Mr. President, I rise today to discuss the supplemental bill that is before us, but what should be appropriately called the ``Ukraine funding bill.'' It is only in America where we try to fund other nation's problems, to fight other…
Mr. President, I rise today to discuss the supplemental bill that is before us, but what should be appropriately called the ``Ukraine funding bill.''
It is only in America where we try to fund other nation's problems, to fight other people's wars for them, before we fix our own budget.
We are just weeks away from our own government funding ending. We had the President's budget, which was due several weeks ago--we don't have that budget. We have not done the funding for this year yet. Yet we are moving on to a supplemental bill, of course, all in the background of $34 trillion of debt.
A couple of things to point out about this supplemental bill. Stating the obvious, there is no border security in this bill--nothing to secure our border. We are about to send almost $100 billion overseas without addressing our most imminent national security threat that our Nation faces: our open southern border.
I want to start also by saying this. I am not apologetic about being a patriot. A patriot is a person that puts America first. Look, I am always going to root for my home team, the Panthers. I am always going to root for the Kansas City Chiefs. I don't wish other players any ill will, but I will always be an American first. When the American hockey team is playing the Russian hockey team, I am going to root for the American hockey team. If the American soccer team is playing the German soccer team, I am going to root for the American team. I don't have ill will toward the others. I will be American first and set American priorities first.
I think the next thing we need to point out about this bill is that two-thirds of Republican Senators voted against it. Two-thirds of Republican Senators have voted against proceeding with this legislation. In a Republican-controlled House, I don't see how you are going to find more than 50 percent of those Republicans to pass this bill. It just isn't going to happen.
As I take a look at these last 4 months up here, I realize that the White House negotiating on securing the border was actually a charade. They were never serious about it. And, of course, it never made sense to the folks back home. Why would we have
to beg the President of the United States to secure our own border? Why would we have to negotiate over that? Why would we have to give them Ukraine funding in return for a secure border? It makes sense to nobody.
I want to take a second and talk about why this is important--why this issue is important--why are so many of us standing up and fighting against this $95 billion to never-ending wars.
I think, as I even consider the 300 people who die from fentanyl every day in this country, this is important. The fact that we don't secure our border is going to allow more of that fentanyl into this country. We are seeing just upshots and upshots of human trafficking, sex trafficking going on across our Nation. As FBI Director Wray said, he sees warning, blinking lights everywhere he looks for the first time in his career.
Why wouldn't we? Why wouldn't we when we have over 10 million people who have crossed our borders illegally in the last 3 years?
So I think it is important from a national security standpoint. This is important to secure our Nation and to make our families safe again.
I want to talk for a moment about whom we are fighting for. This is no longer just our own border issue. I am fighting for families back home. Every State is now a border State. Fentanyl poisoning kills a person almost every day in the State of Kansas.
So I am fighting for all those people who died. You know, I just read this week about a young lady in Kansas who has lost four members of her family from fentanyl poisoning and most recently, over the past several weeks, lost a child to fentanyl poisoning. So I am fighting for all of those who lost a loved one to fentanyl poisoning.
For all those people who are being human-trafficked as we speak, are being sex-trafficked as we speak as well, I am fighting for all of those people.
I think it is important to take a second and talk about how we got here, you know, how we got to these open borders. This President likes to create a crisis, and then he tries to solve it. In this situation, the President of the United States created this open border crisis.
This President penned over 90 Executive orders that opened that southern border, to go from less than 1,000 crossing a day to now, many days, having over 10,000 a day. These were Executive orders. It was policies that changed. The President created this crisis. Even today, the President could end that crisis. The President could shut down the border. He has the legal authority today to shut down the border, to secure the border.
How did we get thrown into the Ukraine war? Another crisis created by our current President.
You know, I would go back to Afghanistan. When America ran with her tail between her legs out of Afghanistan, we lost our reputation. This President lost his reputation, and, as I have been taught by so many physicians in my own practice, once a professional loses their reputation, you can never get it back.
Then you fast-forward, and you see that this President will not respond to Iran's attack on Americans through their puppets with any type of significant response. I think it just basically allows our enemies to push us around and to shove us.
How did we get to the Israel situation where Hamas came to be--where Hamas had the courage to cross the borders to brutally attack and murder thousands of Israelis? I think, again, it is this lack of respect. It was a lack of respect.
It was this President's policies that allowed Iran to increase their sales of oil, to allow their economy to grow, to allow them to fund and to ship weapons to these puppets of theirs, these terrorists.
I think an even bigger picture of how we got here is just the lawlessness in America today. The lawlessness started with an open southern border, cashless bail, turning our heads away from riots, the smash-and-grabs, turning our eyes away from these to see the lawlessness grow and then to see the fentanyl explode. As my dad, the police officer, taught me, wherever there are illegal drugs, crime is certainly going to follow it as well.
So I think in this backdrop of a lawless America, where our constitutional rights are being attacked and where, on the world stage, a President lost his reputation, it allowed Russia to have the courage to attack Ukraine, and it allowed Hamas the courage to attack the people of Israel.
As I look at the big picture of this legislation--$60 billion for Ukraine--I think of what else we could do with that. Do you realize that the entire annual budget of the Marines is only $53 billion? How much more national security would we have if we invested the money in our Marines as opposed to sending this money abroad? We could have built three walls on the southern border easily with this amount of money, maybe much more.
As leaders, we need to focus on priorities, and I think that is what America is seeing right now. I think they are seeing these two-thirds of Republicans who voted against proceeding with this supplemental bill--we were folks who put our own national security first, put securing the border first. But up here in DC, my friends across the aisle and the White House--they continue to put Ukraine funding as their priority.
Of course, add to that the complexity of the situation. Each one of these issues, even by itself, has merits. There are reasons to push them, and there are reasons that you wouldn't do it certain ways. But when you throw them all together, it is next to impossible to solve this Rubik's Cube, if you will, just seemingly next to impossible.
You know, one of the things that the national media especially likes to do up here is declare within hours of a vote who was right and who was wrong. I think it is important to realize that oftentimes we don't know who is right or wrong for years, for decades after. And even sometimes they write the history books, and they don't get it right.
I certainly have empathy for those who support Ukraine funding right now. And I could be wrong. I could be wrong that this is not the proper time to do it. But what I am not wrong on is securing the border, that that should be the top priority. Once we secure our own border, then let's look abroad and see what we can do to help with Ukraine as well.
As I think about the border and the significance of the problem, I think about the number of people who have died from fentanyl poisoning. I know I keep bringing up this fentanyl poisoning, but it is so significant--300 people, 300 young adults, young Americans, dying every day from fentanyl poisoning.
You try to put that into historical perspective. Pearl Harbor--a day that lives in infamy--2,400 American soldiers died. So that would be 8 days in February that the same number of people died from fentanyl. Every 8 days, we lose the same number of Americans we lost in Pearl Harbor, a horrible tragedy.
Of course, 9/11, some 3,000 people died there. In 10 days--you know, just this month of February alone, we have lost more Americans to fentanyl poisoning than we lost to 9/11.
D-day, 2,500 Americans died. Again, in just the month of February, we have lost more Americans to fentanyl poisoning than we did to D-day.
So I think that is what we should be focused on. We should be securing our border to stop the flow of fentanyl into this country, to stop the human trafficking, to stop the sex trafficking, for all those reasons.
I want to talk a little bit more about what border security looks like. Many of us have been to the border multiple times. You know, the Border Patrol officers, I think, would be one group of credible people. At my last visit, what they focused on was that they need policy changes.
I think it is important that Americans realize that we would have proceeded with this bill if there was meaningful border security in the original legislation. Again, all the border security has been stripped out of this bill, but it is important for Americans to know what was missing.
The Border Patrol officers themselves said that this bill--to make America truly secure, we needed more work on asylum, more work on the parole issue, and then this magic number of 5,000 and the border shuts down--not that it really ever did under this legislation, of course; the border never really shut down--that that 5,000 was way
too high and to codify that into law would almost make that the norm.
Again, the Border Patrol would say: We really can't deal with more than 1,000 people crossing the border a day. And even 1,000 is a huge stress, and they recommended that whenever we hit 1,000, we would literally shut the border down.
So, again, if this bill would have been negotiated in broad daylight, if it would have gone through the Judiciary Committee, went through some type of a process where we could have addressed that particular number on the parole situation--I think it is so important that Americans understand that under President Obama, he was paroling 5,000 people per year. Barack Obama, President Obama, was paroling 5,000 people per year. President Trump, 5,000 people per year. Joe Biden, 700,000 people per year. So this President was illegally or is illegally paroling over 700,000 per year.
Now, what is the magic number that should be? Is it 5,000? Is it 10,000? I think that we in the Republican caucus were willing to negotiate that number and that if there were some extenuating circumstances, then the President could come to this body and say: Hey, we need more than that number. But just to say that as long as they are flown in--and by the way, the vast, vast majority of those parolees are flown in on, of course, American taxpayer dollars. So think about that. Two million people have been paroled under President Biden--2 million people flown into this country for the most part on American taxpayer dollars and given a work visa. I wonder how that makes my union workers feel--like 2 million people entering the workforce here, willing to work for minimum wage or less.
So this bill did not correct the parole situation, that they could continue to come into this country as long as they were flown in.
Then there is the asylum issue. What this legislation did, again, was basically codify catch-and-release. Yes, some of the people were being caught and retained, but a significant number were still being caught and released for who knows how long.
So that is the bare minimum that needed to occur on this bill to make it palatable because we wanted meaningful border security. We wanted to address asylum, address parole, and then this magic number of 5,000 when people cross the border, and those number of encounters, that we would change it, that that would shut down the border.
So I hope that dispels any questions or concerns about what we would like to do with border security.
I want to talk about Ukraine for a second a little bit more as well.
As I assess Ukraine, I certainly feel for the folks there. You know, this has been a battle for thousands of years over the borders of Ukraine. But where we are today, I think it is very disingenuous--very disingenuous--to say that this war is anything but a stalemate.
Look, the war front has not moved in over a year's time. It is a quagmire. But meanwhile, 200,000 Ukrainians have died, and maybe twice that number of Russians have died, probably 1 million casualties with no end in sight. This is a never-ending war, just like the Afghan war. I am not sure how long Russia was there but for years and years, and then America was there for years and years. But just due to the terrain, due to all the circumstances there, there appears to me to be no end in sight, and anyone who says otherwise I think is just not being intellectually honest with themselves or with Americans.
I think the focus should be on some type of peace talks right now, not on fueling this fire, not on throwing more gasoline on this fire, not sending them more and more weapons. I think that if there is a will, there is a way, and that if America was leading on some type of a peace talk, I think we could have already been there by now.
But one of the challenges we have with a President who has lost his reputation is trying to slow Putin down. So he is in this for the long haul. He is not going to step down. He is not going to step back when he sees a weak President that we have who is even afraid of Iran.
So for all those reasons, I cannot support funding to Ukraine at this point in time. I think we have to secure our border first, and then I am willing to talk about funding for Ukraine. But I need to know what is the path to victory, what is our goal here, what some type of a realistic schedule looks like for that war coming to a conclusion.
This legislation before us even promises money for future years-- again, misinformation being passed around by some of my colleagues. So this bill commits future Presidents to funding this Ukraine war. And by the way, there are a lot of Americans back home who don't think this is a good idea at all.
Look, I grew up in the Vietnam era. I remember what it was like on my way to my grandparents to drive by the cemetery and see coffins draped with the American flag and the bugler playing ``Taps'' on a regular basis--too often a person I saw playing high school football last season, and here their life had ended.
I don't want more wars; I want less wars. But right now, we are projecting weakness. Joe Biden has given us war through weakness instead of peace through strength.
Let's turn our attention to Israel and Iran--Hamas as well--just for a moment.
First of all, I want to remind everybody, four times we came to this floor and asked for unanimous consent for stand-alone funding for Israel.
And I would do that again tonight if I thought it would be of any benefit, if I thought that it had a chance.
I support funding Israel. Israel has been one of America's--if not their best ally, certainly one of their top allies of all times, faithful to us, a great source of intelligence. They have stopped so many foreign attacks on this land that we--many Americans--owe their life to the work that the people of Israel have done. And then, just in general, they are being attacked by a terrorist group that not only wants to destroy Israel but destroy America.
Why wouldn't we support Israel?
But, of course, the issue of Israel now tears the Democratic Party apart. It divides them. You know, it looks like, to me, many of them are very concerned about supporting Israel, that they have become this pro-Palestinian caucus rather than a pro-Israel caucus. They support Iran, but not Israel.
Look, in the world of the Middle East, you can't do both. I don't see how you could possibly support Israel and Iran. I don't see how you could support Israel and support Hamas. I don't think it is possible. I think sometimes you have to choose and support who your friends and allies are. And, for me, I believe we should be standing firmly beside Israel and eliminating Hamas.
Again, Hamas wants to destroy Americans. That is their goal. That is their stated purpose.
So we would have--almost to a person, we would have supported some type of stand-alone funding for Israel, if given that chance.
We talked about Israel. We talked about Hamas. We have to talk about Iran. There is so much more that this President could be doing right now, besides just funding Israel. Look, Hamas is the head of the snake. They are the ones that fund, train, support, plan these attacks by these puppets of theirs, these terrorist organizations in so many ways.
So what could the President do besides, you know, funding more wars and more battles? I think that there is a military approach. There is an economic approach, and there is a diplomatic approach.
Let's talk a minute about the diplomatic approach. The Abraham Accords are making great progress in the Middle East, and perhaps one of the most precipitating factors of Hamas attacking Israel was the progress of these Abraham Accords, that Israel was close to working out an agreement with our friends from Saudi Arabia. And if they would have done that, it would have put so much pressure on Iran.
Well, basically, Hamas attacked on October 7, and now those talks have been cut off. But, if somehow, some way, those negotiations, those talks could be rekindled, that would indirectly put a huge amount of pressure on Iran. So there are huge opportunities for a diplomatic approach.
Economically, let's talk about what we could be doing. Recall when Joe Biden was sworn in, Iran had about $6 billion of currency left--$6 billion in their treasury. Well, today they have
got over $60 billion. Why? Because the sanctions that we had on, under the Trump administration, were lifted, and now Iran easily is selling all this oil, and, among other things, they have a fleet of 500 ghost ships.
So they take these ships that are owned by foreign countries. They use that foreign flag then to smuggle either Russian oil or Iranian oil to people, ignoring the sanctions. We should be punishing not just Iran but also punishing those countries that lend them their flag, so to speak.
What else could we do economically? I think that we could be putting--double-down on all the previous economic sanctions that we placed on them, including bank sanctions. And, again, anyone that is doing business with Iran, we could be shutting them down as well.
Militarily, what could we do? I think back to what President Reagan did in 1988 when an American warship was attacked. I believe it hit a mine, if I recall properly. And what President Reagan did is he ordered an attack on Iranian oil platforms, and I think we also sunk three of their battleships as well. So without going inside of Iran proper, we sent a loud and clear message to Iran. And guess what. It worked.
Instead, what the Biden administration has chosen to do are these fairly innocuous attacks on empty sheds, and maybe sometimes there is some old ammunition there. But something more than that needs to be beefed up.
We need to shut down Iran's ships as they are crossing through the seas as well. Iran launched three military satellites recently. We could take out those military satellites. So there is a lot we could do, but this idea of passivity, this idea that if we just watch what Iran is doing and thinking that they are going to stop doing it, doesn't work. Anyone that has faced a bully in third grade out at recess knows being passive never works, and, eventually, you have to stand up and smack the bully in the nose. Otherwise, he is going to keep pestering you.
It is that clear. That is what we should be doing in the Middle East right now. It is a military action on Iran, economic and diplomacy as well. You can't look at that in just a little silo. We should be supporting Israel, but all those other things would help Israel significantly as well.
There is funding in this legislation for Taiwan. And, again, I think if that was standing alone, I could support it.
I think back to pre-invasion of Ukraine by Russia. We begged the White House to make Ukraine some type of a porcupine, so to speak. That would have been our goal--that we should have been getting all the military aid in there before this all happened, not after. We could have gotten them A-10s that we were mothballing.
Pardon me. I don't know what is going on, Mr. President.
Thank you, Mr. President. I didn't know what type of security situation there was there. So we felt that we had better just pause as well.
So if we were talking about Taiwan, I think we can compare Taiwan to where Ukraine was a couple of years ago. We begged this administration to arm Ukraine so that they could protect themselves. If we could have gotten them those A-10 Warthogs--think about how that war would have changed if Ukraine had these A-10 Warthogs, as all of these Russian supply automobiles were stuck there trying to enter from the north. There is so much more that we could have done. It seems like this White House has just slow-walked the entire response.
So, yes, I think many of us agree that we should help arm Taiwan to make them a porcupine. And, by the way, they have been a great ally, too, a great business partner. They seem to be a good player, a country that we greatly respect and want to help protect.
But, at the end of the day, when you bundle this funding without giving us our own border security, that doesn't make much sense to us.
And, of course, there is funding in here for humanitarian aid as well, I think to the tune of--goodness, I think it is close to $10 billion for humanitarian aid. This is in addition to what we typically are doing. We would remind everybody that USAID has a budget of over $60 billion a year, that we are all doing much of this humanitarian work already.
And, of course, our fear--and I don't know how to answer Kansans thoughts on this when they ask me: How are we going to make sure that that humanitarian aid gets to women and children, the people that really need it, as opposed to--will Hamas intercept it?
Again, I made several trips to the Middle East, and what I have seen is corruption. I have seen the terrorist groups grab the humanitarian aid, and it doesn't get to the people that we want it to get to there. So I am not convinced on the humanitarian aid part of this that we would accomplish what our goals truly, truly are.
I don't think that this humanitarian aid should be going to support Hamas. I am all for helping those that need it, but very concerned about where it actually ends up being.
I want to go back to the budget process just for a second as well. I have never have been part of an organization that functions quite like this. Most of us have run businesses before or have been on a church board or a school board. You know, typically, the fiscal year is going to be starting 4 or 5 months from now. We want our CFOs giving us a budget outline. We want to be presenting those budgets to the board at least 6 weeks before that new year kicks in and certainly ready to go before the new year starts.
This body seldom does a budget. They seem to just fly by the seat of their pants. They do a cost-plus system. Whatever we spent this year, we are immediately talking about adding 5 or 10 percent to that budget, regardless. As opposed to that, I think we should go back to a zero- based budgeting process. I think we should go back exactly to the way the budget of the law of 1974 says we should be doing and then put some teeth on it, so if the President doesn't get his budget here on time, that there is some type of punishment, if you will, for the White House not getting that here on time, within the realms of the Constitution. I know there are some certain things we can't do, and I really think a President--a responsible President--could have that budget to us before--you know, months before the fiscal year ends as well.
And then I think we should hold the Senate Budget Committee to the test and make sure that they get a budget out in time. And then we communicate that to the House, and they work on a budget, and we go back to this regular order that we have all talked about.
And my compliments to the Appropriations Committee here in the Senate. I think they have done an incredible job, especially with the time presented to them, to at least giving us something. It has been through subcommittees; it has been through committees--for the most part, with large bipartisan support. We would have loved to have had them out here by now. We would have loved to have taken those packages--there are 12 buckets--taken them one at a time and gone through them and shine the light on the bridges to nowhere. Maybe there are places we need to accentuate, things that we could cut back.
In a Federal budget of--goodness, I guess we are at $77 trillion a year now. You would think there would be some ways--there would be some programs that we could shut down, as opposed to, again, just this cost- plus system that we do up here: Whatever is last year's budget, let's just add 5 percent; let's just add 10 percent as well.
And it still amazes me that, again, having a $900 billion military budget, we are going to have to go back now and spend even more to fund these never-ending wars overseas as well.
So I do think that we need to pay attention to what is going on with our budget process.
I had some folks back home send me some questions, and I thought I would try to answer them. Some of them I have covered already, but I think this is a good opportunity to talk about some of their questions as well.
The first question: Were the Democrats ever serious about border security?
Listen, I think there are folks in the Democratic Party that want border security. I don't know if it is as much of
a priority as it is to me. I would like to assume that they do.
But, on the other hand, it feels like, for the White House, that is not their priority. I think I have never heard from the White House that border security is a priority. They talked about an immigration system, wanting to grease an immigration system, but I never really heard that commitment from the White House that they wanted border security.
Next question: Why is it so urgent to send Ukraine this largest lump sum of money right now when the war started over 2 years ago?
I think that is a great question. Again, I would just point out that the situation there is a quagmire. I know that Ukraine is starting to launch offensive weapons into Russia, which concerns me. It concerns me about escalating a war as well. I think we need to realize that, in the stalemate situation, I am not sure why we need to be sending them more and more weapons. Again, the focus, I believe, should be on some type of peace talks.
Next question: Has Israel been used as a pawn in these negotiations, and what message does this send to our allies like Israel?
Well, Israel has been used as a pawn. As I pointed out before, Israel divides my friends across the aisle, so that much of their base no longer supports Israel. So when their base sees them thinking about funding Israel, it creates division. It creates havoc. It hurts the President's poll numbers.
So I think that Israel has felt like a pawn. Again, what some will say is that the President is using the Ukraine funding as an excuse to include the Israel funding.
Next question--again, these are questions from folks back home that wanted to make sure that I answered this: How does funding Ukraine address our No. 1 national security concern, the border crisis, as well as our long-term concern of our national debt crisis?
You know, I couldn't agree more. Our No. 1 most immediate threat to our national security is an open southern border. The greatest threat to our long-term national security is our $34 trillion national debt.
Look, we are going to spend more money on interest this year than we do on the military. When any business is spending that significant amount of their budget--probably, I am going to guess around 1/7th of our budget this year--1/7th will be spent on interest. I think, whenever that happens, that threatens our education programs. It threatens our roads and bridges. Any type of long-term infrastructure that we could be investing in, if we are going to be spending $900 billion or trillion on interest, we know that is a tough row to hoe. Any business that is ran, when you are that far in debt, spending that much in interest soon ends up in some type of bankruptcy.
So this bill does not address--actually, it worsens our long-term national security crisis with the national debt. It certainly does not address the border in any way.
Next question: When will the President realize that deterrence doesn't work after the fact?
Well, I think, again, that is the difference in our philosophies here. I always believed President Eisenhower actually said it first. He said he believed in ``peace through strength.'' President Eisenhower said he hated wars as only a soldier could, as a soldier who has lived it and seen its brutality and futility as well.
As a veteran myself and the brother and son of a veteran and uncles who were soldiers and a child who is now in the Active-Duty military, I certainly understand the importance of peace through strength and hope that we can regain some of that strength as the military begins to focus once again on military strength and readiness, as opposed to some of the other diverse issues.
Next question: Why is putting America's safety and security so controversial?
I can't answer that question. To me, it is not controversial. Of all my tasks up here, again to our priorities, I think my No. 1 priority is to make America safe and secure--I think physically safe with secure borders and then financially secure would be right behind that as well.
Next question: Who within the American Government is responsible for overseeing how this money is spent in Ukraine? Whose job has it been to this point?
Well, look, I think many of us have been concerned that there wasn't an individual person, an inspector general, focused on this $113 billion we have already spent. We know that whenever you send over large amounts of money at one time, the opportunity for fraud and abuse is there. Many leaders of our own country are concerned about the fraud in Ukraine as well.
So I cannot look Kansans in the eye and say, Hey, we know where all this money is going. For heaven's sakes, the Department of Defense doesn't know where most of its assets are either. It has gotten so big, they can't keep track of what they have or where they have it.
Next question: Why don't we bring Russia and Ukraine to the negotiating table to bring peace, instead of funding death and destruction indefinitely?
I couldn't agree with you more. I think we have the leverage. I think we have the economic leverage. Even our trade with these foreign countries alone gives us a leverage that most people don't have to bring them to the negotiating table.
Next question: How can we be sure that humanitarian aid to the Gaza Strip can be used to help civilians and not fall into the hands of Hamas terrorists?
I can't. I cannot be sure of that. We know if history repeats itself, that significant amounts of aid have fallen into the hands of these terrorists.
Next question: What is the end goal of Ukraine?
That is a great question.
It wasn't too long ago that Ukrainian leadership was here saying they wanted to go back to pre-Crimea. Basically, they want Crimea back, as well as the other territory that Russia has invaded and controls as well. I don't know that that is feasible or not, to think that they are going to get Crimea back. Crimea is so important to Putin. Folks don't realize the challenges that Russia had in getting their oil and getting their crops and their commodities out to a warm water port. Crimea is vitally important to their economy and militarily as well.
I think that is another great point and another great question as well. What is the end goal in Ukraine? I don't think America has been given the answer to that. Again, I just think back to Vietnam and being a young child, listening to Walter Cronkite on ``The Nightly News,'' and my parents asking that same question: What is the goal? What are we trying to do in Vietnam? Where are we going with this?
And as we saw, my goodness, the Agent Orange and all the atrocities that were coming out of Vietnam. Our soldiers were vilified. Americans didn't welcome them back home. It was a horrible time in America. And I think there was never a clear purpose of what the end game was in Vietnam. Let's don't repeat that same mistake.
Next: What are we doing to ensure that Europe is doing their part as well?
Listen, it is almost impossible for me to understand exactly how much Europe has committed and then actually followed through with. In my humble opinion, they have made some very bravado claims that they are going to do, and I don't think they have adequately followed up on it yet.
I am still waiting for a report that I can trust and verify that Europe is doing their part. I do think that they should be more motivated than we are to secure the situation there. They are willing to help, but once again, I think it is about priorities for me. Let's secure our own borders first.
Next question: Is there corruption happening in Ukraine?
Look, I think that there is, unfortunately. I think that there is corruption in Ukraine. The largest telecom company in Ukraine is being threatened to be nationalized by Zelenskyy. Let me say that again. Zelenskyy is threatening to nationalize the largest telecom company in Ukraine.
This particular company is on NASDAQ--American ownership, many Americans have ownership on this stock as well. It is sitting on a fair amount of cash, and the plan was when this war settled, that they would go back and reinvest that cash and reinvest that money through the telecom to help Ukraine's economy recover. But it appears to me that President Zelenskyy wants that cash.
And just think what he can do from a political standpoint. It would be like if the White House could control two or three of the largest telecom companies in America; what an unfair advantage that is to other political parties as well. So there is political issues with it, as well as I think economic issues, and for Zelenskyy to threaten Americans, to threaten our leadership that if we don't give him the $60 billion, he is going to nationalize this American company, I think is hitting below the belt. It is not right. It is not fair. I don't like to be threatened. Americans don't like to be threatened.
So those are some of the questions that folks back home in Kansas have asked us. I hope we have adequately addressed them.
What time I have got left, Mr. President, I think I will talk about being a patriot, what it means to be a patriot. And I would just ask the folks in the room, Are you a patriot? or when did you become a patriot? And maybe if I could, I would just like to share my moment when I became a patriot.
My wife and I got married about 2 weeks before medical school started. A year and a half later, in the second year of medical school, we had our firstborn. We brought her home to a little studio apartment. I took my desk and made a little spot for a crib for her. My wife was going to give up her job to take care of the baby, which I was so forever grateful for the sacrifices that moms make. And already, we were having a rough time making ends meet.
So I knew I needed to do something economically. I said, This is no way to take care of a family. It was one of those moments when I was considering what I needed to do. I thought about my forefathers. My dad had served in the military. My brother had served. As a matter of fact, going back to the Civil War, every generation in my family had somebody who had served in the military. Four grandfathers of my grandparents served in the Union Army, a few gave their life, made the ultimate sacrifice preserving the Union.
My wife had an uncle who served in World War I, suffered from nerve gas exposure in the Argonne Forest. Two of my dad's uncles were part of the D-day invasion. My dad served; my brother served; and I served, and my son served. Anyway, in that moment, I said, This is what I need to do; I need to go in the military, rather than borrow money. I wanted to check that box as well. So my wife and I signed up, and officer's basic training was in Fort Belvoir, VA, just 30 minutes from where we are standing today.
Most people don't take their wife and newborn with them to basic training, but we decided to do that. And even though my wife stayed in a different place than I did, I was so glad that she got to come. Every spare moment that we had, though, we enriched ourselves in the many cultural opportunities that our Nation's Capital gives us.
We spent a day at Monticello. We spent a day at Mount Vernon. We spent a day going through the National History Museum, spending days on end at all the different Smithsonians on the Nation's Mall, sucking up the history, the nectar of life in this great country, stopping at each one of the monuments and reading and learning and going on tours about the sacrifices that our forefathers, our Founding Fathers had done for all of us.
Now, as a pre-med student--biochemistry, nuclear engineering--I didn't get to spend much time on history, so it was truly a great awakening for me. But sometime in that process that summer, between taking an oath to defend the Constitution and learning all this information about our Nation's history, I became a real patriot, dedicating myself to make sure I leave this country better for the next generation.
And as I look at legislation like this--complicated legislation. My goodness, trying to do something in Ukraine, something in Israel, in Taiwan, in humanitarian efforts, and to think that we have left behind this opportunity to secure our border, it is very troubling to me-- horribly troubling to me--that we squandered this once in a generation opportunity to fix this problem.
And that is why I have been willing to go forward. I wanted to go back and work. Let's work on this border security issue until we get it right, and then we can move on to this, but that opportunity was not afforded us, and here we are today.
But as a patriot, I stand before you and I stand before the people of America saying the right thing to do would be to secure our border first. There is going to be those who today and tomorrow judge us and say that I am in the wrong, but it will take decades. It is going to take decades for history to figure out who is right here and who is wrong here. And as I have said before, I may be wrong on Ukraine, but I am darn secure and darn confident that securing the border should be our top priority right now. It is our No. 1, most immediate threat to our national security.
So as this debate concludes, it is with an ill heart that I will go home having lost this battle, and Americans are not going to understand that. But they are going to hold people accountable. Americans are going to hold people accountable that chose to move on from border security and fund foreign nations before we took care of our own homes.
I can promise the Presiding Officer that I am always going to be a patriot first.
Mr. President, I reserve the remainder of my time.