Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded. Mr. President, I come to the floor, and I am broadly supported by our caucus, because we come to a moment in time where people are looking at the…
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Mr. President, I come to the floor, and I am broadly supported by our caucus, because we come to a moment in time where people are looking at the Senate, America is looking at the Senate, and asking: Why? Why are we at a point where we are addressed with a problem that is not insurmountable--seemingly insurmountable at times but a problem which can be addressed, which addresses the issues that are so fundamental to our country--issues of national security, issues of fairness, issues of compassion--challenges that if not addressed will continue to grow, thereby threatening the security of the American people, who are watching.
Republicans are here--we see it right here on the floor right now-- and we have been here since last Wednesday on a bill doing what the American people expect; that is, identifying a problem, discussing a problem, putting together amendments in order to take a bill to the floor and, therefore, improve a bill. And yet we are being denied that basic opportunity.
Right this very moment, we are here to address a national problem, a problem that is pressing. It impacts every American listening. I mentioned the word ``fairness'' because it is basically a matter of fairness--of fairness to a group of people, the 12 million undocumented people here in this country today, who, yes, came here illegally, but who are listening and watching right now and asking that question, Will my plight be addressed and addressed appropriately?
It has to do with fairness to the Senate, where each of us came here probably for different reasons, but to participate in governing and moving America forward to a future that we know will be safer, that will be healthier, that will be more prosperous; and fairness for our constituents, who are scratching their heads right now, at first maybe saying, well, there it is, the Senate, once again, not able to address problems, but then, after a moment, saying that is wrong; those are the people who are sent to Washington to represent us, to address the toughest, most fundamental problems that are out there today, and that is our secureness, our security, to address issues that affect internal enforcement of the laws of the land, a nation of laws, and, yes, a nation that has captured the richness of our immigrants.
Twelve million people are living in the shadows. I would argue that today our Democratic colleagues are living in the shadows by not standing up and addressing the problems, the challenges, the opportunities that have been identified. The minority refuses to vote. They refuse to give us simple votes, up-or-down votes, on issues we can debate on the floor, that we are ready to debate.
The other side of the aisle is refusing to govern. That is why we came to the Senate. They refuse to come to the
table to even attempt to address the problem. They are willing to let these 12 million people continue to struggle. They are willing to let our national security, by not addressing the problem, be compromised. They are willing to let our health care, our education, and our immigration system be crippled.
I come to the floor to make the statement that the immigration system is broken, and yet the Democrats today do not have the courage to address the problem, to fix the problem. They show a lack of courage, I think, conviction, and leadership to fix the problem. You fix the problem by doing something, not coming with a solution and saying: This is it; take it or leave it. It is to allow us to have an amendment proposed, to debate that amendment, and then to vote on that amendment.
What happens, then, when we take an issue that is totally nonpartisan--it is not a red State, blue State, liberal, conservative, Democratic or Republican issue--and all of a sudden politics gets injected into it? Thus I ask the other side of the aisle to please put the politics aside and allow this body--100 individuals--to cast votes, take up amendments and vote on them.
There have been a lot of media reports saying that caucuses are fractured--our caucus is fractured and the Democratic caucus is fractured. I think that in many ways can be overplayed, but it does reflect the fact--not the fracturing but the diversity of ideas, good ideas, that need to come to the floor and be debated in order to solve these huge problems that are out there: on the border, first and foremost; interior enforcement at the workplace; the temporary workers, the 12 million people.
We have ideas right here. There are 50 different people with a bunch of ideas, yet not one is being allowed to come to the floor, lay down their amendment, have the manager take up the amendment, debate it, and then vote on that amendment. And we are not going to all agree. That is what the Senate is all about: to debate, to deliberate, to discuss, and then to act.
I think our side has shown our courage to come forth and address a problem. There are not clear-cut answers and not answers everybody is going to agree with. But by working together--not Republican and Democrat, but by working together, each of us operating with our own convictions, allowed to vote with our own convictions, we can move this process forward.
It comes back to fairness again. It is the fairness for each of us. It is the fairness for the 12 million. It is the fairness for the immigrants who want to come to this country, yes, legally so they will have a clearly defined system.
I want to thank the members of my caucus for coming to the table. It is a tough issue, the whole immigration issue. It is a broken system. It demands to be fixed. They are ready to fix it, but right now the other side of the aisle is not allowing us. Without fail, all of our people have come forward with good ideas. We do not all agree with each other--but to work together in a constructive way, bringing out the very best of this body, when, I would argue, over the last 24 hours we have seen the absolute worst.
I do believe the American people deserve better. And again, as I opened, I said the American people have to be scratching their head. Now I used to say this is another insufferable attempt of the other side to block, to obstruct, to postpone, to delay, but now I think it is beyond that.
We know the American people care passionately about this issue. It is time for us to come together--not Republican versus Democrat--and allow these amendments, in an orderly way, determined by the managers, to be debated and voted upon so we can move this country forward, where we know if we act we will be safer, we will give hope where there is no hope today, we will respond with compassion, because I have confidence in the system itself.
I am happy to yield to the distinguished Senator from Pennsylvania.
Mr. President, in response to my colleague and the manager of this bill, it is clear that by protocol, precedent--and I would even take it back to something more basic than that--and simple fairness and respect for individual Members, Members be allowed to come forward and offer their amendments and then, yes, discuss it with the Democratic leader, the Republican leader, and especially the managers of the bill. But to think that the minority party can cherry-pick which amendments will be considered and no other amendments will be considered is totally outside of the realm of both practice, protocol and, again, fairness of the body itself.
Mr. President, as I said in my remarks a few minutes ago, the disappointing thing to me is the situation we are in, in that in all likelihood, unless we have a radical departure in the next hour, the course we are on is to leave here in a few days having accomplished nothing for the American people. The American people expect more.
We all know that the institutions of government in today's world are watched by the American people because we were elected on their behalf to identify problems, to struggle and work through those problems through a process that has worked well for a couple hundred years, and that is debate and amendment. We have a bill on the floor that came out of the Judiciary Committee, a process I am actually proud of.
It has been confusing to people, I know, but I basically said: There is a problem out there that we know is there. It is getting worse. It affects the safety and security of the American people, plus the compassionate side, people dying crossing the borders, plus 12 million people who are having to wake up every day in the shadows out of fear that in some way somebody is going to come and touch them in a devastating way or not being able to report a domestic violence incident because it exposes them. That is wrong.
We have the opportunity--because of leadership, and working with the Democratic leadership, we got a bill to the floor, knowing 3 to 4 months in advance that we would be here now spending time on it--to fix the problem, to solve the problem. And maybe it is the surgical personality in me that says, if somebody in the room has cancer, you cut it out. You just don't sit there and talk to them and say: Come back in a few weeks or a few months or a few years, because they die from not acting and fixing it.
That may be too much my approach, but stepping back from that, I know this is a process here whereby if we start now and take the first amendment from last week, the Kyl amendment, which was introduced and has been discussed and debated, and last night we voted not to table it--why don't we take it and vote on it and go straight through, and then we would have the opportunity to effect a bill. I think we can improve the bill. I think it would get 60 votes for cloture, and then we could have a bill that would solve the problems that are out there.
Mr. President, I think our point has been made. If we are going to address an issue that deserves to be addressed and that the American people expect us to address, we have to change course here from the last several days. It is going to require amendments and debate and allowing amendments to come to the floor. There is no comparable bill. The Medicare bill had 128 amendments; the highway bill had 47; the Energy bill had 70. But to think we can make progress on a bill flying through the Senate without the opportunity for debate and amendment is unrealistic. It is outside of the realm of what the American people expect and what our responsibilities are as Senators.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Mr. President, as a prelude, we have a number of requests and items of business to take care of. I will explain here shortly.
Motion to Commit
Mr. President, I move to commit the bill to the Judiciary Committee to report back forthwith with an amendment in the nature of a substitute.
I now ask for the yeas and nays on the motion.
I send a first-degree amendment to the desk.
I ask for the yeas and nays.
I send a second-degree amendment to the desk.
I ask unanimous consent the reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
I send a cloture motion to the desk on the pending motion to commit.
Mr. President, that is correct. At this moment in time, you would not. If we were allowed to go ahead on the amendments, and once we start disposing of the amendments, this is something that would be in order.
Mr. President, the point is well made.
Cloture Motion
I send a cloture motion to the underlying bill to the desk.
All right. Mr. President, what we have just done, so our colleagues will understand, is as follows: Tomorrow morning, notwithstanding the fact we have yet to vote on even the very first amendment offered, we will have a cloture vote that--
I will stand corrected. No, I will not stand corrected. On the very first amendment that was offered we still have not had a vote. And, yes, there have been several other amendments that have been addressed. We will have a cloture vote, which was filed by the minority leader, on the underlying Specter substitute amendment, and that will be the first vote tomorrow morning.
I suspect that cloture vote will fail. And we have been very clear about our desire on this side to consider amendments from Senators on both sides of the aisle and our willingness for votes. We discussed that over the course of the day. It appears that this will not be likely and, therefore, we will be prevented from making any real progress on the bill.
So moments ago I offered a motion to commit, which incorporates an amendment by Senators Hagel and Martinez and others who have been working on this amendment over the course of the day. The fact that those cloture motions were filed tonight means that we would have the cloture vote on that motion on Friday. And depending on the outcome of that cloture motion, we could have a second cloture vote on the underlying bill, the so-called Frist bill, as well.
So we will have the Specter cloture vote tomorrow morning, and then one or possibly two other cloture votes on Friday morning.
I am happy to yield.
Mr. President, through the Chair--and we had discussed the possibility of that a little earlier--I think it is best for us to make that decision tomorrow, only because the Hagel-Martinez amendment is a negotiated compromise amendment that none of our colleagues have had the opportunity to really see yet.
I have had numerous phone calls over the course of tonight as well. I think it is important people have the opportunity to look at that carefully tomorrow and see how much time it takes for people to have both the opportunity to look at it themselves, as well as their staff. We ought to keep that potential on the table.
Through the Chair, that is correct.
There may be some other cloture motions to consider on Friday, which I will come to here shortly.