Madam Chair, I have an amendment at the desk. Madam Chair, although I regret that this Congress is considering the full repeal of a promising effort to address the looming long-term care crisis in our country, I have to admit I'm not…
Madam Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
Madam Chair, although I regret that this Congress is considering the full repeal of a promising effort to address the looming long-term care crisis in our country, I have to admit I'm not surprised. This is the action of a Congress deserving of America's low opinion of us.
We know the facts. A vote against this amendment is a vote for increased Medicaid spending.
No one is immune from becoming disabled or growing old, yet just 10 percent of Americans over age 50 can afford long-term care insurance. As a result, a staggering 90 percent of Americans rely on long-term care provided by Medicaid. It is no wonder that over a third of Medicaid spending is on long-term care, not on checkups for impoverished children, not on prenatal care for poor, expectant mothers. No, it is the expensive, institutionalized long-term care funded by Medicaid.
The goals of the CLASS program represented an alternative to this system on which we all could have agreed, a fully solvent, affordable, premium-financed, long-term care program. It emphasizes personal responsibility, lessens the burden on taxpayers, and reduces unnecessary Medicaid spending.
Sometimes, as things happen here, Congress passes imperfect legislation. But rather than address these imperfections, the legislation before this House today gives up on our grappling with this long-term care crisis altogether.
We've overcome challenges like this before. In the early 1980s, Social Security faced a crisis. So what happened? Did my Republican friends, concerned about having an imperfect law on the books, castigate what they called ``RooseveltCare'' and bring to the floor a two-page bill to revoke the Social Security Act? That's not, thankfully, what happened. What did happen was that Democrats and Republicans worked together, with President Reagan, and strengthened Social Security. As a result, Social Security continues to keep millions out of poverty, ensuring against the universal risk of old age, disability, or death of a breadwinner.
The amendment I offer today would prevent repeal of the CLASS Act from taking place if failure to implement the CLASS program would increase State and Federal Medicaid spending.
Greater reliance on the safety net has led many to conclude that Medicaid has become unaffordable. Instead of cutting basic health care for our most vulnerable--the elderly, the disabled, poor children--we ought to reduce Medicaid spending. We ought to put more Americans back to work. We ought to make private health insurance more affordable.
There are many prescriptions for reducing Medicaid spending; but let's be clear, repeal of the CLASS Act and upholding our long-term care crisis is not among them. The Congressional Budget Office estimates that even the imperfect CLASS bill that passed would reduce Medicaid spending by at least $2 billion.
If more older Americans had access to affordable long-term care insurance, middle class seniors could secure a less costly, more independent lifestyle in their own homes instead of spending down into poverty to receive expensive, institutionalized care.
What message is Congress sending by repealing CLASS? We are proclaiming that the current system, which incentivizes elder poverty and forces seniors to blow through their life savings, is just fine. Save nothing. Pass what you do have on to your children before you get sick. Own little property, and don't purchase long-term care insurance. Follow this plan and you'll be eligible for expensive, institutionalized care through Medicaid. If CLASS is repealed, it is exactly the children and grandchildren that my friends on the other side say they worry about who will pay the cost.
A premium-financed long-term care program would shift people from reliance on Medicaid. This should be our shared goal. We ought to work together to fix a program that represents the first real path toward making affordable long-term care available to middle class families who want to secure themselves against possible poverty.
I respectfully ask my colleagues to support this amendment, because reducing Medicaid spending while improving the lives of seniors and persons with disabilities is a conversation worthy of this office.
And with that, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
Mr. Chairman, this amendment reads, ``The Secretary shall develop three actuarially sound benefit plans.''
This amendment's small fix gives the administration the ability to implement a program that enjoys the support of two-thirds of all Americans, including, I should add, over half of Republicans. The stipulation for moving forward, however, is that CLASS is implemented on an actuarially sound basis.
The distinguished gentleman from Louisiana and author of the underlying bill has expressed some opposition to my amendment, suggesting that it will waive the solvency requirement. I respect the gentleman's work and service, but I regret that the claim is simply untrue.
This amendment gives the Secretary waiver authority only after three requirements are met. The plan must be actuarially sound, must address adverse selection, and must have market appeal.
The deliberate obfuscation of this amendment's intention is a textbook example of why American's are fed up with Washington. I would work with anyone in any party to protect the financial security of middle class and near-retirees. But when attempts to improve the existing law in a fiscally responsible way are treated in this manner, it is no wonder why we can't get things done.
The bill's proponents say, Trust us. We'll replace this. Unfortunately, over a year ago they said the same thing about the Affordable Care Act. Instead we had repeal and replace, minus the replace.
As we all know, the CLASS program, as drafted, is facing challenges of implementation. Critics have focused on fiscal sustainability. The good news is that there is a fiscally sustainable path forward. With greater flexibility, a program could be designed that addresses adverse selection and improves market appeal.
We must remember that even with implementation, CLASS would only be a start addressing a very serious long-term care crisis.
Looking back on our history would serve us well today. In the infancy of Social Security, Senator William H. King, a Democrat from Utah, supported the Clark amendment which would have undercut the Social Security program. He was concerned that Social Security would crowd out private pensions and conditioned his support of Social Security upon a guarantee that the Clark amendment would later be taken up.
When Congress returned, Senator King was asked about the amendment. He said, You can forget about the amendment. The passage of the Social Security Act has got everybody talking about pension plans. You can forget it forever.
Americans ought to be talking about long-term care. We should all be lucky enough to grow older. We should all be lucky enough to retire in south Florida.
However, no one is immune from the frailty of old age, and no one is exempt from disability.
I can't help but think of a very impressive man from south Florida, a good friend named Alan Brown, who, on January 2, 1988, at the age of 20, was hit by a strong wave at the beach that caused a catastrophic spinal cord injury that leaves him a quadriplegic to this day.
Mr. Brown has an endless list of expenses from his wheelchair and medication, to disability through accessible transportation, and long- term care. Even while holding two jobs, he struggles to support his family in the face of rising health care costs.
As lawmakers, it is our responsibility to remember that those who are young and healthy may not always remain so and act on the fact that long-term care is out of reach for the majority of Americans. Any one of us could experience an unpredictable accident like Mr. Brown. If that is not compelling enough, the inevitability of aging should be.
What message is this Congress sending when our response to the long- term care crisis is ``just say no''? Why should Americans be thinking about long-term care if their leaders in Congress answer a complicated and systemic problem with a politically charged two-page bill?
If the Secretary were given the flexibility in my amendment, the CLASS program would remain the furthest thing from an entitlement, as it would remain fully financed by premiums. This fix to CLASS is true fiscal responsibility, an individual retirement security; and I respectfully urge my colleagues to support it.
Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.