Floor Statements

Mr. President, I rise today to join my colleagues because this week marks the 1-year anniversary of Senator McCain's casting the deciding vote against the healthcare repeal legislation.

I, too, voted against that legislation, as I did on a number of very partisan efforts by President Trump and congressional Republicans. I did so because the people of Wisconsin did not send me to Washington to take away people's healthcare coverage. They have consistently sent a clear message that they want us to work across the party aisle to make things better and not worse.

As I said throughout last year's debate and have said to this day, the people of Wisconsin want both parties in Congress to work together to make things better by stabilizing the health insurance market, making healthcare more affordable, and taking on rising prescription drug prices.

I strongly believe that if both parties look past the partisan debate in Washington, we can find common ground on solutions that work for the American people. Each and every one of the healthcare repeal bills that were pushed by the President and congressional Republicans faced opposition from the American people because all of them would have done the same thing--they would have taken healthcare coverage away from millions of Americans and made people pay more for less care. They would have gutted protections for those with preexisting conditions. They would have forced older adults to pay an age tax. They would have cut benefits for Medicaid for our most vulnerable people, like senior citizens and even our veterans. Put simply, this would have taken us back to the days when insurance companies set the rules.

Wisconsin families and families across our entire country let their voices be heard to the Congress, people like Chelsey from Seymour, WI, whose daughter Zoe was born with a congenital heart defect and had to have open heart surgery within 5 days of her birth. Chelsey wrote to me and said: ``I'm pleading to you as a mother to fight for the . . . kids in Wisconsin with preexisting health conditions.''

Together, we fought to protect the guaranteed healthcare protections that people depend on. Together, we fought the repeal plans to cut and cap Medicaid, putting care at risk for everyone who depends on it, from a loved one who depends on Medicaid for nursing care, to a disabled child who relies on Medicaid funding at school. Together, we fought repeal plans that would have increased the number of uninsured Americans.

Even defeating the legislative efforts that would have made things worse for our families didn't end the threat to the American people. President Trump has been trying to do what congressional Republicans couldn't. He has been sabotaging our healthcare system by undermining the guaranteed health protections and access to affordable care. He ended the critical cost-sharing reduction payments that make healthcare more affordable for almost 90,000 Wisconsinites. His administration again slashed funding to States for outreach efforts that help more people sign up for healthcare. Trusted navigator programs like those in Wisconsin have had their funding cut by nearly 90 percent in the last 2 years. This will mean fewer people in rural Wisconsin will receive the support they need to obtain affordable coverage.

President Trump's sabotage of the healthcare market has created severe instability and already contributed to a 36-percent premium spike in Wisconsin this year.

This damage is not enough for Trump's administration, as it has also proposed a plan to allow insurance companies to sell what we call junk plans that could increase costs and reduce access to quality coverage for millions of Americans, harm people with preexisting health conditions, and force premium increases on older adults. These junk plans once again let big insurance companies write the rules and could exclude basic care, including hospitalization, prescription drugs, mental health services, substance abuse treatment, and maternity care.

It still does not end there. Legislative repeal efforts and executive branch sabotage have now moved to the judicial branch. Wisconsin's Governor and attorney general sued to strike down the entire Affordable Care Act last month. Last month, the Trump administration supported this repeal effort by going to court to take away guaranteed protections and raise costs for Americans with preexisting conditions. If the lawsuit succeeds, insurance companies will once again be able to discriminate against people with preexisting conditions by denying them coverage or charging exorbitant premiums.

President Trump is threatening guaranteed and affordable healthcare coverage for more than 133 million Americans and over 2 million Wisconsinites with preexisting conditions. In fact, as a Kaiser Health report made clear last week, if the Affordable Care Act's protections for people with preexisting medical conditions are struck down in court, Wisconsin is among a number of States that have the most to lose. According to Kaiser, one out of every four Wisconsinites has a preexisting condition, and they cannot afford to have the healthcare they depend on threatened. When I was a child, I was branded with the words ``preexisting condition'' after a serious childhood illness.

I am going to continue fighting to make sure that no family has to choose between helping their child get better or going bankrupt. Again, the people of Wisconsin did not send me to Washington to take away people's healthcare, and I will continue my fight against these relentless efforts to make things worse for Wisconsin families.

This issue is personal to me. I know it is very personal to the individuals and families in Wisconsin. No parent, no grandparent, no foster parent should lie awake at night wondering if the healthcare they have for their child today will be there tomorrow. That is why I will continue my work to protect it.

Last year, the American people sent a loud message to Washington. I heard it. And they are sending the same simple message today: Protect our care.

I yield, Mr. President.

Mr. President, I rise today to urge my colleagues to support my bipartisan amendment regarding an essential medical isotope. This amendment that I have introduced, along with Senator Portman, would achieve three simple goals: It would safeguard and improve patient access to critical health screenings, it would promote medical innovations needed for cutting-edge diagnostics and new treatments, and it would move us away from our dependence on foreign sources of medical isotopes, while supporting America's medical innovation industry.

Let me explain quickly why my amendment is needed. The United States does not currently produce the medical isotope our healthcare system uses the most. This isotope is used in medical screenings and helps 50,000 patients per day in the United States by providing early detection and enabling treatment of cancer and heart disease.

U.S. patients are currently relying on supplies of this key isotope that come from Canada, the Netherlands, and South Africa. This raises costs and risks supply disruptions. Mind you, this isotope only lasts for 3 days.

For security in the healthcare system and certainty in patient access to essential medical tests, which are often needed in urgent situations, we must develop a domestic supply of these isotopes. The Department of Energy has been working diligently with the private sector to develop sources that are made in America, and this amendment would dedicate $20 million to ensure that work continues so we can secure domestic production as soon as possible.

I urge my colleagues to support this important and bipartisan amendment.

I yield back.

Recognition of the Minority Leader

Mr. President, I rise on behalf of the more than 25,000 workers and retirees in Wisconsin who have paid into the Central States Pension Fund.

If Washington does not act, workers and retirees face massive cuts to the pensions they have earned over decades of work. If Washington does not act, small businesses will be on the hook for a pension liability they cannot afford.

I have been proud to work side by side with Wisconsin workers and retirees and with Senator Brown, who introduced the Butch Lewis Act, and I have been proud to work with Senator Donnelly and others to organize this afternoon's opportunity to share the stories of the hard- working people and retirees we represent.

The bill--the Butch Lewis Act--will put failing multiemployer pension plans, including Central States, back on solid ground, and it does so without cutting a single cent from the pension retirees have earned.

I have also introduced legislation to help shore up the government's insurance plan for these pensions. Earlier this year, I shared the stories of Wisconsin retirees who stand to lose more than 50 percent of their pensions if Washington does not act. Since then, nothing has been done. I am here once again to remind my colleagues that this is about a promise that must be kept.

This is about a promise made to Gary, from Marshfield, WI. Gary told me:

We recently got custody of our great grandson, and raising

an 8 year old is expensive, more expensive than when our kids

were young. If my pension gets cut, it would definitely

affect our family.

I relate to Gary's comments because I was raised by my grandparents. I can't imagine raising a great-grandchild. So thank you for doing that. Also, yes, it does cost money, and you need to have the stability of keeping the promises that you were given when you enrolled in Central States Pension.

This is about a promise made to Diane and her husband, from Luxemburg, WI. Diane wrote to tell me:

If my husband loses his pension, we could lose our house.

My husband has been through polio, cancer, a knee

replacement--and he needs another. He worked hard all his

life lifting thousands of pounds every day in a grocery

warehouse. We paid into a pension expecting to have a

comfortable life in retirement--and now it's at risk of being

lost.

This is about a promise we made to Michael, from De Pere, WI, a Vietnam veteran. For over 30 years, Michael was a driver at a local construction business. His wife is a retired nurse. They both worked long hours and are now at the age where finding a new job is not an option. Michael told me:

With increasing costs of living and prescription drugs,

losing my pension would leave us in a state of devastation.

This is about a promise made to Randall. Randall is from Suamico, WI. He is a retired truckdriver. Randall told me about long hours on the road and leaving his wife at home to care for their children. In 2015 he received a letter from Central States Pension Fund informing him that his pension would be cut in half.

I can't imagine receiving that sort of devastating news.

Randall is 68 years old, he is in poor health, and he would find it impossible to find another job today. He said:

My wife and I both worked hard our entire lives. Our hard

work should have meant a secure retirement, and we are

worried sick about the possibility of losing my pension. It

is difficult to sleep at night.

If Washington does not act, we will be breaking a promise made to 1.5 million workers and retirees nationwide. Small businesses will make hard decisions to lay off workers or close their doors. Washington needs to act, and we need to do it now.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I rise this afternoon to urge my colleagues to oppose the confirmation of Michael Brennan to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit. By bringing Mr. Brennan's nomination forward without my support, Chairman Grassley and Leader McConnell are breaking with a longstanding Senate tradition that has guaranteed a voice for home State Senators, regardless of party, in the consideration of judicial nominees.

The blue slip is an important part of this institution and its historic respect for the rights of each Senator, as well as the rights of the minority party. As the chairman of the Judiciary Committee, Mr. Grassley himself wrote in 2015:

This tradition is designed to encourage outstanding

nominees and consensus between the White House and home State

Senators. Over the years, Judiciary Committee chairs of both

parties have upheld a blue-slip process, including [most

recently] Senator Patrick Leahy of Vermont . . . who

steadfastly honored the tradition even as some in his own

party called for its demise. I appreciate the value of the

blue-slip process and also intend to honor it.

Today, respect for that time-honored blue slip comes to an end. Not only is Michael Brennan being considered on the Senate floor, but tomorrow the Senate Judiciary Committee will hold a hearing on a nominee for a traditional Oregon seat on the Ninth Circuit for whom neither Oregon Senator has returned a blue slip. I urge my colleagues to recognize that while today's action disrespects my role as the junior Senator from Wisconsin, tomorrow it may well be you. With the majority's choice to end this tradition, each of us is diminished in our own ability to represent the constituents who chose to send us here.

I did not return a blue slip for Michael Brennan because his nomination does not reflect the consensus between the White House and home State Senators that the chairman of Judiciary Committee, Mr. Grassley, praised in 2015. Mr. Brennan did not receive the requisite support from Wisconsin's bipartisan judicial nominating commission, which has been used in some form for nearly four decades to identify candidates for Federal judgeships in my home State. Senator Johnson and I have worked to continue this longstanding process during my tenure in the Senate, and it has actually produced consensus nominees who have been confirmed to two vacancies on our district courts and for two U.S. attorney positions.

More troubling still is a fact made clear in Mr. Brennan's answers to the Judiciary Committee's questionnaire; namely, that President Trump never intended to respect that commission's work for this vacancy. The White House interviewed Michael Brennan for the job on the very day our bipartisan nominating commission began to solicit candidates for its consideration.

Chairman Grassley has made an argument that the White House engaged me in meaningful consultation regarding this vacancy. It is true that White House Counsel Don McGahn called me to inform me that Mr. Brennan was the President's choice. I urged him, instead, to consider consensus nominees who could garner bipartisan support, including Donald Schott, who earned the requisite support of Wisconsin's nominating commission. He also garnered Senator Johnson's and my blue slips in the last Congress as well as the support of a bipartisan majority of the Senate Judiciary Committee. Sadly, he didn't come up for a confirmation vote due to obstruction in setting the calendar--a choice by the majority leader. Unfortunately, instead of nominating a consensus candidate, President Trump chose to move forward in a partisan manner on this vacancy.

Seven years ago, the U.S. Senate respected the prerogative of my colleague and my senior Senator, Mr. Johnson--then a newly elected Senator from Wisconsin--when he objected to a nominee for this very vacancy whose selection he had not had a role in. Mr. Brennan himself, at the time, coauthored an op-ed in our State's largest newspaper that praised Senator Johnson's refusal to return a blue slip for that nominee, Victoria Nourse. When President Obama made a second nomination for this position in 2016, I am confident Senator Leahy would not have allowed that nominee, Donald Schott, to have advanced in the Judiciary Committee without my senior Senator's blue slip.

Today, I am not being accorded the same respect. Today, we send the message that neither this nor a future President needs to respect the role of home State Senators in the selection of judicial nominees. I urge my colleagues

to oppose this action and this nominee and this dispensing with a time- honored tradition of this institution.

I yield the floor.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Madam President, today I wish to honor Vel Phillips, who was born Velvalea Hortense Rodgers in 1923 in Milwaukee and passed away on April 17, 2018, at the age of 95. Vel was a civil rights leader and a pioneer in social justice and fair housing who left an indelible mark on the State of Wisconsin.

Vel earned a national oratory scholarship from the Black Elks to attend Howard University, where she earned her bachelor's degree in 1946. She returned to her home State of Wisconsin to attend the University of Wisconsin--Madison Law School, becoming the first Black woman to graduate from the school, just one in a long series of significant firsts for Vel.

Following law school, Vel made it her life's work to advocate for social justice and equal rights. She became actively involved in the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, working for political, social, educational, and economic equality for people of color.

Vel was elected to the Milwaukee Common Council in 1956, not only as the first African American, but also as the first woman. Her election sent shockwaves through the all-White, all-male council. Rather than welcoming her to her new position, her colleagues refused to share an office with her and suggested she join the aldermen's wives club instead of the council. A firm believer in polite persistence, Vel took her seat quietly but proudly. She quickly went on to become an advocate not only for the people in her district, but for every African American in the city. She later said, ``No matter where they lived, I was their alderman and they called me.''

Vel would go on to accomplish many more firsts. In 1971, she became the first woman judge in Milwaukee County, as well as the first African-American judge in the State of Wisconsin. In 1978, she made history again as the first woman and minority elected secretary of State in Wisconsin.

In spite of all these significant firsts, Vel Phillips is perhaps best known for initiating the long but ultimately successful fight to outlaw housing discrimination in Milwaukee. Until the late 1960s, landlords freely refused to sell or rent property to people of color. Even if homeowners wanted to sell property to people of color, banks routinely rejected their loan applications. As a result, African Americans lived almost exclusively in one run-down neighborhood on Milwaukee's near north side.

In 1962, Vel introduced the city's first ordinance to prohibit discrimination in housing. The council promptly rejected it by a vote of 18 to 1. She tried three additional times over the next 6 years with the same result. The Milwaukee NAACP Youth Council and The Rev. James Groppi took up her cause in 1967 and organized 200 consecutive nights of protests in support of her ordinance. When her colleagues adopted a watered-down version of an open housing ordinance in an attempt to make the protests stop, Vel told them, ``Thanks for nothing. You are very much too late and very much too little.''

The council finally passed a strong open housing ordinance in 1968, after the assassination of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., spurred Congress to pass the national Fair Housing Act.

Following her retirement from public office, Vel remained involved in important causes, speaking up when she saw injustice, protesting when necessary, and educating students from all over the world.

Public servant, trailblazer, activist, icon, and pioneer are all words that only begin to describe Vel Phillips' contributions to the fight for equality in Wisconsin. While history will forever remember her for her string of momentous firsts, her greatest legacy will be the many women who run for elective office or the countless African Americans who live throughout the city thanks to the seemingly insurmountable barriers she shattered.

Thank you, Madam President and colleagues.

The next vote will be on cloture on a motion to concur with an amendment that is the Coast Guard reauthorization, but with a special provision that I want to draw all my colleagues' attention to, dealing with incidental discharges from vessels.

I am strongly supportive of the Coast Guard reauthorization, but this VIDA provision, as it is known, is extremely troublesome. It impacts both freshwater coasts of the Great Lakes as well as our other coastal regions, and it strips the Environmental Protection Agency of its scientific role in setting standards for discharges and puts the Coast Guard entirely in charge of these decisions and enforcement.

In addition, it strips all of our coastal States of the authority to pass laws concerning the waters off their coasts. Wisconsin is a State that has passed its own water discharge rules. It has done so because we need to protect the greatest fresh drinking water source in the world and in our Nation.

We also have had threats of invasive species that would decimate our Great Lakes. Ballast water and incidental discharges can often be the cause of those invasive species. In addition, there are chemicals that can enter the water if this is not regulated. This is not the time for a one-size-fits-all approach.

We should remove the VIDA provision from the Coast Guard reauthorization, pass the Coast Guard reauthorization on a voice vote because it is absolutely not controversial, and then get to the hard work of doing VIDA the right way.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, today I rise to recognize the first annual I am for the Child Day on April 18, 2018, sponsored by the Wisconsin Court Appointed Special Advocates, CASA, Association and the National CASA Association. April is Child Abuse Prevention Month, and Wisconsin CASA champions the needs of abused and neglected children. Over 6,000 Wisconsin children are in foster care; yet only 690 are assigned trained volunteers who can advocate for their safety and well- being while under the protection of the courts and child welfare agencies. The goal of the first annual I am for the Child Day is to raise awareness about the need for volunteers and the crippling impacts of child abuse and neglect on vulnerable children. I am proud to honor the WI CASA organization and the dedicated volunteers whose voice can speak for these children.

The Wisconsin CASA Association is a charitable, nonprofit member of the National CASA Association network. The association supports local programs throughout the State of Wisconsin in La Crosse, Vernon, Monroe, Brown, Marinette, Outagamie, Rock, Columbia, Dane, Manitowoc, Sauk, and Milwaukee Counties. Court appointed special advocates are community volunteers who champion the needs of abused and neglected children. They are sworn ``friends of the court'' acting under the jurisdiction of an appointing judge. Their work strengthens outcomes for children involved in an overstrained social welfare system. They provide advocacy for children's health, safety, emotional and physical development, family interaction, education, faith, recreation, and the cultural continuity that children need to thrive.

These volunteers interact with parents, caregivers, siblings, extended family members, foster parents, teachers, counselors, and healthcare providers to monitor the children's educational progress and social development. Their observations ultimately cultivate important recommendations for the court. Research shows that CASA volunteers strengthen outcomes for children, enhance child safety, reduce time spent in foster care, and improve the services the children receive.

CASA organizations are accelerating their advocacy by designating April 18 as the first annual I am for the Child Day with the goal of bringing awareness to child abuse everywhere and to help these children navigate a tumultuous life experience. Once again, I commend the Wisconsin Court Appointed Special Advocates Association on their admirable work and look forward to celebrating their accomplishments in the future.

Mr. President, today I wish to honor the life and legacy of Peggy Ann ``Peg'' Lautenschlager, whose passing at the age of 62 leaves Wisconsin without one of its greatest public servants. Peg was a true trailblazer in Wisconsin politics, and her kindness, tenacity, and strength will be greatly missed.

Peg was a native of Fond du Lac, WI. The only daughter of Milton and Patsy Lautenschlager, Peg attended Goodrich High School, now known as Fond du Lac High School, and graduated in 1973 as valedictorian of her class. Her early academic accomplishments were the initial signs of her future success.

After graduating summa cum laude from Lake Forest College, Peg earned her law degree from the University of Wisconsin-Madison in 1980. Peg broke through the glass ceiling of Wisconsin politics a mere 5 years later and never looked back. In 1985, Peg won an election as the first woman district attorney for Winnebago County. She later served as Wisconsin's first woman attorney general from 2003 to 2007. Between those two important bookends of her career, she spent every ounce of her professional energy in service to the people of Wisconsin.

In 1987, she unseated a 32-year incumbent to win election to the State assembly representing her hometown of Fond du Lac. She quickly became well respected for her work promoting criminal justice reform, sexual assault prevention, fair elections, and open records. President Bill Clinton appointed her to serve as the U.S. Attorney for the Western District of Wisconsin in 1993. Peg found a mentor and a friend in her boss, U.S. Attorney General Janet Reno, who named Peg to the

U.S. Attorney General's advisory committee, the first Wisconsinite to serve on the committee.

Peg was unstoppable. She was one of those rare jewels who was as caring as she was brilliant and funny as she was passionate. She will go down in the history books as one of Wisconsin's most powerful women, and she used every bit of that power in pursuit of justice for those who didn't have a voice. Her greatest legacy, however, is not something you can point at or capture in a headline. It is the countless women who can see themselves in a courtroom or on a ballot because they were inspired by Peg's audacity in never letting anything stop her. It is the hundreds of young girls who can imagine themselves walking through doors that they had always assumed were closed to them because Peg had already blazed that trail.

Peg was a brilliant attorney, a fierce friend, and a loving mother. Colleagues and staff struggled to keep up with her as she juggled dozens of legal cases, three phones, and five children. She toggled seamlessly between a discussion of the finer points of case law against drug manufacturers overcharging for pharmaceuticals and a call about her middle-schooler's wardrobe crisis. She tackled both challenges with the same passion, heart, and ingenuity.

Peg's memory will be kept alive by her husband, Bill, her five children, and all of us lucky enough to have known her. She knew that serving as the first woman attorney general in Wisconsin was not only an honor, it was a momentous responsibility. She carried that honor and responsibility proudly. She leaves behind a legacy that will be carried forward by women in Wisconsin who boldly pursue success in law and politics.

Mr. President, today I wish to honor Bronson C. La Follette, who was born in 1936 in Washington, DC, and passed away March 15, 2018, in Madison, WI. Bronson dedicated his life to the pursuit of justice and was known as the People's Lawyer. He was a progressive in the tradition of his father, Senator Robert M. La Follette, Jr., and his grandparents Senator Robert M. ``Fighting Bob'' La Follette, Sr., and Belle Case La Follette.

A true Badger at heart, Bronson earned his bachelor's and law degrees from the University of Wisconsin--Madison. Following his graduation in 1960, he worked in private practice before being appointed Assistant U.S. Attorney for the Western District of Wisconsin by U.S. Attorney General Robert Kennedy. In 1964, at the age of 28, he was elected as Wisconsin's attorney general and served two terms. He was the youngest state attorney general in American history ever elected to the office. As attorney general, he was a champion for consumer protection and served as chair of President Lyndon Johnson's Consumer Advisory Council.

In 1968, Bronson became the Democratic Party's nominee for Governor of Wisconsin, an election he lost to incumbent Governor Warren Knowles. In 1974, Bronson was again elected as attorney general of Wisconsin, vowing to make the department of justice live up to its name. To Bronson, that meant taking on an activist role, hiring a bright young progressive team, and not being afraid to tackle new ideas and sensitive subjects head on. Wisconsinites will recognize some of the attorneys who made up that bright, young team because two of them have become iconic progressives in their own right. Ed Garvey and Kathleen Falk spent a portion of their early careers in Bronson La Follette's department of justice.

In 1978, Bronson married the love of his life, Barbara. He was also blessed with a son, a daughter, two grandchildren, and two great- randchildren.

In 1987, Bronson retired from public service and joined a prominent law firm where he continued to advocate for criminal justice reform and government transparency.

Bronson was also a passionate advocate for children. He founded the Dane County Project for the Prevention of Child Abuse and became the chairman of the National Campaign for Missing and Exploited Children.

No tribute to Bronson La Follette would be complete without a nod to his wonderful sense of humor. Together with his friend, State treasurer Charles Smith, he campaigned in a camper, bringing their unique blend of politics and fun to communities throughout the State. He cherished his reputation as a talented washboard player and percussionist. His most remembered antics involved his Irish Setter ``Cutter.'' When Bronson was cited with allowing Cutter to run at large in Maple Bluff, he hired Madison attorney and prankster Edward Ben Elson to defend the dog. Elson demanded that the dog be tried by a jury of his peers: 12 Irish Setters. In his next campaign, Bronson had buttons featuring Cutter with the slogan ``Bronson dog gone it.''

A colorful spectrum of words is necessary to capture the essence of Bronson La Follette, some of which may seem contradictory. Those words include progressive, irreverent, bipartisan, entertaining, passionate, fair, outspoken, just, funny, service-minded, champion, fun-loving, defender, activist, committed, blunt, values-driven, but what I will remember most about Bronson is how vigorously he embraced his personality, how sweetly he loved his family, and how passionately he fought for justice. Wisconsin owes a debt of gratitude to this extraordinary man who brought equality and justice to so many.

Mr. President, unfortunately, including this legislation in the recently passed S. 2155 was not possible due to a number of procedural objections that could not be overcome. However, it is our understanding that the substance of our bill has the support of several FHLBs, and we intend to work with our colleagues, the administration, and FHFA to find sustainable ways for housing-focused entities such as relevant captive insurance companies to participate in the FHLB system.

Mr. President, I rise to join and thank Senator Whitehouse for his ongoing commitment to give a voice to the issue of climate change and the threat it poses to our country and, frankly, our world. Senator Whitehouse has provided real, moral leadership on this issue, and I wish to express my gratitude for his unrelenting focus.

Let there be no doubt that climate change is real. The question is not whether it is happening but how we will address it. Are we going to do all that we can to leave the next generation a safer and healthier world?

As my friend from Rhode Island has impressed upon us with due urgency week in and week out, climate change will be tremendously costly to our economy and to our very way of life. The longer we wait to act, the more costly these impacts will be.

The State of Wisconsin has been a proud home to environmental leaders who have worked to pass on a stronger environment to future generations. I think of Aldo Leopold. I think of John Muir. I think of Senator Gaylord Nelson, the founder of Earth Day.

As a Senator for our great State, it is one of my top priorities to follow in this legacy and to preserve our natural resources and quality of life for future generations. It is not hard to see why Wisconsinites deeply value environmental protection. From looking out at the crystal clear waters of Lake Superior from its South Shore to standing atop Rib Mountain and gazing at the forests and farmlands of Central Wisconsin, to casting your fishing rod in the world-class trout streams of the Driftless region in the southwest of our State, there is no question that we are blessed. We are blessed with natural beauty in the State of Wisconsin.

The impact of climate change can already be seen on these very landscapes and the economies they support. We see it in agriculture. Growing seasons are shifting, and extreme weather events are harming our crops. We have increasing concerns about drought and groundwater. In fact, NASA recently warned that droughts will not only become more severe, but our ecosystems will be increasingly slower to recover from those droughts. Decreased soil moisture will put stress on farmers and their livestock, on private wells, and on our municipal drinking water systems.

These prolonged droughts, combined with the increased intensity of storms and changing temperature patterns, will force farmers to change how and what they grow. It is extremely troubling as agriculture is an $88 billion industry in the State of Wisconsin.

We also see the negative effects of climate change on our Great Lakes. In Lake Michigan, for example, we see changes in precipitation and evaporation patterns due to climate change that may cause more dramatic fluctuations in lake levels than we have already seen. Data from the Environmental Protection Agency shows that average surface water temperatures have increased in all five Great Lakes since 1995. Warmer surface water temperatures disrupt the food chain and facilitate the spread of invasive species, threatening our native fish with disease. Changing water levels create challenges for property owners and communities along the Great Lakes. Each of these changes will strain our local economies.

Tourism is also a major part of Wisconsin's economy. The Northwoods is a beloved place to fish, camp, hunt, and snowmobile. But last year, for only the second time in its 45-year history, Wisconsin's famous Birkebeiner cross-country ski race was canceled because of warm temperatures and a lack of snow.

The impacts on tourism, recreation, and the landscapes that we hold near to our hearts are already here. They will only become more drastic. The threats may be daunting, but we cannot allow the challenges to overwhelm us into inaction.

Wisconsin's motto is just one word--``forward.'' The people of Wisconsin have never been afraid of the challenges we face. We have a strong progressive tradition of confronting our challenges and working together to shape our future for the next generation. Many of Wisconsin's most successful companies are leaders in energy efficiency, renewable energy, and clean technology.

In 2014, one of Wisconsin's major healthcare systems became the first in the Nation to use entirely renewable energy. Wisconsin companies are strong innovators and provide opportunities for workers of today and tomorrow as they lead the way.

I believe in smart investments by governments at all levels, by companies and institutions, and by citizens. This will help us confront the challenge of climate change while positioning Wisconsin for economic and ecological resiliency. This opportunity is great, and we must meet the challenge head-on--going forward, the Wisconsin way.

I would like, once again, to thank Senator Whitehouse for his laser focus on this issue that is so critical to our home States, as well as the Nation and the world, that we will pass on to the next generation.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I offer this statement to ensure the record reflects my opposition to the Pain-Capable Unborn Child Protection Act, S. 2311, calendar No. 294, as considered by the Senate on Monday, January 29, 2018. Cloture was not invoked on the motion to proceed to S. 2311 by a vote of 51 to 46. Unfortunately, I was unable to be present for the rollcall vote to invoke cloture on this measure due to multiple flight delays traveling from Wisconsin to Washington,

Mr. President, I am proud to be a Wisconsin Senator. Washington is broken. Washington isn't working for Wisconsin or Minnesota or the rest of America, for that matter. I rise today to call on all my Senate colleagues, Democrats and Republicans, to fix it.

I think it is very important for all of us to be honest with the American people and shoot straight with how we got to this point where we are today, amidst a government shutdown.

At the end of September, nearly 4 months ago, the Republican majority missed a major deadline--a deadline to pass a budget for America and its government and appropriations bills that fund the government for the year. Republicans have the power of the majority here in the U.S. Senate, in the House of Representatives, and the Presidency. Yet the Republican leadership has failed--failed to put together a budget for America and its government that provides certainty for our country. Families in Wisconsin who are struggling paycheck to paycheck put together a budget for their families because they have to in order to make ends meet. But here in Washington, my friends on the other side of the aisle have played by a different set of rules.

On Friday night, they didn't put forward a budget for America and its government. Instead, they offered their fourth short-term continuing resolution in the last 4 months. This is no way to govern, simply kicking the can down the road each month and ignoring the real needs of our country.

The Federal budget is not a calendar year budget; rather, it runs from October 1 to September 30 each year. There are all sorts of historical reasons for why that is, but among them, if we get our work done on time, the local governments and other entities that have calendar year budgets get to see what Federal funds have been allocated for the things that we do jointly that make a real difference in people's lives. The Congress is actually supposed to get its budget done in the spring and then finish its appropriations process by September 30. In fact, today we should be starting our work on the 2019 budget. Instead, we are still working on the 2018 budget that should have been completed last spring and appropriations bills that should have been done by September 30.

The majority had from September 30 until December 9--that was the first, short-term continuing resolution, as it is known--to get the job done. On a bipartisan basis, we allocated that time through a continuing resolution. The majority then had from December 9 until December 22, another short-term continuing resolution, and then from December 22 to January 19, another continuing resolution. But the governing majority still hasn't done its work, so they asked for yet another 4 weeks. This month-by-month approach from the majority has failed. It has failed to provide our military and troops with the budget certainty they need.

We heard from Secretary Mattis and his team this week about how harmful these continuing resolutions are to our Nation's military, and the majority should heed those words because it impedes the military's ability to plan for the defense of our Nation. Under repeated continuing resolutions, the Department can't start new programs, hiring and recruitment are limited, and our national security funding priorities are left on autopilot. The Defense Department has made it clear that they need a long-term budget, not week-by-week and month-by- month measures, but the majority has failed to deliver results.

Our veterans need VA reforms so that they can get the healthcare services they have earned, and I have worked in a bipartisan manner on a number of reforms of the VA Choice Program, but the continuing resolution offered--and rightly rejected by both Democrats and Republicans--shortchanges veterans' health when we should be working together to serve those who have bravely served this Nation.

Four months ago, congressional Republicans let funding for children's healthcare expire. They refused to pass legislation that funds the Children's Health Insurance Program, otherwise known as CHIP, and 170,000 children in the State of Wisconsin rely on CHIP for their healthcare. But the congressional Republicans were more concerned during that period of time with giving away massive tax breaks; 80 percent-plus of the benefits go to the upper 1 percent and big corporations. In fact, while these children were ignored, Republicans gave permanent tax cuts to powerful corporations and now won't provide permanent funding for the CHIP program for children's health insurance for low-income families.

Four months ago, the majority party that controls Washington let funding for community health centers lapse. In my home State, 300,000 Wisconsinites are served by community health centers, including kids on CHIP. Two weeks ago, I visited one of those community health centers in Green Bay, WI. The healthcare workers and staff describe the anxiety and uncertainty they feel every day because they don't know whether they will have the funding they need to minister to the healthcare needs of those whom they serve. Many community health centers can't move forward with longer term contracts for services or repairs or invest in new medical equipment because they don't know if or when Washington will act. They found out on Friday night that the continuing resolution offered, just like the three before it, failed to address funding for community health centers once again, but it did give tax breaks to big insurance companies. We cannot leave our community health centers without the funding they need to serve the people for whom we all work. We should take action now to fully fund them because they can't wait any longer.

I know that every one of my colleagues here in the Senate has come face to face with the opioid epidemic. I know I have. I have traveled my State and met with healthcare workers, local officials, people from law enforcement and the judiciary who are working on the frontlines of this crisis. I know what it is like to have a loved one dependent upon narcotics. I have met with families who have lost a loved one to this epidemic. I have met with family members who are currently finding their own lives totally upended because of a loved one who is hooked on opioids. There is bipartisan support for doing more. There is support across party lines for the Federal Government to step up and be a stronger partner in this fight. A short-term, stopgap measure isn't going to do it, and we all know it. So let's find the will to work together to provide strong investments in local communities so that they have

the resources they need for prevention treatment and recovery efforts. Let's work together to save lives.

We are where we are right now because I think Washington has lost sight of what our work here should be about--making a difference in people's lives. Hundreds of thousands of young people have had their lives placed in limbo by the politics of Washington. The Dreamers, who have only known America as their home, are working hard. They are going to school. They are serving in our military. President Trump has threatened them with deportation. Right now, we have a bipartisan solution that Republican leadership in both the Senate and the House have refused to make a commitment to passing. This bipartisan solution strengthens border security and does right by the Dreamers. Just a couple of weeks ago, I spoke with an education leader in Wisconsin. He told me that his school, a Catholic K-12 school, employs by his count 23 Dreamers. He can't imagine the devastating impact it might have if we don't figure this out.

On Thursday of last week, I spoke with a Wisconsin Dreamer. She made her way to DC--and this wasn't her first trip--to tell her powerful story. She asked for an update, and I told her what I thought was happening here. She told me she had just 8 days left before her DACA status expires, and she said: I don't know what I am going to do, how I will be able to work. Today, she has only 5 days left. We have a bipartisan solution that Senate Republicans and Democrats have worked on together, so let's do our job and let's get it done.

I have the privilege of working for a State with a work ethic that is second to none. I am deeply humbled by that privilege, and I do everything I can to respect and reward the hard work of Wisconsinites. That is why I have been working for months on pension reforms. When people work hard and they play by the rules and build their retirement security, they should be able to depend on the pensions they have earned. Right now, 25,000 Wisconsin retirees and workers have had their pensions threatened through no fault of their own. I have visited with these workers throughout the State of Wisconsin in Green Bay, in Endeavor, in Milwaukee, and Brookfield--hundreds of them. They each have a powerful story. I spoke to one worker who started his job as a trucker at age 23. He worked for 40 years. At several stages in his career, he had the opportunity, if you will call it that, to forgo a potential increase in wages so that he could put more into his pension, so he and his wife could enjoy a secure retirement. But today he and thousands of others are facing the prospect of massive cuts to the pensions they have earned, unless Congress acts. They can't afford to have us kick the can down the road once again. They need us to act and keep the promises of the pensions they worked so hard for. Let's work together. Let's work together and get the job done by passing the Butch Lewis Act and save the pensions that over a million workers and retirees across this country are counting on.

Mr. President, enough of round after round of fighting. The American people are fed up with it. They did not send us here to perform a monthly melodrama. They sent us here to get things done. They didn't send us here to play political games and create chaos. They sent us here to work together on solutions to the problems that they face and that we face jointly as a nation. The biggest problem we face right now is that Washington is broken. It is up to us to fix it, so let's start working together to get the job done.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I rise to join my colleagues in our fight to keep a promise made to workers and retirees across this country. I will start with where we were, where we are now, and what Washington needs to do to keep these promises.

A little over 2 years ago, Central States pension had an application before the Treasury Department, which had it been approved would have meant deep cuts to pensions that had already been earned over a lifetime of hard work.

Retirees in my home State of Wisconsin began to receive letters notifying them that their pensions could be cut by 30, 50, and, in some cases, as much as 70 percent. Treasury made the right decision and rejected these pension cuts. That was an important victory, but we have always known there is more work to be done, that we have to find a long-term solution that keeps these promises.

I am talking about a promise made to Bernie in Franklin, WI, who would have lost about one-third of his pension if the Central States application had actually gone through. I am talking about a promise made to Kenny from Menomonee Falls, WI, who spent most of his career in trucking, paying into a pension fund to safeguard his family's future. He got a letter notifying him that his pension might be cut by 55 percent. I am talking about promises made to 25,000 retirees and workers in the State of Wisconsin. They have been living with the fear and uncertainty of not knowing whether the retirement security they saved for and sacrificed for, and that their families depend upon, will be there when they need it.

If Washington does not act, these workers and retirees will face massive

cuts to their pensions earned over decades of work.

I have been proud to work side by side with Wisconsin retirees and with Senator Sherrod Brown to introduce the Butch Lewis Act. The bill will put failing pension plans, including Central States, back on solid ground to ensure they can meet their commitments to retirees today and workers in decades to come, and it does so without cutting a single cent from the benefits retirees have earned.

In the time since Central States submitted its application to the Treasury Department, I have met with retirees in Milwaukee, Green Bay, and Endeavor, WI--last week, I was in Brookfield, WI, with many more than 200 retirees and workers--who are counting on Washington to pass this bill.

Washington needs to act. We need to pass the Butch Lewis Act, and we need to do it soon.

I yield the floor.

Madam President, I rise to offer motion to do something that this tax plan fails to do: make good on President Trump's promise to close the carried interest tax loophole. This motion has the support of Senators Whitehouse, Donnelly, and Van Hollen.

I think we need to make our tax system simpler and fairer for hard- working families, businesses--particularly

small businesses--and manufacturers, and that is what I have been working for. Unfortunately, this is not the plan being presented today by Senate Republicans.

Let's be honest with the American people. This bill is largely a tax giveaway to the wealthiest few and big corporations, while millions of middle-class families will get a tax hike. With this partisan bill from across the aisle, big corporations get permanent tax breaks-- permanent--while middle-class families will see tax increases. In fact, most Americans earning less than $75,000 a year will see tax increases. That is simply not fair.

It is also not fair that the top 1 percent will end up with over 60 percent of the benefits, and in exchange, 13 million more will lose health insurance. Healthcare premiums will increase by 10 percent, and Medicare and Medicaid have been put on the chopping block to pay for it.

In addition, with the Senate Republican plan, powerful corporations can still deduct their State and local taxes, but they completely eliminate the State and local tax deduction for individual taxpayers. This deduction ensures households aren't taxed twice by the Federal Government on money they have already paid in State and local taxes, including property taxes. But with the current Senate plan, nearly one in three Wisconsinites will lose their personal income, sales, and property tax deductions. A recent study shows that it could decrease the value of home ownership. The average deduction in Wisconsin is $11,653, and nearly $10 billion of Wisconsinites' paychecks would be subject to a double tax--all to pay for a plan that favors those at the top. What is more, by the latest estimation from our own congressional scorekeeper, this plan will add $1 trillion--$1 trillion--to our deficit, breaking our promise to the next generation and sticking them with the bill.

Our Tax Code ought to reward hard work more than it rewards wealth. It doesn't do that today, and it will not do that tomorrow if this bill passes. In fact, this Republican plan's primary purpose is to reward Fortune 500 corporations who will simply reward the wealth of shareholders, not the hard work that drives productivity and growth across our economy.

The primary promise of this legislation makes the same promise that has not been kept to workers for decades. Trickle-down economics has not worked in the past, and it is not going to work now. American workers know that. But my colleagues, rushing to pass this legislation, don't seem to care, because the only thing that matters is delivering for donors, who have too much power and influence in Washington.

I want to see loopholes closed, like the one that favors Wall Street hedge funds and allows them to pay a lower tax rate than many Wisconsin workers pay. Earlier this year, I introduced the Carried Interest Fairness Act to close the carried interest tax loophole for millionaires and billionaires on Wall Street.

The carried interest loophole allows certain investment managers to take advantage of the preferential 20 percent long-term capital gains tax rates on the income they get for managing other people's money, rather than the ordinary income tax rates of up to 39.6 percent that American workers pay. My legislation closes the carried interest tax loophole by ensuring that income earned by managing other people's money is taxed at the same ordinary income tax rates as the vast majority of working Americans pay.

As a candidate, President Trump included closing the carried interest tax loophole in his tax reform plan. While campaigning in Detroit last year, he said: ``We will eliminate the carried interest deduction and other special interest loopholes that have been so good for Wall Street investors, and for people like me, but unfair to American workers.''

Then this May, after being asked why his tax reform outline didn't mention carried interest after campaigning on its closure, the President responded by saying:

It's out. Done . . . carried interest was great for me, but

carried interest was unfair and it's gone.

I agree that it is unfair and it should be eliminated. However, it is not gone with this legislation. This loophole for Wall Street is still in the bill. Why? Is it because my Republican colleagues on the other side of the aisle simply do not believe a word this President says? Is it because Wall Street lobbyists, big banks, and hedge funds have such a grip on Washington? Is it because these are the very donors that this legislation is meant to serve with a win?

Today I am offering a motion to close the carried interest tax loophole once and for all. It is simply unfair for Wisconsin workers to pay higher income tax rates than a billionaire hedge fund on Wall Street.

If you agree, you will support this motion. If you want to help President Trump keep his promises to the American people, you will support this motion. Let's do right by the American people and close this tax loophole for the wealthy on Wall Street. Let's make sure that our Tax Code rewards hard work as much as it currently rewards wealth. If that isn't simple and fair, I don't know what is.

I yield the floor.