi people after our troops essentially fought to protect them, what kind of message are we sending with this amendment to both the Iraqi people and to the men and women of our Armed Forces and our international armed forces who so valiantly served?
Let me repeat that there are no funds in this act for the purpose the gentlelady is seeking to limit. The only thing this amendment would accomplish is to make, quite honestly, a political statement.
I recognize, from time to time, that needs to be done, but I think it sends the wrong message at the worst possible time. I don't believe that such an amendment has any purpose on our bill, and I urge strong rejection of the amendment.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Madam Chair, stay tuned as our Commander in Chief and our allies contemplate future action in Iraq. As things get worse, things go south, a lot of innocent people are killed.
I am respectful of the gentlewoman's passion and her continuing battle to get this matter straightened out, but the President is still going to request for Congress to look at things. I think we should stay tuned.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Will the gentleman yield?
We accept your amendment.
Will the gentleman yield?
Madam Chairman, let me say I rise in opposition to the gentleman's amendment. But we appreciate the passion in which they make their case and certainly, Mr. Fortenberry, in the committee, did a very fine job recognizing congressional concerns regarding potential U.S. involvement in Syria.
Our bill, as you are aware, contains a provision, section 9013, which prohibits the introduction of U.S. military forces into hostilities in Syria, except in accordance with the War Powers Act.
The situation in Syria is as dire as you have described it. We have about 4 million refugees outside the country, doing incredible things, destabilizing one of our best allies, Jordan, in a huge way.
The ranking member and I had an opportunity to visit one of those refugee camps. We need to be mindful of the actions we take here and, perhaps, what we might be doing to limit the President's assistance and our U.S. support for one of our greatest allies, two of our greatest allies in the Middle East, both Israel and Jordan.
So I think we ought to move with caution. We understand your underlying sentiment. In some ways we agree with it.
We don't think we ought to tie the administration's and the Commander in Chief's hands in the way that you have suggested.
I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Madam Chair, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
The Department of Defense Excess Property Program provides surplus military equipment to State and local civilian law enforcement agencies for use in counternarcotics, counterterrorism operations, and to enhance officer safety.
It has provided aircraft, including helicopters and small planes; four-wheel drive vehicles, such as pickup trucks and ambulances that can be used for mobile command vehicles with search warrant; entry teams; it has provided vests and helmets to protect officers, as well as other equipment.
Coming from a State and a region which suffered many deaths on September 11, 2001, we welcome this equipment. It is not misused, and the law enforcement agencies in the Northeast and throughout the country that benefit from this equipment have used it to make sure that all of our citizens are protected.
I now would be happy yield to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Nugent), who is a former sheriff, for some comments.
I thank the gentleman from Florida for his comments and reserve the balance of my time.
I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Nugent).
I thank the gentleman for his comments.
Madam Chair, these are not weapons of mass destruction. What a ridiculous characterization, respectfully. These vehicles, these aircraft are used to protect American citizens, and the law enforcement community uses them wisely, and they are overseen by responsible elected officials.
I have registered my strong opposition to this amendment and yield back the balance of my time.
Will the gentleman yield?
I thank the gentleman from Florida for yielding.
Thank you for bringing this important issue to our attention. It is important that we get this right, and you put a very personal face on something which needs correction to make sure we don't go through this again. I appreciate your taking up this challenge and doing it so well.
Will the gentlewoman yield?
I served on the Naval Academy Board for 5 years, and I know there is some issues in some people's mind as to whether this executive order either strengthens or weakens the case for rape shield, but I was appalled by what happened there. So I am supportive of what you are doing. There may be some arguments people may have as to whether you are strengthening or weakening it, but your desire is to strengthen and make this unacceptable behavior go away.
I am supportive of that and congratulate you on your efforts.
I was on that Academy Board of Visitors for a number of years. The inability of the leadership of that academy, and to think that this midshipman had to go through this 30 hours is outrageous, so I commend you for what you have put forward here.
Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition.
I oppose this amendment. This amendment, while disguised as a funding limitation, is really an attempt to put in place a major policy change that does not belong on our bill. It would essentially repeal the 2001 Authorization for Use of Military Force.
Let me be clear about what this amendment does. This amendment cripples our ability to conduct counterterrorism operations against terrorists who pose a threat to U.S. persons and interests.
In my judgment, this amendment dangerously and erroneously assumes that the terrorist threat from al Qaeda and its affiliates ends once military operations end in Afghanistan.
The terrorist threat today is no less real and, in many ways, is more daunting than it was when Congress overwhelmingly gave to President Bush and to President Obama the authority to protect us against those who want to do us harm.
While some would argue that core al Qaeda has weakened, as events in Yemen and most recently Iraq and Syria have not shown, we know that al Qaeda and other terrorist groups are on the rise. This amendment would end our ability to conduct any operations against them at the end of this year--inconceivable.
Core al Qaeda isn't the only threat. Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, operating out of Yemen, is now considered to pose the greatest threat to U.S. citizens.
This amendment would effectively eliminate the President's ability to address the threat or other emerging threats of AQ-affiliated and like- minded groups in north Africa, the Horn of Africa, and elsewhere.
If adopted, this would send terrorists the message that they just need to wait out the military authority to conduct counterterrorism operations, and then they are free to launch their attacks.
The President himself, with all due respect, has reaffirmed the need for this continued authority and uses it, I can assure you, each and every day. It would be a mistake to tie the hands of our Commander in Chief and our military by removing this authority that protects U.S. citizens and our country from terrorist threats.
I strongly oppose this amendment and urge others to do so as well.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Objection.
Will the gentleman yield?
I am pleased to accept your amendment.
I yield to Mr. Visclosky, if you care to make any comments.
I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I strongly oppose this amendment.
This amendment is very vaguely crafted. It could have undue consequences. This very short amendment would make no funds available for ``the purpose of conducting combat operations in Afghanistan after December 31, 2014.''
Our bill contains funding for combat operations, not only for United States troops, but provides funding, equipment, lift, and sustainment of allies in the fight.
Further, within the overseas contingency operations funding account-- when the OCO budget finally arrives, and we have been asking for it for months--there will be funding for combat operations for Afghanistan troops, and I suspect other troops, American troops, or international troops, through what we call the Afghan Security Forces Fund. I think there is a degree of inevitability that that will happen. Certainly we are going to have troops there I think for some time.
This amendment, in my judgment, goes too far, as it attempts to tie the U.S. Government's hands in navigating the complicated situation we face related to threats emanating from Iraq.
Let's be realistic. What this amendment would do is it would remove the possibility of the U.S. engaging under any circumstances, even if such engagement would be in the best interest of our country or allies.
I strongly oppose the amendment. It doesn't make sense.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I am not actually opposed to the amendment, but I would like to talk about some of the assertions or allegations made by the gentleman, and I do that respectfully. I am not in opposition to the amendment, but I think there are some things that have been said that need to be replied to.
The National Security Agency has participated in standards setting with the National Institute of Standards and Technology, known as NIST. Of course, they would participate.
Wouldn't we want our Nation's best cryptographers to help strengthen and secure the Internet?
Their participation in setting standards is a no-brainer. You want the standards to be designed by the people who best understand the threat. They recommended the standards that they themselves use.
As the National Security Agency stated on September 30 of last year:
NSA is responsible for setting the security standards for
systems carrying and transporting the Nation's most sensitive
and classified information. We use cryptography and standards
that we recommend, and we recommend the cryptographic
standards we use.
We do not make recommendations that we cannot stand behind
for protecting national security systems and data. The
activity of NSA in setting standards has made the Internet a
far safer place to communicate and to do business.
Indeed, our participation in standards development has
strengthened the core encryption technology that underpins
the Internet.
The idea that NSA has deliberately sabotaged security is ridiculous. These folks know the threat we face and are helping to secure the Internet we all rely on so heavily.
Again, I don't oppose the amendment, but the assertions need to be rebutted.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I think the National Institute of Standards and Technology, aka NIST, has always enjoyed a good reputation. I served on the committee as a ranking member, and we heavily invested in the work they do. They enjoy an incredible reputation, and the suggestion that somehow they have lost their luster and their reputation is totally inappropriate, but let's move on.
I support the bill with the reservations that I have made about some of the earlier assertions that have been basically within the media that have been pumped up, maligning not only NIST but the National Security Agency, which I think does an incredible job of protecting national security and all of us.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Will the gentleman yield?
Let me thank the gentleman for his incredible service on the House Armed Services Committee.
May I say that the Defense Appropriations Committee has worked very closely with Chairman McKeon as well as with you, and as you know, our bill contains no funding for a future BRAC. I think all of us are still digesting the last BRAC and understand how expensive it was. I think it is important for you to know that we will repeat in our bill, through your amendment, what you put in the authorization bill, which would make it quite clear to the administration.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I strongly oppose the gentleman's amendment.
Our Nation has invested millions of dollars in building state-of-the- art, humane, safe, and I may say, air-conditioned facilities to detain and prosecute the terrorist detainees at Guantanamo.
In order to close that facility, we need to know what the President intends to do with those terrorist detainees who are too dangerous to release but could not be tried.
They had an opportunity to prosecute. What has been going on for the last 6 or 7 years?
How will he ensure that the terrorists transferred overseas don't return to the fight?
No way, apparently, he can reassure us of that because plenty have, and they have killed a lot of our soldiers in the process.
And what will he do with terrorists we capture in the future, like the one we captured the other day in Libya?
Well, we know what he does. He brings them back to this country, and they are prosecuted as common criminals, not as enemy combatants.
He hasn't answered those questions, so our committee is just as adamant as the authorizing committee in opposition to this amendment. I strongly oppose this amendment, and urge my colleagues to do so.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Let's remember the innocent people who were killed on September 11, 2001. How about justice for them?
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I strongly oppose the gentleman's amendment. This is our Appropriations bill. There is nothing in this amendment about funding. You won't see one dollar sign or numeral. The goal was to change policy--that is why they are here--and the application of the law without the oversight of the authorizing committees. The authorizers ought to be dealing with this issue.
It is my pleasure to yield such time as he may wish to consume to the distinguished gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Goodlatte), the chairman of the Judiciary, to respond to this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Ruppersberger), the ranking member of the Intelligence Committee.
I reserve the balance of my time.
I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Goodlatte).
I yield back the balance of my time.
Madam Chair, I move that the Committee do now rise.