Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the motion offered by the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Flake). I respect my colleague. I think that he is intellectually consistent and honest,…
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the motion offered by the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Flake). I respect my colleague. I think that he is intellectually consistent and honest, something that we do not see on this floor nearly enough, and I appreciate his thoughts. I do not agree with him, but I think that he is bringing this to the table with the right attitude.
I do hear him say, however, in talking about the gentleman that he spoke about in Arizona that he met, the older gentleman whose wife and he were spending $600 a month on prescriptions and saying he did not want to saddle his grandchildren with debt, I mean this Congress has been all about saddling our grandchildren with debt, with tax cuts, with spending in Iraq, $1 billion a week with no accountability to private contractors, much of that money going to contributors to the President, much of that money going to Halliburton, a corporation which still pays Vice President Cheney $13,000 a month, and those costs or those expenses are being paid by our grandchildren because that $87 billion this Congress will vote on in the next 2 or 3 weeks is going to be borrowed money.
That being said, I rise in opposition to the Flake motion. If there are Members of Congress who want to rewrite Medicare to make it a welfare program, which the Flake motion does, then let us have that debate. But just as it is wrong to co-opt seniors' need for drug coverage, to turn Medicare into a privatized insurance voucher program, it is wrong to capitalize on the coverage gap to turn Medicare into a means test and welfare program.
Medicare has enjoyed widespread popularity in this country, not only because it provides an essential safety net for America's most vulnerable seniors, although that is certainly a critical mission, it is also popular because it treats every American senior fairly. It is an insurance program that we should not fracture, one that has universal coverage, one that works for everyone, one that virtually everyone in society supports, and one that has worked as well as any Government program in our history over the last 38 years.
Understand that while by most major health indices: life expectancy, rate of vaccination, child mortality, infant mortality, maternal mortality, most measurements of health care, indices in this country, the U.S. does not rank very high compared to other wealthy countries, but on one measurement we rank near the top, and that is life expectancy at 65. If one reaches the age of 65 in the United States, chances are they will live longer than people, on the average, in almost any other country in the world. That is because Medicare treats everyone fairly, whether it is the retired factory custodian of modest means or whether it is the more affluent retiree who actually owns the factory. The Flake motion makes a radical change to this decades' old and very successful universal health care program that we call Medicare. The Flake motion asks the conferees to ensure the final bill includes a means-testing requirement. For the first time since its creation, Medicare would then look at the custodian, the poorest senior, the middle-class senior, the wealthy senior, and the plant owner all differently. All of them have paid into Medicare. The plant owner, frankly, has paid in more over his working lifetime than the custodian has, but under the Flake motion, Medicare offers the wealthy owner less coverage than his former employee. The Flake motion would turn Medicare from a national retirement savings program into a welfare program, undermining the popular support, undermining the universal support that Medicare has enjoyed in this country for 38 years.
A vote for this motion is a vote to weaken the pillar of fairness that supported Medicare for these 3-plus decades. The gentleman from Arizona's (Mr. Flake) motion also backs a means-testing plan that would almost certainly cut benefits for middle-class seniors. The House means-testing language would begin benefit cuts at income levels of $60,000. Sixty thousand dollars is hardly a Ken Lay lifestyle, especially in these days of ever-increasing health care costs.
I hear from my constituents week after week after week concerned that the cost of their health care insurance continues to grow with no end in sight. I hear it from seniors. I hear it from young, working families. I hear it from people who are close to retirement. It would seem to them that regardless of their income, regardless of how well they have planned for their health care future, that health care costs are eating up their savings. A Medicare prescription drug benefit that leaves any hard-working American out in the cold should be unacceptable to Members of this Congress. At least my Democratic colleagues and I think it is.
Let me be clear. A vote for the motion from my friend from Arizona is a vote to cut Medicare benefits, ultimately of middle-income Americans. Sixty thousand dollars now; that number could continue to be brought down in the next motion and the next motion and the next motion until public fee-for-service Medicare is only a program for the poorest and the lowest-working income people in this country.
A vote for the Flake motion is also a vote to increase bureaucracy and reduce privacy protections for American seniors. Here is how that works: House language would require Medicare to send a list of beneficiaries to the Internal Revenue Service. The IRS would respond with income information for every senior in Medicare. Medicare would then send that personally identifiable financial information to private health insurers that provide coverage under Medicare. I sure hope we get the do-not-call legislation enacted constitutionally, get it passed a court test if that happens. Surely, our Medicare cost-containment strategy should amount to more than adding paperwork in Medicare, increasing the bureaucracy at IRS and sending seniors' private tax information to HMOs.
The gentleman from Arizona's (Mr. Flake) concern, however, about the growing cost of Medicare is justified. The conference negotiations over H.R. 1 offer us an opportunity, an important opportunity, to address that concern by including clear, specific direction for the Government to negotiate with pharmaceutical companies reasonable prices for the medicines American seniors so desperately need.
We all know that growing health insurance costs are being driven by the skyrocketing costs of ever-increasing prescription drug costs. That is the 800-pound gorilla in the health care cost room. The House bill simply ignores it.
If we are really concerned about cost, we should instruct the H.R. 1 conferees to give Medicare real authority to protect seniors and taxpayers from rising drug costs. We are the only country in the world that lets the drug companies charge whatever they want. That is why we pay two times, three times, four times as much as the Canadians and the French and the Germans and the Israelis and the Japanese and the Brits pay. We should not instruct the conferees to cut the benefits of middle-income Americans and erode popular support for Medicare. We should, in this legislation, instruct the conferees to go after the high cost of prescription drugs.
I urge my colleagues to join me in opposing the motion from the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Flake).
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pallone), who is a leader in this institution and in the area of health care.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Sandlin).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes and 30 seconds to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Levin).
(Mr. LEVIN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I thank both my friends from Indiana and from Arizona for their comments. I am just intrigued that people can stand on this floor in the majority party and talk about burdening our children and our grandchildren with debt.
When President Bush took office, we had a surplus, billions of dollars a year, a 10-year surplus well into the several trillion dollars projected. Today, after Republican control of the White House for only 2\1/2\ years, Republican control of the House during that time, Republican control of the Senate much of that time, we are talking about trillions and trillions and trillions of dollars in debt. This year alone some $550 billion deficit. And for then my colleagues, not just today but time after time after time, coming to this floor and railing against Democrats for spending, it makes me absolutely incredulous.
My friends on the other side of the aisle are now talking about bringing
forward to this House Chamber a constitutional amendment to balance the budget. In other words, we cannot balance the budget, but we are going to do a constitutional amendment to make us balance the budget.
The fact is, Mr. Speaker, that when they argue costs and debt and burden on our children, they ought to look at the tax cut that they have given to millionaires, $93,000 for the average millionaire in this country, half of my constituents got zero dollars out of that tax cut, but they have given a $93,000 tax cut to the average millionaire.
They have way overspent the budget when it comes to issues such as what they are now doing with Iraq. We spend a billion dollars a week. They want to spend $87 billion next year, probably more than that, that is just what they are telling us now, with little accountability. We do not know where the money is going. The private contractors are getting unbid contracts, they are friends of the President, yet they talk about saddling our grandchildren with debt as if it is Medicare that is saddling our grandchildren with debt.
My friend from Arizona, as I said, I respect him for his candor and his intellectual consistency and honesty, but what this is all about is about privatizing Medicare. They wanted to privatize Social Security. They wanted to privatize the national parks. They want to privatize Medicare. They want to privatize every section of the government that they possibly can.
That is their philosophy. That is fine. But let us not talk about means testing. Let us talk about what their mission is, to turn Medicare over to the insurance companies. That is what Medicare+Choice is about. That is what their argument is about. They can call it means testing. They can call it a lot of things, but ultimately, we know what it is. We know they want to privatize Medicare.
As my friend, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pallone) has said, for 35 years it is clear that my friends on the other side of the aisle, for honest intellectual, philosophical reasons have not liked Medicare. In 1965, only 12 Republicans voted for Medicare. Strom Thurmond voted no. Gerald Ford voted no. Bob Dole voted no. And my favorite, Donald Rumsfeld, voted no at the creation of Medicare in 1965.
In 1993, when the Democrats saved Medicare, when its life expectancy was not really very long, Democrats passed, with no Republican votes, legislation to extend the life of Medicare.
In the mid 1990s Speaker Gingrich came forward saying that he wanted Medicare to wither on the vine. He tried to cut Medicare $270 billion to give another tax cut to the wealthiest people in society.
Then Dick Armey, the majority leader of the Republicans, Bill Thomas, the chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, they have consistently said how they do not like Medicare. This is about privatizing Medicare. It is not about Bill Gates. It is simply not about means testing. It is about privatizing Medicare, turning it over to the insurance companies and ending Medicare the way that we know it. I urge my colleagues to vote no on the Flake motion.
Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.