Madam Speaker, I would like to enter into the Record this article by Saeed Malik entitled, ``U.S. Can't Support Both Musharraf and Ideal of Liberty.'' Today, Pakistan is gripped by an existential crisis. This crisis comes just when…
Madam Speaker, I would like to enter into the Record this article by Saeed Malik entitled, ``U.S. Can't Support Both Musharraf and Ideal of Liberty.''
Today, Pakistan is gripped by an existential crisis. This
crisis comes just when Pakistanis were beginning to feel
optimistic. An independent judiciary was taking root and the
fourth estate of the press was in ascendancy. Accountability,
long overdue, had finally arrived, or so the people of
Pakistan thought.
The optimism was cut short this month when the U.S. ally-
in-chief, Gen. Pervez Musharraf, fearing invalidation of his
recent election by the Supreme Court, dissolved the court,
closed the media and jailed dissidents by the thousands.
The measured and somewhat muted reaction of the Bush
administration to this barbarity is not only morally
bankrupt, it is downright dangerous. The fundamentalists on
one side of this war on terror cannot defeat the
fundamentalists on the other. Fundamentalism in any society
will only be defeated and sidelined by moderates from within.
By supporting Musharraf, albeit tacitly, the United States is
sidelining the very moderates who must win this war.
Musharraf's occasional delivery of a wanted terrorist cannot
justify suppression of the fundamental freedoms of Pakistani
civil society. A society thrives when its constituents take a
stake in its well-being and its decision-making process.
It has been said that terrorists hate us because of our
liberty and one must be either on the side of terrorists or
the side of liberty. If today we do not support the
Pakistanis who seek liberty, what will they think of us? Will
our government deliver on this slogan when liberty is at
stake in a Muslim country? Our goals are advanced by
demanding restoration of the Supreme Court. We must also
demand the immediate release of all judicial activists jailed
after the so-called emergency. Pakistanis must realize that
America stands for the rule of law and the liberty of all
people. A golden opportunity to win the hearts and minds of
the Pakistani masses beckons us. Sticking to support for an
increasingly unpopular dictator in Pakistan will only
solidify President Bush's 9 percent favorable opinion rating
in Pakistan.
Although it has been generations since the CIA deposed
Iranian Prime Minister Mohammed Mossadeq and installed the
Shah, and decades since our government tried to forestall the
Iranian revolution, Iranians have not forgotten these
travesties. International relations must be based, first, on
democratic principles. Propping up Musharraf negates these
principles, fueling antagonism among Pakistanis.
I have a personal stake in this sad saga. My 57-year-old
brother, Muneer Malik, a Santa Clara University law school
graduate, has been ``detained'' under ``preventive measures''
in Pakistan's version of Guantanamo Bay. He is reportedly
critically sick and without outside contact. Muneer's crime
is that as president of the Supreme Court Bar Association, he
was in the forefront of the movement to assert the
independence of the Pakistani judiciary. Thousands of heroic
lawyers have met a similar fate. Rejecting the recent purge
of the Supreme Court, 13 of the 17 judges refused to
take extraconstitutional oaths under a draconian
``Provisional Order.'' Predictably, they were summarily
dismissed and locked up. The few opportunists who obliged now
preside over empty courts boycotted by an overwhelming
majority of lawyers. If this takes hold, the judicial purge
would amount to retaining the weeds while killing the
flowers.
Pakistani citizens view the emergency proclamation as
Musharraf's desperate attempt to hold on. Democratic
stability requires an orderly, defined and predictable means
of transferring power. Musharraf, like others in the dust-bin
of Third World history, is trying to break this mandate,
subjugating national interest to personal power. Does the
self-professed ``enlightened-moderate'' appreciate the
difference between Robert Mugabe and Nelson Mandela? Why,
then, does he walk in Mugabe's footsteps?
Muneer, who is supported by Santa Clara's and Yale's law
schools, along with the American Bar Association, said while
free, ``No army can stop the march of an idea whose time has
come.'' I urge our government to be on the side of an
advancing idea and on the right side of history. This is also
the moral side and the right tactic in the war on terror.