Floor Statements

Mr. President, 150 years ago, in 1874, one of Maine's most iconic businesses launched its first venture. Although it began as a small sardine cannery operation in the corner of northeast Maine, Wyman's has thrived through 150 years of business and is

now Maine's preeminent purveyor of wild blueberries, as well as the top selling brand of frozen fruit in the United States.

Each year, Wyman's harvests and freezes tens of millions of pounds of Maine blueberries. In addition to owning over 30,000 acres of land in Maine, Wyman's partners with hundreds of Maine blueberry farms to process their products and export them around the country and around the globe. Four generations later, Wyman's continues to be a leader in cultivating the wild blueberry for which Maine is famous, providing economic vitality for the Downeast region and high-quality jobs across the State.

Wyman's is also at the cutting edge of agricultural research. Recently, the business has partnered with the University of Maine to study how harsh weather patterns such as early frosts and droughts impact growth, gaining valuable insights into what can be done to boost productivity for all in the industry.

While Wyman's is certainly a generational affair for the Wyman family, it is wonderful to see how the business has also become generational for so many within the community. More than a third of Wyman's employees have tenures lasting over a decade, and many families continue to return to work at the blueberry harvest over several generations. Wyman's deep roots and work in the field of agricultural sustainability show that the company continues to live up to its values of enhancing health. I am very proud to join them in celebrating their 150 years of operation.

Madam President, I rise to urge my colleagues to strongly support the national security supplemental appropriations package before us. This important legislation, which was approved overwhelmingly by the House of Representatives, reflects, in many ways, the bipartisan bill that Chair Murray and I negotiated and the Senate passed in February by a vote of 70 to 29.

This bill would strengthen our military's readiness, rebuild our defense industrial base, and assist our partners and allies at a volatile and dangerous time in world history.

The national security package before us totals $95 billion. Now, 71 percent of that funding--$67 billion--is defense funding. It will be used to continue vital U.S. military support to Europe and the Middle East, where our partners and allies are under attack by authoritarian regimes, rogue states, terrorists, and other extremists. It will expand and modernize U.S. defense production capacity. It will replenish our own stockpiles with updated, more capable weapons and equipment. And it will strengthen the U.S. submarine industrial base.

In the past few months, I have received briefings from two combatant Commanders--General Kurilla of the U.S. Central Command and Admiral Aquilino of the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command. Each of them has told me that this is the most dangerous global environment that they have seen. One said in 40 years; the other said in 50 years.

The point is, the threats that the United States faces from an aggressive Iran and its proxies, an imperialistic Russia, and a hegemonic China are interconnected. How we respond to one affects how the other will operate. They require a strong response.

The package before us provides the resources to address each of those threats. Let me take just a few moments to highlight some of the bill's key components.

With regard to Iran and its proxies, earlier this month, as we are all painfully aware, Iran attacked Israel with more than 300 drones and missiles. Thanks to the U.S. Navy's heroic response in assisting Israel, as well as the great coordination and response from our allies and partners, fewer than 1 percent of Iran's weapons reached their targets in Israel.

In all, more than 80 incoming drones and at least 6 missiles were intercepted by American forces, including the crews of two destroyers, I am proud to say, that were built in Bath, ME--the USS Carney and the USS Arleigh Burke.

But let us make no mistake about what was going on with this attack. Iran fully intended to kill as many Israelis as possible and to cause horrific damage. It was only the skill, the bravery, and the precision of Israel, the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia that prevented that from happening.

This national security package includes $2.4 billion to support the ongoing U.S. Central Command operations in the Middle East, such as those that I have just mentioned, but, also, to keep open vital shipping lanes and to protect commercial ships from all over the world from attack as they are transiting.

It also includes $4 billion to replenish Iron Dome and David's Sling air defense systems, which have proven to be so critical to Israel's self-defense, as well as $1.2 billion for Iron Beam, a promising new air defense capability.

This legislation would also provide vital assistance to Ukrainians battling a brutal, unprovoked Russian invasion. And I know how strongly the Presiding Officer feels about this issue, as do I.

It includes $15.4 billion to help Ukraine purchase American-made weapons to use in its defense and $11.3 billion to support our servicemembers in Poland and Germany who are helping our allies equip and train Ukrainian forces.

But let me underscore an important point. It is not our troops who are dying on the Ukrainian battlefield. It is the Ukrainians who are bravely defending their country. If, however, Putin is allowed to succeed in Ukraine, he will continue to pursue his goal of re-creating the former Soviet Union. He has made no bones about that. He has said that repeatedly.

In my judgment, he would likely seize Moldova next; again, invade Georgia, as he did in 2008; continue to menace the Baltic nations; and threaten Poland. And then, our troops would be involved in a much wider European war because Putin would be ultimately attacking our native NATO allies.

The funding in this package aims to prevent such an outcome by supporting Ukraine as it defends itself against Putin's aggression.

And let me debunk a myth that I keep hearing over and over again, and that is that the Europeans somehow are not doing their part in helping to equip Ukraine. That is just inaccurate.

I have a chart that I used a few months ago, when the supplemental was on the floor, that ranked our European allies. Well, today, the United States would be even further down on this list, which measures security assistance to Ukraine as a percentage of GDP of that nation.

Today, we rank 16th on that list. In other words, 15 other countries--Estonia, Denmark, Latvia, Lithuania, Finland, Poland, Sweden, North Macedonia, Albania, Romania, Netherlands, Germany, the Czech Republic, and the United Kingdom--are all spending more of their GDP to help Ukraine than we are.

I think that is such an important point, and yet we hear, over and over again, by those who are opposed to assistance that the Europeans are not doing their part. They are clearly doing their part.

With regard to the Indo-Pacific, this package would help deter a menacing China, whose navy now exceeds the size of ours. And in the budget that the President just sent up, that would only grow worse, since the President is requesting the lowest number of new ships in 15 years. And we cannot allow that to happen.

This legislative package also includes $1.9 billion to replenish U.S. military inventories transferred under Taiwan Presidential drawdown authority, as authorized by last year's National Defense Authorization Act. This is the fastest way for DoD to get Taiwan the weapons it needs to strengthen its own defense.

The bill also includes $2 billion to provide Indo-Pacific allies and partners with American defense equipment and training, as well as $542 million for the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command's top unfunded requirements.

The package includes humanitarian assistance to address global needs, such as in Sudan and Gaza. It prohibits, however, funding from being provided to the U.N. Relief and Works Agency, known as UNRWA, which employed several terrorists who participated in the October 7 attack on Israel.

Finally, I want to note that this bill includes the FEND Off Fentanyl Act, which I am proud to be a cosponsor of. This bill would help disrupt the flow of fentanyl into the United States, including by requiring the President to sanction criminal organizations and drug cartels involved in trafficking fentanyl and its precursors.

We are losing too many of our family friends, coworkers, and neighbors to this scourge, and we must be more aggressive in combating it. And I thank my colleague Senator Tim Scott for his leadership on this piece of the package.

I once again call on my colleagues to recognize the perilous times in which we are living and to vote for this essential national security legislation. We must pass it without further delay.

Our adversaries are watching. With our vote on this package, let us send them a strong message. Terrorists will not succeed in wiping Israel off the map. Authoritarian states will not be allowed to invade their free, independent, and democratic neighbors without consequences. And this Congress, despite its divisions, will come together to ensure that the United States and its military have what they need to stand tall, firm, and beside our allies.

Madam President, I opposed Majority Leader Schumer's constitutional points of order because I have concerns about the precedents they set for future impeachments.

Once a majority of the House of Representatives votes to adopt Articles of Impeachment, the Senate should fulfill its constitutional role to ``try all impeachments.'' Simply ending an impeachment proceeding without any consideration of the substance of the allegations--as the Senate Democratic majority did today--sets a terrible precedent that could be exploited in the future. Today, not only did the Senate fail to perform its constitutional duty, but it also set an additional precedent that something as serious as a felony is not a high crime or misdemeanor under the Constitution. That is why I voted against both points of order. Let me make clear that my votes today do not reflect my views on the merits of this matter, which I would only consider after a presentation of the evidence at trial.

I believe the Senate will come to regret today's votes to shirk our constitutional responsibility and inappropriately short-circuit the constitutional process for considering Articles of Impeachment adopted by the House of Representatives.

Madam President, in April of 1924, Nelson Watts and Ralph Colwell combined forces and syllables from their last names and opened the WaCo Diner in Eastport, ME. One hundred years later, the WaCo is still going strong as the oldest diner in the State of Maine, proudly serving great food and friendship in America's easternmost city.

The WaCo began life as a lunch wagon converted from a traveling photographer's studio. With Eastport hosting more than a dozen sardine factories, a deepwater seaport, and visitors arriving by sea and rail to enjoy the very best of Maine's rocky coast, the new establishment thrived, the wheels were removed, and the wagon was boxed in to make a permanent structure.

Under a succession of owners over the years, the WaCo has expanded from a narrow lunch counter to a lovely restaurant with a spacious dining room. From the outdoor deck overlooking Passamaquoddy Bay, patrons enjoy beautiful views of Canada's Campobello Island and a passing parade of marine activity, from cargo vessels, cruise ships, and fishing boats to whales, porpoises, and seals.

The current owners, Mike Del Papa and Matt Boyle, bought the WaCo in 2022, after Mike's dad Bob retired at the age of 83 after many years of operating and growing the business. Mike and Matt both brought restaurant operations, general business, and customer service experiences with them, and have invested significant money, time and energy into the equipment and facilities to enhance the atmosphere and efficiency, while continuing to offer amazing meals and a great customer experience, led by server Tammy McPhail, a 20-plus-year veteran, and chef Steve Sonner. In addition to providing good jobs year-round, the WaCo brings back summer staff each tourism season.

The WaCo is a mainstay, not only in Eastport but also throughout the Downeast region, welcoming locals and visitors alike. Among the many themed evenings featuring special creations, a local favorite is the ``Dry Fish Dinner--prepared Robert Patterson's Way,'' a tribute to the late, beloved owner/chef of the New Friendly Restaurant in the neighboring town of Perry.

The WaCo is dedicated to supporting other Maine businesses. When possible, they source seafood locally. All draft beers are from Maine breweries, and potato chips are from Maine's Fox Family in Mapleton. Several recipes utilize Raye's Mustard, made in Eastport at the last remaining traditional stone-ground mustard in North America, while others use Wyman's wild Maine blueberries, harvested from the barrens of the surrounding countryside.

In addition to dedication to excellence, the WaCo carries on another great tradition of our State's small business community: giving back. Last year, the WaCo served a free Thanksgiving dinner to more than 150 people from the Downeast community and, at Christmastime, a free pancake breakfast with Santa for children. Through charitable events in 2023, the WaCo and its customers raised more than $5,000 to support Sarah's House of Maine, a cancer hospitality house near the Lafayette Family Cancer Center in Brewer, saving rural patients and their families hours of travel for treatments.

The WaCo Diner in Eastport is a shining example of the entrepreneurial spirit and community pride that define the State of Maine. I congratulate the entire WaCo team on this landmark anniversary and wish them much success in the years to come.

Madam President, I rise today in support of the final six government funding bills before us. These bipartisan, bicameral bills are the result of many months of hard work by the Appropriations Committees in both the Senate and the House.

Let me start by thanking Chair Murray for her tremendous leadership and hard work throughout the entire appropriations process. She has really made a difference.

Since Chair Murray and I took the helm of the committee over a year ago, we have been committed to an appropriations process that provided Senators with a voice in funding decisions through robust committee proceedings. Toward that end, we held more than 50 public hearings and briefings. We televised our committee markups for the first time ever. The Senate Appropriations Committee marked up and advanced all 12 bills individually for the first time in 5 years, and we did so with overwhelming bipartisan support. Every single bill--each and every one of them--was subject to robust debate and amendments. Many of them passed unanimously, I am pleased to say, and others with only one dissenting vote.

This final package on the Senate floor today includes the fiscal year 2024 appropriations bills for the Department of Defense; State and Foreign Operations; Financial Services and General Government; Labor, Health and Human Services, and Education; Legislative Branch; and Homeland Security. We are not punting through yet another continuing resolution, nor is this an omnibus; rather, it is a package of six individual bills that fund critical programs, important Agencies, and essential Departments through the end of this fiscal year.

Now, Madam President, I would have preferred that more of these bills would have been brought across the Senate floor, but no one can say that they were not available for scrutiny since we reported the last of them from committee way back in July.

In addition to my thanks for Chair Murray, I want to thank the ranking Republican members on each of the subcommittees reflected in the package today--Senators Graham, Hagerty, Capito, Fischer, and Britt--for their outstanding efforts in assembling this package. I also want to acknowledge the contributions of their Democratic chairs.

This legislation is truly a national security bill. Seventy percent of the funding in this package is for our national defense, including investments that strengthen our military readiness and industrial base, provide pay and benefit increases for our brave servicemembers, and support our closest allies.

This legislation also supports America's working families while providing funding to better secure our borders and combat the transnational criminal organizations that are flooding our communities with fentanyl.

As part of the effort to address the crisis at the border--and it is a crisis--this package includes funding for additional detention beds and more Border Patrol agents and port-of-entry officers. Those are longstanding Republican priorities--priorities that are shared by many Democrats as well.

As the ranking member of the Appropriations Subcommittee on Defense, I want to take a few moments to highlight the bill in this package on which Chair Tester and I worked extremely closely.

The bill avoids a devastating yearlong CR that every single service chief told us would be a disaster for the Department of Defense. It meets the complex threats that are facing our country.

Madam President, to say that things have changed since the fiscal year 2024 budget request was first presented last spring would be a drastic understatement. Putin refuses to end his war in Ukraine. Hamas conducted its heinous, brutal attack on Israel on October 7. Iran continues to fan the flame of violence and terrorism throughout the Middle East, including against American forces. China's military budget and armed forces continue to grow unabated.

But you don't have to take my word for it. In the past few weeks, the Commander of U.S. Central Command, GEN Eric Kurilla, has described this as the most dangerous security environment in 50 years.

On the other side of the world, the Commander of the U.S. Indo- Pacific Command told Chairman Tester and me earlier this week that this is the most dangerous time he has seen in his 40-year career, citing cooperation between Russia and China as a key and growing concern.

In addition, just last week, the Commandant of the Marine Corps and the Chief of Naval Operations wrote to the majority and minority leaders describing the harm to the readiness of our Navy and Marine Corps unless we quickly pass a full-year Defense appropriations bill. This needs to be done before a large part--about two-thirds--of our government would otherwise shut down at midnight tonight. We must not let that occur.

To meet these challenges, our bill includes nearly $824.5 billion for the U.S. military. It fully funds the 5.2-percent pay raise for servicemembers--the largest pay raise in more than 20 years. It includes a critical $123 million increase for bonuses for our new recruits and junior enlisted soldiers. The bill also doubles the number of children who will have access to full-day prekindergarten in DOD schools--an important priority for Senator Murray and for me.

I also want to salute the work Representative Ken Calvert did in this whole area of improving benefits and pay for our junior enlisted soldiers.

As the Chinese navy rapidly expands to more than 400 ships over the next 2 years, our legislation includes $33.7 billion for Navy shipbuilding and downpayments for both an additional DDG-51 destroyer and an amphibious ship--the largest shipbuilding budget ever provided. Indeed, our legislation supports a Navy fleet that is six ships larger than the President's woefully inadequate request.

The Defense bill also includes more than $2.2 billion for our uniformed military leaders' highest priorities that were not included in the administration's request. But, as the Presiding Officer knows, we get a list of unfunded priorities from our service chiefs.

Our bill includes $273 million for long-range radars and sensors to close the awareness gaps identified by General VanHerck when he was Commander of Northern Command. It includes $50 million for the INDOPACOM Commander to accelerate his top priority targeting capability and $200 million to accelerate the development of the E-7 radar aircraft that was a top priority for the Air Force.

To strengthen deterrence against China, our legislation keeps the modernization of the nuclear triad on track. It funds the transition from ``just-in-time'' to a ``just-in-case'' stockpile of munitions by authorizing and funding, for the first time ever, six multiyear procurement contracts for missiles and munitions.

Surely, that has been one of the lessons that we have learned from Ukraine: how important it is that we have modernized an adequate stockpile.

And $6.5 billion is also included to maximize this year's production of Patriot air defense missiles, long-range anti-ship missiles, and six other long-range precision strike missile programs.

Finally, in the area of defense, this bill also includes $500 million for Iron Dome and David's Sling and Arrow--the cooperative missile defense programs that are consistent with the 10-year memorandum of understanding signed between the United States and our close ally Israel. This will provide much needed assistance to Israel in its fight against terrorism.

In addition to having a strong national defense, another priority of mine is biomedical research. And this bill will continue the progress that we are making in increasing funding for the National Institutes of Health. It increases funding for NIH by $300 million, including $120 million in an increase for the National Cancer Institute and $100 million more for Alzheimer's disease and related dementia research.

I would note that it also increases funding for mental health, which is so important--an area that has been neglected somewhat in the past.

Another cause of mine, as the cochair with Senator Jeanne Shaheen of the Diabetes Caucus, has been to increase the funding for diabetes research. And we have done so in this bill.

We also pay attention to the problems with opioids and have included an increase in the funding for the Help to End Addiction Long-Term initiative, known as the HEAL initiative. Palliative care research also receives an increase. That is so important as our population ages. And that is an area--long-term care--that we still need to do an awful lot of work on in this country. I hope that this will start us on our path to that end.

Again, there has been so much work done on this package of bills. And I want to thank my Republican and Democratic colleagues on the Appropriations Committee, the leaders in the House, as well on the appropriations subcommittees and full committee. And I also want to thank our Senate leaders on both sides of the aisle and our House leaders for their extensive work on these bills.

Members throughout the Senate have contributed to prioritizing funding and identifying how funding should be prioritized. And I want to note for my Republican colleagues that the legacy riders that we have traditionally included, such as the Hyde amendment, are included in this bill.

Finally, I want to thank our extraordinary staff. They have worked nonstop throughout this past year but particularly this past month, without getting sleep, without seeing their families--just working night and day.

I urge my colleagues to join me in voting for this final fiscal year 2024 appropriations package and complete our fundamental job of funding our government.

Mr. President, I very much appreciate the comments of the Senator from Nebraska. I agree with him that UNRWA cannot be the conduit for humanitarian aid. It is clear that it has been infiltrated by Hamas, and indeed Israeli intelligence indicates that specific employees--employees--of UNRWA were involved in the brutal atrocities of October 7 when Hamas attacked Israel. In addition, it is estimated that many other employees of UNRWA are sympathetic to Hamas or affiliated with Hamas.

So American tax dollars should not be going through an organization that has been involved--some of its employees--in a terrorist attack, one of the worst terrorist attacks we have seen, a terrorist attack that resulted in the worst loss of Jewish life in a single day since the Holocaust. How could we possibly allow American tax dollars to be used by this organization?

Now, this is not to say there should not be aid. There are differing views on that issue. But we know there are other organizations within the U.N.--there is the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees organization. There is UNICEF. There is the World Food organization. There are many other organizations.

For me, Mr. President, what was most compelling is when I learned that Hamas had a major communications and command control center underneath UNRWA's headquarters, and there were additional Hamas organizations that had locations in the tunnels underneath UNRWA's schools. Now, tell me, how could UNRWA possibly not have known this was occurring? How could they not have seen the tunnels being built, the air-conditioners being brought in, the computers being installed, their electric rate going way up? It is just not conceivable that UNRWA was unaware of all of this.

As my friend from Nebraska has mentioned, we know that far too many of the schools UNRWA is running in Gaza teach hatred in their textbooks--teach hatred not only of Israel but of Jews in general.

It is totally unacceptable that American tax dollars would go to this organization. There are alternatives. That is why, in the supplemental appropriations bill, which I know the Presiding Officer feels so deeply about, as do I--in that bill, we defunded UNRWA and we said that dollars from previous appropriations could not be used by UNRWA. In the bill that is incorporated and before us today--the State, Foreign Ops bill, which is part of the six-bill package--we also defund UNRWA, and we extended it beyond the end of this fiscal year. We extended it to March of 2025 to ensure there wasn't a gap and give us time.

I do pledge to my colleague from Nebraska to continue to work on this issue about which I feel so strongly. I will continue to work with him, and I very much appreciate the opportunity to engage in this colloquy.

Mr. President, first let me express my appreciation to the Senator from Nebraska.

I will ask unanimous consent that a story from the Wall Street Journal on this very issue be printed in the Record. I would note that this story estimates that approximately 10 percent of UNRWA's staff in Gaza has links to the Hamas militants.

Mr. President, before I suggest the absence of a quorum, I do want to just briefly respond to some of the comments that were made by my distinguished colleague from Kentucky, Senator Rand Paul, earlier.

The first is that he is correct that a lot of the increase in spending is on the mandatory entitlement side of the budget, but that is not what the Appropriations Committee handles. That is not under our jurisdiction.

The second point that I want to make is that in this six-bill package, the amount of spending in the nondefense discretionary area is actually below last year. It is 1.7 percent below last year. When you factor in inflation, that means there are real cuts that these Agencies and programs are going to be experiencing. There is a 3.3-percent increase for defense, but that, too, is below the inflation rate. When you look at the global threats our combatant Commanders have identified, we should be spending more for defense than that.

The final point I will make is that we have adhered to the Fiscal Responsibility Act caps on spending in this bill, the final six-bill package, and the overall bills we have brought forth.

So we have also accommodated and followed the agreement that was negotiated between the Speaker of the House and the Democratic leader of the Senate. So these bills are not big spending bills that are wildly out of scope. They are carefully drafted, they are conservative, and they meet the requirements of the FRA and the top line established by the leaders.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, it has been a long night and a long process, but we are on the verge of clearing the final six appropriations bills for this fiscal year, and that is an important milestone.

I want to thank Chair Murray, the members of the Appropriations Committee, and everyone who worked so constructively tonight, and I would be remiss if I did not thank our hard-working staff.

Mr. President, I had intended in my remarks to go through each of these bills and point out how critical they are to our communities across America. The chair has done that to some extent, and she has also thanked our great team of appropriators for their very hard work.

Instead of going through the provisions, I want to offer my colleagues a warning. If we do not act, at midnight tonight, we will have a partial government shutdown. It will affect the Department of Agriculture. It will impair the work of the Food and Drug Administration. It will prevent military construction projects from going forward. Do we really want a veteran who has bravely and loyally served his country and is now trying to file a claim for benefits to find that the Veterans Benefits Administration's doors are closed to him or her? Is that what we want to have happen? It also would affect the Transportation and Housing and Urban Development Departments. We have an affordable housing crisis. Do we want more notices to go out to those who are working on transportation projects that they may lose their jobs if they are in the private sector because we didn't get our work done? It would affect the Department of Energy and the Army Corps of Engineers.

Why in the world would we want to shut down government and stop serving the American people?

I have heard a lot of statements made on the Senate floor and elsewhere that, regrettably, are not accurate. One is that none of these bills has been subjected to the opportunity for debate and amendments. The fact is, every single one of these appropriations bills was individually considered by the Appropriations Committee. Every single one of them was subject to robust debate and amendments--every single one of them. Many of them were passed unanimously, others with only one dissenting vote.

Furthermore, three of the bills we are talking about right now--the Ag and FDA bill, the MILCON-VA bill, and the Transportation-HUD bill-- were brought to the Senate floor. So to say, as one of my colleagues did, that there was no opportunity for amendments and debate is flat- out wrong. Those bills were on the floor for about 7 weeks. We had 40 amendments.

So I would urge my colleagues to stop playing with fire here. The House, controlled by Republicans, passed these bills as a package--the six bills--with a very strong bipartisan vote, with a majority of the majority voting for them.

It would be irresponsible for us not to clear these bills and do the fundamental job we have of funding government. What is more important?

So I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on cloture, and I hope next year that we can bring all of the bills to the Senate floor for the kind of robust debate and amendments that we had on

three of the six bills before us. But keep in mind that each and every bill passed in committee after we had 50 public hearings and briefings.

Cloture Motion

Madam President, I urge my colleagues to support the six-bill fiscal year 2024 appropriations package that is before us.

I am pleased to report that the House of Representatives overwhelmingly passed this bill earlier today by a vote of 339 to 85. It was strongly bipartisan. And now the Senate should follow suit.

I want to express my thanks to the Republican ranking members on each of the six subcommittees--Senators Murkowski, Moran, Hoeven, Boozman, Kennedy, and Hyde-Smith--for their tremendous work in assembling this package.

I also want to recognize the chair of the committee, Senator Patty Murray, who has worked so hard--since she was named chair and I, vice chair--in order to bring us to this point.

I also want to salute the Democratic chairs for their work.

My point is that everyone involved, including our incredibly hard- working staff, has worked night and day to bring us to this point.

The measure before us includes the following fiscal year 2024 appropriations bills: Interior; Commerce, Justice, and Science; Agriculture-FDA; Military Construction and Veterans' Affairs; Energy and Water Development; and Transportation and Housing.

And, again--although I wish this had happened months ago--these are full-year appropriations bills. In other words, this is not another continuing resolution, not a short-term patch, but, rather, a package of bills that will fund these important programs and Agencies and Departments through the end of the fiscal year.

This package fully funds veterans' medical care; supports our farmers, fishermen, and ranchers; protects our Nation's food and drug supply; provides critical resources for law enforcement; helps us better compete with China; advances American energy independence; and invests in our Nation's infrastructure and public lands.

This legislation also complies with the Fiscal Responsibility Act, as well as the top-line spending agreement reached between Speaker Johnson and Senator Schumer. Under that agreement, defense funding for this fiscal year will increase by 3.3 percent relative to fiscal year 2023 enacted levels, while nondefense funding will be held flat.

That is not easy to do, particularly given the impact of inflation and the 5.2 percent Federal employment pay raise, which many of these Agencies are going to have to absorb. So it took a great deal of negotiation and hard work for us to get to this point.

It certainly has not been easy, but I am proud of the legislation we are bringing to the floor today. I urge my colleagues to join me in voting to move this important legislative package forward toward enactment.

I look forward to further floor discussion tomorrow, but, right now, I do urge a ``yes'' vote on the motion to proceed.

Mr. President, several of the amendments that we will vote on propose a full-year continuing resolution that would lock in dangerously inadequate funding levels for our national defense and lead to cuts in other vital programs serving our veterans, farmers, low- income families, and older Americans.

In a briefing last month, the Commander of U.S. Central Command told me that this is the most dangerous security situation in 50 years. The idea that we would consider hamstringing our military under a yearlong continuing resolution at such a time is unconscionable.

The Department of Defense has never operated under a yearlong CR. It would reduce defense spending by $27 billion relative to the level called for under the Fiscal Responsibility Act. Further, there would be problems with the misalignment of funds that in many cases would prevent critical funding from being executed. For example, 30 percent of the Navy's shipbuilding request could not be spent because the funding would be misaligned.

According to the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, under a yearlong CR, ``thousands of [defense] programs will be impacted with the most devastating impacts to our national defense being to personnel, nuclear triad modernization, shipbuilding and maintenance, munitions production and replenishments, and U.S. Indo-Pacific Command priorities.''

Let us also remember that we would be wasting taxpayer dollars as we would forego billions of dollars in potential spending reductions and rescissions carefully identified by the Appropriations Committee.

A yearlong CR would result in a military that is less able to respond to serious security threats around the globe, and it would harm important domestic investments in biomedical research, infrastructure, and other priority areas. It would result in furloughs or hiring freezes for food inspectors and air traffic controllers, as well as slash housing assistance at a time when we already face a severe affordable housing shortage.

I urge my colleagues to reject these motions and support the responsible approach of passing the short-term measure to fund the government. We will then move to the six completed conference reports on appropriations bills and continue our important work on the remainder of the full-year appropriations bills.

Mr. President, I just want to very briefly recognize my good friend, the Republican leader, for his extraordinary service, not only to our caucus but, more important, to the Senate as an institution and to our country.

His tenure as leader will be remembered, not just for its historic longevity but also for his unparalleled devotion to this great institution, which he has always defended.

I also admire the leader for stepping forward when it wasn't popular to do the right thing for our country and for our world.

There will be plenty of time for all of us to honor him in more detail as time goes on, but I felt compelled to speak today to thank him--to thank him--for devoting his life to public service for all the right reasons: to improve the lives of the people living in our great country.

Mr. President, I rise today to commemorate the 200th anniversary of the town of Albion, ME. Albion was built with a spirit of determination and resiliency that still guides the community today, and this is a time to celebrate the generations of hard-working and caring people who have made it such a wonderful place to live, work, and raise families.

The date of Albion's incorporation, February 25, 1824, was but one milestone in a long journey of progress. For thousands of years, the Kennebec River Valley was the home of the Abenaki Tribe. The reverence the Abenaki had for the natural beauty and resources of the region is upheld by the people of Albion today.

In 1790, following America's independence, an early village called Freetown was established by Congregational Church minister Daniel Lovejoy with settlers drawn by the fertile soil and abundant forests. The prosperity produced by hard work and determination was invested in schools and churches to create a true community.

In 1802, a son was born to Daniel and Elizabeth Lovejoy who would grow up to become one of the most inspiring and influential figures in American history. A journalist and fervent abolitionist, Elijah Parish Lovejoy founded a newspaper in the slave State of Missouri and fearlessly stood up to repeated threats and attacks. His murder by a pro-slavery mob in 1837 electrified the Nation and strengthened the anti-slavery movement. Since 1952, the prestigious award that bears his name has been presented annually by his alma mater, Colby College, to journalists who demonstrate uncommon courage. In addition, his brother Owen was a leader of the Underground Railroad in Illinois and a close adviser to Abraham Lincoln.

Albion provides an outstanding example of the Maine tradition of people working together. In 1894, construction began on a narrow-gauge railroad to connect cargo ships on the coast to the crops and lumber produced inland. The line grew town by town and reached its northern terminus at Albion a year later, and for decades, the unique ``Maine Two-Footers''--a reference to the reduced width of the locomotives and cars--helped bring prosperity to the region. Today, the Wiscasset, Waterville, and Farmington Railway is a National Heritage Railroad with excursions that keep alive this fascinating era.

That tradition of working together is evident in the energy and planning that are going into Albion's yearlong bicentennial celebration that demonstrates the pride townspeople have in their community. This 200th birthday party is a time to congratulate the people of Albion who have built a great community with a wonderful history and a bright future.

Madam President, for the information of our colleagues, I want to bring everyone up to date on where we are.

For the past few days, the leadership on both sides of the aisle, as well as the bill managers on both sides of the aisle, have been working diligently, night

and day, to try to get agreement to consider debate and to have votes on a series of amendments offered by Senators on both sides of the aisle.

Obviously, in order for that to occur, we would need the cooperation of all Members; and we would need to have time agreements because the number of amendments is considerable. Regrettably, I have to inform my colleagues that there have been objections on both sides of the aisle that impede our work going forward.

So, at this point, unless these objections are withdrawn, it is going to be very difficult to have the robust amendment process that many of us--most of us--want to have. And I just wanted to let my colleagues know where we stand.

Madam President, last week, General Kurilla, the Commander of U.S. Central Command, gave me a briefing that was directly relevant to the national securities supplement that we are now considering. During the course of that briefing, the general told me that this is the most dangerous security situation in 50 years. The threats that the United States faces from an aggressive Iran and its proxies, an imperialistic Russia, a hegemonic China, are interconnected, and they require our immediate attention and a strong response.

That is why this bill focuses on fortifying our military, rebuilding our

own defense-industrial base, and strengthening and defending our partners and allies.

This legislation would send a strong message to Putin that his goal of capturing free democratic nations will not be allowed to succeed. It would reassure our closest ally in the Middle East, Israel, that terrorists will not achieve their goal of wiping that nation off the map, and it would counter ever-growing Chinese aggression.

I urge our colleagues to recognize the perilous times in which we are living and vote for this absolutely essential national security bill. The world is watching to see if the United States is still the leader of the free world.

Mr. President, the national security supplemental before us is of profound importance to America's security. It will provide updated, modern, effective munitions to our troops, rebuild our flagging defense industrial base, allow our Navy to continue its vital operations in the Red Sea and the Mediterranean, and support our allies.

Now, time does not permit me to correct every misunderstanding and misrepresentation about this bill that we have heard on the Senate floor and elsewhere, but I do want to correct some of the most egregious misstatements because the American people should have the facts.

The defense supplemental bill before us would strengthen our own military by providing $35 billion to restore our military readiness, modernize our arsenal of democracy, and rebuild our defense industrial base. It would send a strong message to Putin that his goal--his dream--of capturing free, democratic nations like Ukraine will not be allowed to succeed. It would reassure our closest ally in the Middle East, Israel, which is battling terrorists who have killed more Israelis--more Jews--in a single day since the Holocaust, who have taken as hostages babies and the elderly, and who are using innocent Palestinians as human shields. It would help deter a rising and menacing China, whose navy now exceeds the size of our own. Each of these investments is in our self-interest. It makes America more secure.

A claim was made yesterday that this bill gives $238 million to increase U.S. troop deployments to Europe. The implication was that this bill increases funding to send U.S. troops into combat in Ukraine.

That is simply not true. The funding in this bill supports, through the end of the year, U.S. servicemembers who are principally in Poland and Germany working with our allies to train and equip the courageous Ukrainians.

The Ukrainians are the ones who are doing the fighting and taking the casualties. No American soldiers are dying on the Ukrainian battlefield. We are training and equipping the Ukrainians because it is the right thing to do, but, also, is in America's self-interest.

The best way to ensure that the United States is not drawn into a larger regional war in Europe, in which our troops could be put at risk, is by helping Ukraine defend itself against this brutal, unprovoked invasion. If Russia prevails in Ukraine, Putin will be in a position to threaten our NATO allies all along Ukraine's border, including Poland and one of our newest members, Finland.

What we are doing through this bill is to greatly diminish the risk that the United States could be drawn into these larger conflicts. History is filled with examples of well-intentioned leaders who sought to avoid war but who actually made war more likely by refusing to recognize the evil with which they were confronted. Neville Chamberlain declared ``peace in our time'' trying to appease Germany before World War II began. We should not make that same mistake today.

Another charge that I heard yesterday is that Europe is not doing enough to support Ukraine and that the way to get them to do more is for us to do less. Again, this assertion is false.

In terms of security assistance provided to Ukraine as a percentage of GDP--the only fair way to measure it--the United States ranks 15th globally--15th. Estonia ranks No. 1. Estonia has the same population as the State of Maine--1.3 million people. Yet it has provided 10 times as much, as a percentage of its GDP, as our country has to help the Ukrainians.

On February 1, the European Council unanimously approved a 4-year ``Ukrainian Facility'' economic assistance package worth $54 billion. That equals nearly $13.5 billion per year. And that is on top of what other countries have already provided, which is approximately $63 billion in nonsecurity assistance.

Now, I want to stress that throughout this process, which began last October and included extensive hearings and much consultation, we did not rubberstamp the Biden administration's budget request. Many changes were made throughout the process. But let me just touch on three.

First, the President requested $11.8 billion for direct budget support for Ukraine. We reduced that amount by $4 billion--more than 30 percent. Furthermore, that budget support will phase out over time. This assistance, however, is critical because it helps ensure that Russia cannot win this war by utterly destroying Ukraine's economy, as Putin is trying to do, and it allows Ukraine to focus more of its national resources on the war effort.

The second important change: This bill includes a clear and strict prohibition on funding in this bill and in prior appropriations from being used for any kind of financial support to the United Nations Relief and Work Agency, known as UNRWA.

Yesterday's news that the Hamas tunnel was found under UNRWA's headquarters in Gaza and that Hamas was using UNRWA's electricity to power a command and control section underneath the headquarters underscores the need to ensure that not a single penny of taxpayer funds is provided to that agency, much less the $400 million that was in the President's original request. And I would note that the evidence is overwhelming that 12 employees of UNRWA directly participated in the October 7 horrific attacks on Israel. And the estimates are that about 10 percent of their employees are involved in terrorist groups. This organization is thoroughly infiltrated by Hamas and other groups.

Third, we included strict guardrails for all the humanitarian assistance for Gaza. By March 1, USAID and the State Department have to have procedures, processes, and policies in place that are developed in consultation with Israel to ensure that money is not diverted from the legitimate humanitarian assistance to Palestinian civilians to terrorist groups like Hamas.

It was suggested on the floor yesterday that we have no oversight of this assistance and no way of knowing where it is going. That is simply wrong. USAID delivers direct budget support through a World Bank mechanism whereby the funds that are released to the Government of Ukraine are done so on a reimbursement basis for verified, preagreed categories of expenditures only.

In addition, USAID employs a rigorous monitoring system that involves two international accounting firms, Deloitte and KPMG, to audit this assistance. We have increased funding for the Office of Inspector General for both Ukraine funding and for the Gaza funding.

Let me discuss, also, the support that we provide Ukraine, Israel, and Taiwan through the transfer of weapons and equipment from our stockpiles. A concern was raised on the floor yesterday that this would leave our own military vulnerable and without enough weapons. It is important to remember that this bill includes $35 billion to restore U.S. military readiness and modernize our arsenal of democracy. For every dollar of authority provided to transfer weapons to Ukraine in this bill, there is $2.50 to replenish U.S. military stockpiles. And most of the time, this allows us to replace those older items with more modern, effective, and improved weapons. In the case of Israel, many of the weapons systems such as Iron Dome and David's Sling are coproduced by both the United States and Israel. The Under Secretary for Acquisition and Sustainment has said ``production is deterrence.'' The supplemental includes $8.3 billion in historic investments to greatly expand our production capacity. This will result in a strong, resilient munitions industrial base capable of surging to meet the threats facing our country.

But if we do not pass this supplemental now, none of these investments will occur.

I encourage my colleagues to support this bill. There are so many other misrepresentations that I wish I had time to counter today.

Let me tell you that this funding is desperately needed to strengthen America's military readiness; to help Ukraine counter brutal Russian aggression; to assist our closest ally in the Middle East, Israel, in its fight against terrorism; and to deter a rising and menacing China.

In American history, it was our very first President, George Washington, who used the term ``peace through strength'' in his fifth State of the Union Address. Centuries later, President Ronald Reagan reminded us of the vital importance of peace through strength. That is the goal of the legislation before us. That is what it will accomplish as we meet the challenge of the perilous times in which we live.

Mr. President, I want to thank my distinguished colleague from Maine for his very kind comments.

Madam President, I yield 30 minutes of debate time to the senior Senator from South Carolina.

Madam President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I be permitted to speak for up to 15 minutes, Senator Murray be permitted to speak for up to 5 minutes, and Leader Schumer for up to 5 minutes prior to the rollcall vote.

Mr. President, I rise to urge strong support for the national security supplemental appropriations bill before us.

Earlier this week, General Kurilla, the Commander of U.S. Central Command, told me that this is the most dangerous time in 50 years. The threats the United States faces from an aggressive Iran and its proxies, an imperialist Russia, and a hegemonic China are interconnected, and they require our immediate attention. That is why this bill focuses not only on strengthening our allies but also on fortifying our military and rebuilding our own defense industrial base.

Since October, there have been more than 170 attacks on U.S. servicemembers throughout the Middle East. We have seen unprovoked attacks on our naval ships and the loss of two Navy SEALs at sea and three brave servicemembers in Jordan.

Merchant ships have been attacked in the Red Sea. They have been protected by our Navy ships, including, I am proud to say, the USS Carney, a destroyer built at Bath Iron Works in Maine, which has shot down numerous Houthi UAVs.

Despite the perilous times we live in, I heard a colleague suggest on the Senate floor that we are not ready to consider this bill. I would contend that we cannot wait any longer.

He also implied that it had been shrouded in secrecy. That is simply inconsistent with the facts.

The package before us is the result of months of deliberations, starting on October 20, when the President submitted his national security supplemental request to Congress, available for all to read and review.

On October 31, the Senate Appropriations Committee held a 3\1/2\-hour hearing on the request. Virtually every Member of the Committee attended. Secretary of State Blinken and Secretary of Defense Austin testified. Prior to this hearing--this public hearing--the last time the Committee held a hearing on a supplemental budget request was March 25, 2010--more than 13\1/2\ years earlier.

So, under the leadership of Chairman Murray and myself, we have been transparent. We have held countless public hearings, including on the supplemental before us.

The following week, our committee held a second hearing. At this hearing, the Secretaries of Homeland Security and Health and Human Services testified on the supplemental request. In the time that followed, there were numerous discussions on the content of the supplemental funding bill. Information was gathered on emerging needs, particularly with regard to U.S. military operations in the Middle East, and the bill's language was refined and improved.

On February 4, the text of the national security and border supplemental was released along with a section-by-section analysis to make it easier for Members.

After it was clear that there was not sufficient support to advance the border security provisions, revised text and a summary were circulated that excluded the border security sections, and that is the package before us today--a package that has taken us months to get to this point and that began in October with the submission of the budget request and was subjected to extensive public hearings.

Further delay--or worse, an outright refusal to address these challenges--cannot be the answer. There is simply too much at risk.

The package before us would bolster U.S. military readiness, help Ukraine counter Russian aggression, assist Israel in its fight against terrorists, and deter a rising China.

Now let me briefly describe the major components of this legislation.

First, $35 billion would go to restoring U.S. military readiness. This includes $26 billion to replenish Defense Department stockpiles with new and, in many cases, upgraded weapons and equipment; $5.4 billion to increase production capacity for artillery, air defense, and long-range precision missiles; $3.3 billion to enhance the U.S. submarine industrial base in support of our trilateral security partnership with the United Kingdom and Australia, known as AUKUS.

This funding directly supports our military defense and defense industrial base. One of the ways that we support Ukraine, Israel, and Taiwan is through the transfer of weapons and equipment from our stockpiles. The replenishment funding that I just mentioned allows us to replace those articles with new and often more modern, more effective munitions and equipment, benefitting both our military and theirs. By modernizing our arsenal of democracy and improving the readiness of the U.S. military to deter any adversary, this funding makes America stronger.

Second, the bill provides resources to assist Ukraine as it defends its territory following the second Russian invasion. And let us keep in mind, Putin has made no secret of his plan. His plan is to re-create the former Soviet Union. If he is allowed to be successful in Ukraine, I believe he will then seize Moldova, invade Georgia, menace the Baltic States, and threaten Poland. And then our troops will be involved in a European war.

Today, we are not the one. Our troops are not dying on the Ukrainian battlefield.

We include $15.4 billion to help Ukraine purchase weapons from the U.S. industry so that it can defend itself. It includes $11.3 billion to support our servicemembers in Europe, principally in Poland and Germany, who are helping our allies equip and train Ukrainian forces. It also provides $9.4 billion for economic assistance to help Ukraine rebuild its economy.

Now, let me spend a moment on this point. The President's request for direct budget support was $11.8 billion. We rejected that amount as too much. We reduced it to $7.8 billion, and we further stipulated that no funds could be used to reimburse pensions.

Tonight, I heard on the floor that the Europeans were not doing their part. That is simply not true. Many of our European partners--I think of the Baltic States, for example, with whom Chair Murray and I met with representatives of recently--are contributing a greater percentage of their GDP, by far, than we are.

Why are we joining our European allies in providing economic assistance to Ukraine? As part of his plan to try to force Ukraine to surrender, Putin has sought to destroy Ukraine's economy, tax base, and exports, including grain exports. This funding seeks to help Ukraine rebuild so that ultimately it will be able to provide for itself economically once again.

But we are not just giving blank checks. We have included $23 million for inspectors general for continued oversight of Ukraine assistance, including funding for the special IG that was established in this year's National Defense Authorization Act.

Earlier in this debate, one of our colleagues suggested that our country had no strategy for Ukraine. But, once again, the language of this bill has been ignored. It requires a strategy with achievable objectives with respect to U.S. assistance to Ukraine. And the Appropriations Committee did not draft this language alone. We did so in consultation with the Senate Foreign Relations and Armed Services Committees.

Third, this bill fully funds the budget request to support Israel in the war against Hamas. It includes $5.2 billion for Israel's missile defense programs, including Iron Dome, David's Sling, and Iron Beam. The first two of those are coproduced with the United States. It also includes funding from--foreign military financing for Israel and funding for U.S. Embassy support, oversight, and other assistance.

This next part is really important. The bill includes--it adds to the supplemental $2.4 billion to support our U.S. forces as they face ongoing attacks in the region and to sustain U.S. military operations in Central Command against the Houthis and other Iranian-backed proxies. General Kurilla stressed to me how critical this funding is.

Fourth, this bill includes resources aimed at deterring a rising China.

It includes $2 billion in foreign military financing for the Indo- Pacific region, which includes, obviously, Taiwan but also the Philippines and Vietnam.

It provides funding for missile defense for Guam, for new technologies to detect undersea threats, and for training and exercises.

Funding is also included to address a chokepoint in the supply chain for motors that affects multiple long-range cruise missiles, including Harpoons and the Tomahawk.

The submarine industrial base investments that I previously mentioned will also benefit our regional partners as they help the United States meet its commitment under AUKUS while protecting the size of our own submarine fleet.

Finally, I want to note that this bill includes $9 billion for global humanitarian assistance. This funding would help the State Department and USAID respond to critical humanitarian needs around the world, from Ukraine and Eastern Europe to the Middle East and Africa. More than 108 million people worldwide are forcibly displaced today.

I want to emphasize that only 15 percent of that assistance--$1.4 billion--is for Gaza, and of that amount, the $400 million that had been targeted by the administration to flow through the United Nations Relief and Works Agency will not go through UNRWA.

Despite allegations highlighted in the Wall Street Journal last month and numerous other publications that at least 12 UNRWA employees had been directly involved in Hamas's October 7 terrorist attack on Israel and in taking hostages and that around 10 percent of all of its Gaza staff have ties to Islamic militant groups, incredibly, the Biden administration continued to push for UNRWA funding.

I want my colleagues to know that this bill includes an outright prohibition on funding in this supplemental and prior appropriations from being used for any grants, contributions, or other U.S. payments to UNRWA. We can distribute that humanitarian assistance through other organizations.

The bill also includes stringent guardrails on humanitarian assistance to Gaza. By March 1, the Secretary of State must certify that policies, processes, and guidelines have been established and are in use to prevent the diversion of aid by Hamas or other terrorist groups. This includes consultations with the Government of Israel, which has made clear the importance of humanitarian assistance to its objectives in Gaza. Third-party monitoring and intelligence assessments provide additional layers of oversight. Finally, we include a total of $10 million to the State Department and USAID inspectors general-- funding that the administration did not request but that should accompany any assistance for Gaza.

I encourage my colleagues at this time, this perilous time, to support this bill that includes the funding desperately needed to strengthen America's military readiness, to help Ukraine counter brutal Russian aggression, to assist our closest ally in the Middle East, Israel, in its fight against terrorism, and to deter a rising China. The stakes are high, and we must meet the moment.

Mr. President, there are pivotal times in our Nation's history when what we do in this Chamber really matters. How we vote may well determine whether people live or whether they die; whether men and women live under the dictates of an authoritarian regime or as free people in a democratic nation; whether terrorists continue to commit atrocities, kidnap children, kill our troops, or are defeated.

This is such a moment.

This week, General Kurilla, the Commander of U.S. Central Command, told me that this is the most dangerous security situation in 50 years--50 years. The defense supplemental bill before us would strengthen our own military. It would send a strong message to Putin that his goal of capturing free, democratic nations will not be allowed to succeed. It would reassure our closest ally in the Middle East-- Israel--that terrorists will not achieve their goal of wiping that nation off the face of the map. It would counter Chinese aggression, and it would rebuild our own defense industrial base.

Mr. President, I urge our colleagues to recognize the perilous times that we are living in and vote for this national security bill. It is critical.