Floor Statements

Mr. President, last week, immigration agents arrested 120 illegal workers at a worksite in Colorado within 1 mile of global surveillance and a missile early-warning facility. Most likely, they came to America to find jobs. But if any had sinister intentions, only a fence separated them from a critical military facility.

Most immigrants come to America with good intentions, but not all of them. Intelligence reports show that

al-Qaida considers our borders a vulnerability. Imagine how terrorists might exploit a 1,951-mile border with Mexico.

We are a Nation of immigrants, but we are also a Nation of laws and principles. Any attempt to halt the influx of illegal immigrants must respect that fact. The comprehensive immigration reform legislation the Senate passed in May struck a careful balance. We took a three-pronged approach: fortify our borders, strengthen worksite enforcement, and develop a fair and realistic way to address the 12 million people already in our country illegally, without offering amnesty.

Clearly, we won't reach an agreement on comprehensive immigration reform before we leave for the recess, but fortifying our borders is an integral component of national security. We cannot afford to wait until November to do that. We know what works. We built a 14-mile fence near San Diego and saw illegal immigration in the area drop dramatically. We deployed 6,000 National Guard troops to our southwest border and saw a 45 percent drop in border apprehension.

The comprehensive solution to immigration reform is ideal, yes, but I have always said we need an enforcement-first approach to reform--not enforcement-only but enforcement-first.

The Secure Fence Act of 2006 let's us get a head start on the first prong of comprehensive reform. It requires the Department of Homeland Security to achieve complete operational control over our border with Mexico. With this bill, we will have better control over who enters the country, how they enter it, and what they bring with them.

Without the critical security measures included in the bill, we leave ourselves open to attack. We place our national security at risk.

Mr. President, I yield back my time.

I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote and I move to lay that motion on the table.

The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.

I ask unanimous consent that the mandatory quorum under rule XXII be waived.

Mr. President, let's have regular order.

Mr. President, reserving the right to object.

We are in discussion now and I believe we are making real progress on addressing this bill. I will object here shortly because we have to talk to a number of colleagues. But I think we are making real progress on the bill.

Thus, I object.

Mr. President, the Child Custody Protection Act prohibits taking a minor child across State lines for an abortion in circumvention of a State law requiring parental notification or consent in that child's abortion. And it gives the victims of our imperfect legal system a means of restitution.

This legislation also protects the integrity of State parental notification laws, and helps ensure that they are honored. Without it, State laws regarding parental notification and consent for a minor's abortion can be flouted with impunity.

Right now, some abortion clinics even advertise to minors living in neighboring States with parental notice and consent laws.

Right now, we are increasing our pregnant minors' vulnerability to health complications. Patients receiving abortions at out-of-state clinics are less likely to return for followup care. And a teenager who has an out-of-state abortion without her parents' knowledge or consent is even more unlikely to tell them she is having complications.

At its core, this bill is about protecting a minor's health and protecting her from exploitation. It is about respecting and honoring State laws. And it is about ensuring parental involvement in the life- or-death decision of their child.

Forty-four States have already seen the grim irony in the fact that teenage students can't go on a field trip or receive aspirin from the school nurse without parental consent, but a young girl can flout State laws and have an abortion--a major surgical procedure--without informing her parents.

This bill helps parental notification and consent laws remain enforceable and meaningful, and it keeps in place all judicial bypass options and waiver provisions that States have enacted to accommodate young girls who come from troubled or abusive homes.

This simple, straightforward legislation was already passed by the Senate in July by a vote of 65 to 34. It received overwhelming bipartisan support. I am pleased that 14 of my Democratic colleagues, including the Senate minority leader, chose to join me and its sponsor, Senator Ensign, in support of this important bill. And I believe this legislation was further improved by the adoption of the Boxer-Ensign amendment, which strengthened provisions pertaining to minors who are caught in abusive home situations.

So it was a disappointment when this legislation was blocked from going to conference by a parliamentary maneuver by my colleagues from across the aisle. On multiple occasions, we sought to go to conference with the House on this legislation, only to have this routine procedural move obstructed.

I would like to commend the work of the bill's sponsor, my colleague John Ensign. I am glad that the House chose to pick up this legislation and pass it with instructions.

I believe it is important to pass this legislation, which has the approval of around 80 percent of the American public and is supported on both sides of the aisle. It protects underage minors. It respects and protects parental involvement in the life-or-death decisions of their child. And it prevents the violation of State laws. It should not be allowed to be blocked. I hope my colleagues will join me in voting for S. 403, the Child Custody Protection Act, and passing this long- obstructed, overwhelmingly supported, commonsense legislation.

Mr. President, for more than 50 years, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization has served as a force for stability, security, and peace in Europe. It remains the foundation of security on the Continent and the cornerstone of U.S. engagement in Europe. Today it is the key institution helping to secure a Europe that is whole, free, and at peace.

Not only is it the most successful alliance in history, but NATO has also contributed to the democratic transition of our former adversaries in Central and Eastern Europe by fostering the development of new, strong, and democratic allies capable of contributing to our common security goals. NATO's enlargement over the past decade has strengthened the strongest alliance in history and helped spread democracy and liberty. For this reason, it is essential that we keep the door to NATO accession open for others.

Today, I am proud to introduce the NATO Freedom Consolidation Act of 2006, along with Senators Lugar,

Biden, Smith, and McCain. This legislation expresses the Senate's support for the accession of Albania, Croatia, Georgia, and Macedonia to NATO.

I welcome the progress made by these countries in implementing the political, economic, and military reforms needed to qualify for NATO membership. Each of these countries has made substantive contributions to peace and stability in the region and has expressed a desire for closer affiliation with this institution.

Albania, Croatia, and Macedonia have already made tremendous strides in implementing their National Programs under NATO's Membership Action Plan. The MAP remains the key vehicle for NATO to review and assess the readiness of each aspirant for full membership. I am confident that these three countries will continue to progress toward the goals pursued through the MAP, and I look forward to future reports of each country's progress.

Georgia is also coordinating its reform efforts with NATO members to meet the criteria for eventual membership in the Alliance. NATO recently announced the launching of an intensified dialogue with the Georgian Government. The United States stands ready to assist the Georgian people as they continue their reform efforts.

In addition to expressing the Congress's support for their eventual NATO membership, this legislation also designates Albania, Croatia, Georgia, and Macedonia as eligible to receive assistance under the NATO Participation Act of 1994. To underscore this commitment, it authorizes security assistance in the amount of $3.2 million for Albania, $3 million for Croatia, $10 million for Georgia, and $3.6 million for Macedonia.

Previous rounds of NATO enlargement have shown that the expansion of this great alliance benefits not only the new members but the alliance itself. Albania, Croatia, Georgia, and Macedonia stand to gain as much from NATO membership as the current Allies do from their accession.

The United States cannot build a safer and better world alone. The support of our NATO allies and the strengthening of the alliance are essential in the global war on terrorism. The alliance will be critical in successfully dealing with the mutual challenges we will face in the years ahead.

The United States will continue to work with these countries to institute the reforms necessary for NATO membership. I urge my colleagues to support this bipartisan legislation. And I look forward to the day when Albania, Croatia, Georgia, and Macedonia become America's NATO allies and the most successful alliance in history becomes even stronger.

Mr. President, I rise today to discuss a bill that has been very close to my heart for some time. And that is a bill that will help us better understand, and one day eliminate, the health disparities that plague this country.

Many Americans don't realize that a problem exists. But traveling through rural Tennessee and spending 20 years in medicine, I know that it does.

The fact of the matter is African-Americans have higher overall rates of death and are more likely to report poor health than white or other minorities. The death rate for all kinds of cancers is a third higher for African-Americans than it is for whites. And there are 8 times as many blacks as whites in the United States with HIV-AIDS.

In Tennessee, African-Americans are 32 percent more likely to die from heart disease. The stroke rate for black Tennesseans is 43 percent higher than for whites. The infant mortality rate among African- Americans in Tennessee is almost 3 times as high as it is for whites. In a State that ranks 3rd in the Nation for infant mortality--it's a hard statistic to swallow.

Which is why we must change it.

And that is the goal of the bill before us.

The intent of this bi-partisan bill is two-fold: to understand the root causes of health disparities, and through better understanding them, wipe them away.

To help foster that fuller comprehension of the challenge we face, this legislation will direct the Secretary of Health and Human Services to collect and report healthcare data by race and ethnicity, as well as geographic location, socioeconomic status and health literacy to identify and address health care disparities.

The legislation outlines mechanisms to research the problem, to conduct educational outreach to minorities, to increase diversity among healthcare professionals, to enhance communication between patients and doctors, and to improve the delivery of health care to minorities.

Through educational outreach we can work to change patient behavior.

The top 3 causes of death among African-Americans are heart disease, cancer, and stroke. Thirteen percent of the adult African-American population has diabetes. And the risks of each of these can be minimized through healthier diet and tobacco cessation.

The bill before us establishes grants for programs that will reach out to health disparity populations, and teach healthier habits. Emphasizing the importance of preventative care is a fundamental step in the road to reducing disparities.

Fostering better communication between healthcare providers and health disparity populations can be achieved in part by encouraging more minorities to enter the healthcare profession. To that end, the bill before us reauthorizes several programs to support educational opportunities for minorities in healthcare.

We have a long history in this country of working to eliminate the inequities driven by race, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status. I believe that the bill before us today will go a long way in helping us realize a day when we are truly a Nation of equals.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, I rise today to discuss a bill that has been very close to my heart for some time. And that is a bill that will help us better understand, and one day eliminate, the health disparities that plague this country.

Many Americans don't realize that a problem exists. But traveling through rural Tennessee and spending 20 years in medicine, I know that it does.

The fact of the matter is African-Americans have higher overall rates of death and are more likely to report poor health than white or other minorities. The death rate for all kinds of cancers is a third higher for African-Americans than it is for whites. And there are 8 times as many blacks as whites in the United States with HIV-AIDS.

In Tennessee, African-Americans are 32 percent more likely to die from heart disease. The stroke rate for black Tennesseans is 43 percent higher than for whites. The infant mortality rate among African- Americans in Tennessee is almost 3 times as high as it is for whites. In a State that ranks 3rd in the Nation for infant mortality--it's a hard statistic to swallow.

Which is why we must change it.

And that is the goal of the bill before us.

The intent of this bi-partisan bill is two-fold: to understand the root causes of health disparities, and through better understanding them, wipe them away.

To help foster that fuller comprehension of the challenge we face, this legislation will direct the Secretary of Health and Human Services to collect and report healthcare data by race and ethnicity, as well as geographic location, socioeconomic status and health literacy to identify and address health care disparities.

The legislation outlines mechanisms to research the problem, to conduct educational outreach to minorities, to increase diversity among healthcare professionals, to enhance communication between patients and doctors, and to improve the delivery of health care to minorities.

Through educational outreach we can work to change patient behavior.

The top 3 causes of death among African-Americans are heart disease, cancer, and stroke. Thirteen percent of the adult African-American population has diabetes. And the risks of each of these can be minimized through healthier diet and tobacco cessation.

The bill before us establishes grants for programs that will reach out to health disparity populations, and teach healthier habits. Emphasizing the importance of preventative care is a fundamental step in the road to reducing disparities.

Fostering better communication between healthcare providers and health disparity populations can be achieved in part by encouraging more minorities to enter the healthcare profession. To that end, the bill before us reauthorizes several programs to support educational opportunities for minorities in healthcare.

We have a long history in this country of working to eliminate the inequities driven by race, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status. I believe that the bill before us today will go a long way in helping us realize a day when we are truly a Nation of equals.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, as in executive session, I ask unanimous consent that all nominations received by the Senate during the 109th Congress remain in status quo, notwithstanding the September 30, 2006, adjournment of the Senate and the provisions of rule XXXI, paragraph 6, of the Standing Rules of the Senate, with the following exceptions.

The list of nominations is as follows:

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate immediately proceed to executive session to consider the following nominations on today's Executive Calendar:

Nos. 830, 897, 922, 923, 928, 929, 930, 931, 932, 933, 934, 935, 937, 938, 939, 940, 941, 942, 943, 944, 945, 946, 947, 948 through 976, 978 through 984, 993 and 994, and all nominations on the Secretary's desk; provided further that the following be immediately discharged from the list of nominations and the Senate proceed en bloc to their consideration:

From the Banking Committee: Bijan Rafiekian, PN-1828; Christopher Padilla, PN-1807.

From the Energy Committee: C. Stephen Allred, PN-1866; Robert Johnson, PN-1830; Mary Bomar, PN-1915.

From the Foreign Relations Committee: Donald Yamamoto, PN-1958; Clyde Bishop, PN-1814; Charles Glaser, PN-1919; Frank Baxter, PN-1998.

From the Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee: Calvin Scovel, PN-1808.

I further ask unanimous consent that the nominations be confirmed en bloc, the motions to reconsider be laid upon the table, the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action, and the Senate then return to legislative session.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that in executive session, the Senate consider the following treaties on today's Executive Calendar: Nos. 19 and 20.

I further ask that the treaties be considered as having passed through the various parliamentary stages up to and including the presentation of the resolutions of ratification; that any committee conditions, declarations, or reservations be agreed to as applicable; that any statements be printed in the Congressional Record as if read; and that the Senate take one vote on the resolutions of ratification to be considered as separate votes; further, that when the resolutions of ratification are voted upon, the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table, the President be notified of the Senate's action, and that following the disposition of the treaties, the Senate return to legislative session.

Mr. President, I ask for a division on the resolutions of ratification.

Mr. President, I understand there are two bills at the desk, and I ask for their first reading en bloc.

Mr. President, I ask for their second reading and, in order to place the bills on the calendar under the provision of rule XIV, I object to my own request en bloc.

Mr. President, I understand there are four bills at the desk due for a second reading.

Mr. President, in order to place the bills on the calendar under the provisions of rule XIV, I object to further proceedings en bloc.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that during the adjournment of the Senate, the majority leader and the senior Senator from New Mexico be authorized to sign duly enrolled bills or joint resolutions.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that notwithstanding the upcoming recess or adjournment of the Senate, the President of the Senate, the President pro tempore, and the majority and minority leaders be authorized to make appointments to commissions, committees, boards, conferences, or interparliamentary conferences authorized by law, by

concurrent action of the two Houses, or by order of the Senate.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that notwithstanding the adjournment of the Senate, committees be authorized to report legislative and executive matters on Wednesday, October 25, from 10 a.m. to 12 noon.

Mr. President, as in executive session, I ask unanimous consent that the injunction of secrecy be removed from the following treaties transmitted to the Senate on September 29, 2006, by the President of the United States:

Extradition Treaty with Latvia, Treaty Document No. 109-15;

Extradition Treaty with Estonia, Treaty Document No. 109-16;

Extradition Treaty with Malta, Treaty Document No. 109-17;

Protocol Amending Tax Convention with Finland, Treaty Document No. 109-18;

Protocol Amending Tax Convention with Denmark, Treaty Document No. 109-14;

And Protocol Amending Tax Convention with Germany, Treaty Document No. 109-20.

I further ask that the treaties be considered as having been read the first time; that they be referred, with accompanying papers, to the Committee on Foreign Relations and ordered to be printed; and that the President's messages be printed in the Record.