Small Business Expensing Improvement Act of 2003

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 179) expressing the sense of the House of Representatives regarding the systematic human rights violations in Cuba committed by the Castro regime, calling for the immediate release of all political prisoners, and supporting respect for basic human rights and free elections in Cuba.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks on the resolution under consideration.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Nobel peace laureate Eli Wiesel has said: ``. . . to remain silent and indifferent is the greatest sin of all . . .''

Indifference breeds evil. Indifference is the enemy of freedom. Indifference helps cloak the deplorable actions of tyrants.

Cuba's ruthless dictator counts on this indifference. Taking advantage of global attention being focused on Iraq and noting the worldwide tendency to ignore or minimize the deplorable human rights condition in Cuba, the Castro regime has launched a full-scale assault on those who are struggling to bring freedom and democracy to this enslaved nation. Courageous men and women such as Marta Beatriz Roque, an independent economist and leading pro-democracy advocate, are being sentenced to harsh prison terms of 20 years. Marta Beatriz had previously spent nearly 3 years in prison for publishing, along with three other colleagues, a paper calling for democratic reforms. Independent journalists such as Raul Rivero, who is highlighted in the resolution before us, as the dean of the independent dissident Cuban journalists, was sentenced to 20 years. Fellow journalists such as Ricardo Gonzalez Alfonso and Hector Maseda Gutierrez also received 20- year sentences.

Other victims of this wave of repression include Jose Daniel Ferrer, a member of the Christian Liberation Movement, whose penalty was increased to death per a special request by the puppet whom the regime has as the presiding judge. There is also independent union labor leader Oscar Espinosa Chepe, and Manuel Vazquez Portal, Nelson Molinet Espino and Nelson Alberto Aguiar.

I enter into the Record their names and their sentences.

Pinar del Rio

Victor Rolando Arroyo Carmona, Periodista Independiente--

Life in prison.

Horacio Julio Pina Borrego, Periodista Independiente--12

years.

Eduardo Diaz Fleitas, opositor--15 years.

Fidel Suarez Cruz, opositor--12 years.

Ciudad Habana

Raul Rivero Castaneda, Periodista Independiente--Life in

prison.

Jorge Olivera Castillo, Periodista Independiente--Life in

prison.

Ricardo Gonzales Alfonso, Periodista Independiente--Life in

prison.

Hector Maceda Gutierrez, Periodista Independiente--Life in

prison.

Manuel Vazquez Portal, Periodista Independiente--16 years.

Osvaldo Alfonso Valdez, opositor--Life in prison.

Pedro Pablo Alvarez Ramos, opositor--Life in prison.

Hector Palacio Ruiz, opositor--Life in prison.

La Habana

Miguel Galvan Gutierrez, Periodista Independiente--Life in

prison.

Jose Ubaldo Izquierdo Hernandez, Periodista Independiente--

20 years.

Hector Raul Valle Hernandez, opositor--15 years.

Villa Clara

Librado Linares Garcia, Periodista Independiente--20 years.

Lester Gonzalez Penton, Periodista Independiente--20 years.

Omar Ruiz Hernandez, Periodista Independiente--18 years.

Margarito Broche Espinosa, opositor--25 years.

Omar Pernet Hernandez, opositor--25 years.

Isla de Pino

Favio Prieto Llorente, Periodista Independiente--20 years.

The list seems endless as the daunting reality of what the dictatorship has done sinks into our consciousness. Since March 18, Mr. Speaker, Castro's security agents have been storming into the homes of dissidents and other opposition leaders across the island, confiscating typewriters, books, papers, and other professional and personal belongings. And what have been their so-called crimes? Engaging in such ``threatening'' activities such as possessing and lending books by authors such as Vaclac Havel, Ghandi and Martin Luther King. Hector Palacios Ruiz, for example, was engaged in such ``treasonous'' behavior, to quote the regime, as helping to draft the document in December of last year which called for ``free hiring of employees.'' He was also found in possession of books such as ``Castro's Final Hours'' and ``A Manual for Education in Human Rights'' as well as children's games.

Every day more and more opposition leaders are sentenced to languish in squalid jail cells and subjected to the most inhumane and degrading treatment. We cannot and must not be silent. We cannot and must not be indifferent to the anguish and misery endured by the Cuban people just 90 miles off our shores at the hands of the depraved and cruel dictator and his agents of terror.

The European Union has issued statements condemning the arrests and demanding that these prisoners of conscience be immediately released. Amnesty International urged Cuba to release all of its prisoners of conscience and reform the laws which make such detentions possible. Human Rights Watch called on the United Nations Commission on Human Rights to condemn these abuses and do so strongly and unequivocally. Human Rights International, the American Society of Newspaper Editors, and the Inter-American Press Association have all denounced this incredible Stalinist crackdown. Newspapers such as the Houston Chronicle, the San Diego Union Tribune, the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette have run editorials with headlines underscoring that: ``Saddam and Fidel are Birds of a Feather''; ``Crackdown in Cuba: A Reminder that Castro is Still a Tyrant''; and ``Castro's Regime as Repressive as Ever.''

The Los Angeles Times led its editorials by saying: ``After years of calling for liberalized relations with Cuba, this editorial page must now urge American policymakers to hit the brakes.''

Just today the Washington Post ran an editorial by Richard Cohen which said: ``I would like to hear some moral outrage about Castro . . . Fidel Castro is a thug and a fool.''

But it is our turn now to speak. It is our time for the U.S. Congress to stand behind the Cuban people, side by side, as it has done for so many times before and is so doing with the Iraqi people.

This resolution is a strong first step. House Resolution 179 details the sequence of events which have transpired in recent weeks and places particular emphasis on the plight of these political prisoners such as Juan Carlos Gonzalez Leyva, a blind human rights dissident imprisoned for over a year who is gravely ill and has yet to receive medical attention.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Lincoln Diaz-Balart), the author of this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 1 minute to explain what this bill actually does. I have had some Members ask.

House Resolution 179 establishes the nexus which exists between the current wave of repression and the 59th session of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights which is currently being held in Geneva. And in doing so, it takes into account the dictatorship's systematic and gross human rights violations and its repeated demonstrations of contempt for the mandates issued by the U.N. Commission on Human Rights.

Further, it calls for a resolution to be offered and passed at the Human Rights Commission, which accurately reflects this grim reality. It seizes the opportunity which presents itself in May of this year when Cuba's membership on the commission expires. It does so by calling on the Nation of Latin America and the Caribbean group to oppose and deny the regime a seat on this human rights body. More importantly, this resolution calls for the immediate release of all Cuban prisoners of conscience. It sends a strong, definitive message that the United States Congress stands with the dissidents, the independent journalists, and all pro-democracy activists, and not with their oppressor.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York for his statement of support.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to my good friend, the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Flake), a member of our Committee on International Relations

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Blunt), the distinguished majority whip.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that each side be granted an additional 5 minutes.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. McCotter), a member of our Committee on International Relations.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), the vice chairman of our Committee on International Relations.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to my colleague, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Feeney).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 1 minute. After speaking, I will yield to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Mario Diaz- Balart) to close.

Mr. Speaker, I started my remarks quoting Eli Wiesel, and I would like to end the remarks that I have on this resolution by this same gentleman who has meant so much for freedom and human rights and free expression of ideas throughout the world.

Eli Wiesel said, ``Just as despair can come to one only from other human beings, hope too can be given to one only by other human beings.''

Let us be that beacon of hope for the Cuban people. Let us support this resolution. Let us support those freedom fighters, those valiant fighters for free thought who are actually given sentences for possession of typewriters, for possession of books, for possession of computers, for giving interviews to foreign journalists. Let us be that beacon of hope that Eli Wiesel spoke about.

Mr. Speaker, I yield the remaining time to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Mario Diaz-Balart).

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this legislation without any hesitation.

Most all Americans, and certainly those in this House, are strong advocates for democracy all over the world, and we had hoped that the seeds of democracy would have grown in Cuba. Many of us have taken different approaches how we would want to do this, but one thing is abundantly clear: It has taken too long for Castro to recognize the importance of open elections and, certainly, no Americans can find any justification of the wanton and massive arrests of people, many of whom who were advocates of normalization, all of whom were advocates of democracy, to have been arrested with closed and secret trials and without any evidence that their conduct was a threat to the security of the people in Cuba.

While we also are reminded that some of us are old enough to have supported the July 26 resolution against Batista and recognize that we do not want those days ever to return, still we are not satisfied with the progress that has been made in terms of moving toward democracy, and it is hard for us to believe that the Cuban Government wants us to believe that these people were arrested because they were involved in a conspiracy with the United States of America to overthrow their government. If they truly believe that the United States intended to overthrow their government, they should have exercised their right to have kicked out the chief of the U.S. Interests Section there, and then not to hold their people hostage and subject

to the painful sentences that have been imposed upon them.

I join in urging the Cuban Government to release these people, to open up these courthouses, and to whatever complaints they have about the conduct of any Americans that are in Cuba, to let the whole world see it. But I am glad to stand with my colleagues and ask for an immediate response to the call of this House, and that is to release the prisoners forthwith.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the resolution introduced by my colleague, Congressman Lincoln Diaz-Balart condemning the actions of the government of Cuba in violation of the rights of its citizens. It is not the resolution that I would have drafted, but it comes close enough in reflecting my objections to these actions.

Representatives of the Cuban government want us to believe that their actions in arresting and prosecuting Cuban citizens were based on evidence of their involvement in a conspiracy with the United States to overthrow their government. The Cuban citizens being prosecuted--many of them journalists and advocates of open elections and supporters of normalization of relations with the United States--allegedly consorted with the Chief of the U.S. Interests Section in Havana in this conspiracy at private meetings, including visits to each others' homes.

The so-called evidence is that the United States government provided the Cuban activists with millions of dollars with which to carry out the conspiracy and that these Cuban citizens, therefore, were in violation of Cuban law.

It is hard to believe that the Cuban government feels so insecure that these mass arrests had to be carried out, that the trials had to be held in secret, without any evidence exposed to the Cuban people or to the international community, or that the God-given right of Cuban citizens would be so violated. It is even harder to believe that if this conspiracy theory held water, the person who was at the center of the conspiracy--the Chief of the U.S. Interests Section in Havana-- would be allowed to remain in Cuba.

Hardly anyone could disagree that Castro-led revolution of 1959 had improved the lives of the great majority of Cuban citizens. But we've waited too long for the revolution to take the next step in offering true democracy to all Cubans. Some Americans believe that the best way to bring democracy to Cuba is a policy of embargo, cutting off all food, medicines, travel, trade and social and family contacts.

Some of us believe that--as with other communist countries, such as China and North Vietnam--a better way is to tear down barriers and allow the Cuban people to see the benefits of democracy. In my view, such a policy of engagement is far better than the use of propaganda and the distribution of radios and pamphlets. U.S. citizens are the most effective ambassadors of democracy.

Despite the ability of supporters the embargo to sustain that failed policy for over 40 years, there has been a great deal of progress in the movement toward normalization of relations between our countries. Just as in February 1996, when the Cuban government shot down two unarmed private aircraft piloted by Cuban-Americans based in Miami, this time there was no threat to the security of the Cuban government. Just as the shooting incident set back the development of our relationship for several years, that unwarranted violation of the rights of ordinary Cubans, in my humble opinion, has further set back the efforts of the Cuban and American people to move toward democracy and free trade.

For 30 years, I have been part of a sometimes unpopular effort to improve relations between our countries. I would be less than honest if I did not say now that the response of the Cuban government to concerns raised from many quarters has been less than adequate. I will continue to support any effort by our two countries to improve that relationship, but I cannot support this action taken by the Cuban government. Indeed, I am forced to condemn it.

I know that this view is shared by many of my colleagues, and I hope that the Cuban government will seek ways to undo this unfortunate setback to relations between our countries.

I hope that they will reconsider this action against people who were seeking to demonstrate their political differences with their government. I hope that the government will take the most drastic action for any government to take, to reverse itself and release the prisoners.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 179 that condemns the brutal crackdown of the Cuban Government on the island's peaceful pro-democracy movement and calls for the immediate release of all Cuban political prisoners.

Mr. Speaker, I have addressed this House on several occasions regarding Castro's continued assault on and disregard for human rights and democracy. I and several of my colleagues have spoken recently of Castro's decision to arrest and try over 80 nonviolent human rights advocates, pro-democracy leaders, and independent journalists in what has become a campaign by the regime to silence all voices of peaceful opposition on the island.

Inside of a month Castro has arrested, arraigned, tried, and sentenced many of the dissidents, some receiving prison terms as long as 27 years.

Mr. Speaker, there is an article in today's New York Times that I would like to enter into the record, and it mentions James Cason, the U.S. diplomat that has been spoken of, and it says that the reason this is happening is because they have become such effective advocates that the government attacks them.

The reason this is happening is these dissidents are having an impact. People believe in them in Cuba. They are having an impact on basically changing and reforming the government ultimately. They have become voices of change. That is why it is so important that we here in the United States basically condemn what Castro is doing, because otherwise people like them will not continue.

Mr. Speaker, I strongly urge my colleagues to support this resolution. These recent actions by the Castro regime are simply the next step in the systematic denial of even the most basic human rights for the citizens of Cuba. Congress must send a strong message to Castro that despite his hopes that the world would be looking the other way, that his actions have not gone unnoticed and will not be allowed to continue.

[From the New York Times, April 8, 2003]

Cuban dissidents Get Prison Terms as Long as 27 Years

(By David Gonzalez)

Miami, Apr. 7.--Cuban courts today began handing out prison

terms of up to 27 years to dozens of dissidents, including

journalists and librarians, who had been advocating

democratic reforms, according to human rights groups and news

reports from Havana.

The harsh sentences capped five days of trials in which

state security agents who had infiltrated dissident groups

testified against their supposed colleagues on charges of

subversion and collaborating with American diplomats. Almost

80 people were arrested in an islandwide sweep that started

last month and that has been condemned by numerous human

rights advocates, the European Union and foreign leaders.

Hector Palacios, a key organizer of the Varela Project,

which seeks democratic reforms, was sentenced to 25 years.

Marta Beatriz Roque, an independent economist who angered

authorities when she invited the chief American diplomat in

Cuba to her home in February, received a 20-year sentence.

Omar Rodriguez Saludes, an independent journalist who

covered the news scooting around Havana on a battered

bicycle, was handed the longest sentence: 27 years.

Cuban authorities said the dissidents had conspired with

James Cason, the United States diplomat, and they brought

charges against them under a law that makes illegal any

support of measures like the American trade embargo that

would harm the island's economy or sovereignty. During an

appearance at the University of Miami today, Mr. Cason had a

one-word reply when asked if he thought--as the Cuban

government had suggested--that he provoked the crackdown by

his repeated meetings with dissidents.

``Lies,'' he said.

He defended his contacts with the dissidents as a normal

part of his work, saying that the American mission in Havana

provided people with books, Internet access and newspaper

clippings, among other services. They did not, he said, pay

the groups or give them their marching orders, but supported

their call for a quick and peaceful transition to democracy.

``We should be clear, the opposition is not a shadow

government waiting to move into power,'' Mr. Cason said in

his speech. ``They are simply among the few who openly say

what so many others believe, that it is time for change.

Because they have become effective advocates, the

government attacks them, labeling them subversive

traitors.''

International groups condemned the sentences, saying those

arrested were exercising fundamental freedoms protected by

the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, of which Cuba is a

signer. Several Latin nations have introduced a proposal to

censure Cuba at the current session of the United Nations

Commission on Human Rights in Geneva.

``It's perverse that there's a massive crackdown in Cuba

just at the moment that the United Nations is examining

Cuba's human rights record,'' said Jose Miguel Vivanco, the

Americas director of Human Rights Watch. ``The commission

must condemn these abuses, and do so strongly and

unequivocally.''

Relatives of some dissidents denounced the lengthy prison

terms as effective life sentences. Raul Rivero, a poet and

the dean of the island's independent journalists, who was

given a 20-year sentence, suffers from phlebitis and other

illnesses.

``This is so arbitrary for a man whose only crime is to

write what he thinks,'' said Mr. Rivero's wife, Blanca Reyes.

``What they found on him was a tape recorder, not a

grenade.''

Mr. Cason said that the United States would offer moral

support to those who would assume the work of those now in

jail.

The Cuban government put limits on Mr. Cason's movements

after he traveled some 6,000 miles around the island in his

first six months. Some have speculated the government might

decide to keep him out of the country, a possibility he

accepted.

``They can shoot the messenger if they want,'' Mr. Cason

said. ``There will be more messengers coming.''

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume and rise in strong support of this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, first I would like to thank my friend, the gentleman from Illinois (Chairman Hyde), for expediting consideration of this resolution; and I want to congratulate my good friend, the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen), for her powerful and eloquent statement and for her leadership on this resolution, as well as my colleagues, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Menendez) and the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Lincoln Diaz-Balart).

Mr. Speaker, after several years of masquerading as a liberalizing regime, the brutal and deplorable nature of Fidel Castro's sickening communist state has manifested itself once again.

In the last couple of weeks, Castro's thugs have arrested and detained approximately 80 Cubans. Their crime? They sought to express their disagreement with their government, provide an independent media voice, stock their shelves with banned literature that reports the interests of independent labor, and otherwise improve the lot of their fellow citizens.

Among those arrested, Mr. Speaker, were prominent political dissidents, such as Marta Beatriz Roque; independent journalists, such as Raul Rivero and Ricardo Gonzalez; independent labor advocates, like Pedro Pablo Alvarez; and civil society activists, such as Antonio Diaz Sanchez of the Varela Project.

The Castro regime intends to place these and other individuals on trial in what have been called kangaroo courts for allegedly collaborating with the United States to harm Cuba and its economy.

Just yesterday, a sham court sentenced Marta Beatriz Roque, Antonio Diaz Sanchez and Ricardo Gonzalez Alfonso, among others, to 20 years in prison for ``acts of conspiracy.'' Neither representatives of the diplomatic corps nor the international press were permitted to witness the summary trials, which does not surprise those of us who have experienced the tactics of the Gestapo in Hitler's time and the KGB under Stalin. Fidel Castro is a worthy follower of both of these outrageous dictators.

Not only are the trumped-up charges against these political dissidents indefensible; Castro and his henchmen are convicting individuals for practicing their profession and exercising their fundamental political and civil liberties.

Accordingly, Mr. Speaker, our resolution calls upon the international community to recognize these outrageous violations of human rights and to exclude Cuba from the United Nations Commission on Human Rights after its term expires at the end of this year.

Mr. Speaker, while Castro and his henchmen seem intent to break the backs of many political dissidents and their growing organizations in a manner not seen since the 1960s, the regime has concentrated much of its fury against the Varela Project. Founded and led by Oswaldo Paya, the Varela Project asks Cubans to sign a petition calling for a referendum on open elections, freedom of speech, freedom for political prisoners, and free enterprise. Despite gigantic risks, over 30,000 courageous Cubans have penned their names to the petition in the hope for change.

Mr. Speaker, we have had many contentious disagreements, both in committee and on this floor, on how best to bring about change in Cuba; but today this body stands united in solidarity with those who endure torture, incarceration, and deprivation of all types because they dare to strive for freedom.

We stand together in strong condemnation of these cowardly arrests and the outrageous prosecution and persecution of those 80 individuals, and we demand their immediate release and the release of all political prisoners in Castro's jails. We stand together in our conviction that, despite the Castro regime, democracy will prevail in Cuba.

Mr. Speaker, I strongly urge all of my colleagues to support this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 5 minutes to my good friend, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Menendez), the ranking member on the Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, the chairman of the Democratic Caucus and an indefatigable fighter for freedom in Cuba.

Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel), the distinguished ranking member of the Committee on Ways and Means, and an indefatigable fighter for human rights across the globe.

(Mr. RANGEL asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Delahunt), one of the leaders on the House Committee on International Relations, and our acknowledged expert on Latin America.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that each side may have an additional 10 minutes so all of our colleagues may be heard.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to request my colleague to reconsider his objection. This is a matter of great principle. Several colleagues would like to speak on this subject, and I think it is singularly unfair to deny them the opportunity to do so.

Mr. Speaker, would my friend agree to 5 minutes on each side?

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to my good friend, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pallone).

Mr. Speaker, I have no additional speakers, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.

As others have stated, this for me, too, is a day of disappointment and sadness, profound sadness, of human rights violated, and of diplomatic opportunities squandered. As a sovereign nation, only Cuba can decide how to attend to its own national security. But over the last 3 weeks, decisions have been made in Havana that seriously undermine efforts to normalize relationships with the United States.

I come to the floor today as part of a group, the so-called Cuba Working Group. It is bipartisan in nature, 25 Republicans, 25 Democrats. We have spent considerable time and effort to tear the wall down that has divided our people for some 40 years. This has put us at odds with the White House. It has put us at odds with many of our colleagues that are sitting here today. But we are not at odds today.

At this moment, we stand together. In the past I have called on President Bush to lift the U.S. restrictions on travel by Americans to Cuba, to let our people go. Well, today, I call on President Fidel Castro to let his people go.

For me, this issue is more than political, it is personal, because some of those who have been arrested are my friends. I want to speak about 2 of them. My colleagues have heard their names here. Hector Palacios, a Varela Project organizer, and Oscar Dhepe, an independent journalist. Their arrests and convictions pain me more than anyone in this Chamber can comprehend. They are men of exceptional character and integrity who seek peaceful change. They are not agents of violence or insurrection. Far from it. They acknowledge Cuba's advances in health and education brought about by the revolution, and they want to accelerate that progress in other areas, so they work through modest, small, yet courageous acts within the Cuban Constitution. They create and have made every effort to create political space.

Hector's apartment houses one of the first so-called independent libraries in Cuba, a few shelves devoted to old medical encyclopedias and geography texts, some children's books donated by members of my office. But when Hector was arrested, these books were taken away. Doctor Seuss is not a threat to the Cuban revolution.

During our visits, we talk about how to hasten a climate of mutual respect between the people of our 2 countries, between our governments. Ironically,

they argued persuasively for an end to the embargo and travel restrictions on Americans to Cuba. Let me quote from Oscar Chepe, who presently is incarcerated for 20 years in a Cuban jail. This is his quote. These are his words: ``Experience demonstrates that isolation breathes life into totalitarianism. On the other hand, contact between peoples free individuals from falsehoods and from the lives without dignity that they are forced to lead.''

As the gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel) indicated, we are told that these arrests had nothing to do with the content of their words. Rather, they are intended to send a message to the United States in response to a perceived pattern of illegal provocations from our own State Department.

Well, I submit that the message we have received is very different and deeply disturbing. It is that diversity of thought is not welcome in Cuba, even at the expense of jeopardizing progress toward normalization. How else can we explain 20- and 25-year sentences for Hector and Oscar and dozens of others after only cursory consultations with their lawyers and quick trials, closed to the public, foreign diplomats, and the international media.

It is inconceivable, if one knows these men, that they were conspiring with the United States. Like dozens of other detainees, they were working in behalf of the Cuban people. Nobody else. They posed no threat to the Cuban Government.

As I said, I disagree with some of my colleagues in Cuba. For example, I have chosen to travel there, to visit with people like Hector Palacios and Oscar Chepe. And unlike my friends from Florida, some of my friends, I oppose U.S. policies which prevent ordinary Americans from offering the same solidarity to those seeking change in our relationship with Cuba, a relationship that has been stated so eloquently by another prominent Cuban dissident who was recently released from serving 5 years in a Cuban jail. His name is Vladimiro Roca, and he said that the relationship ought to be characterized by dialogue, negotiation, and reconciliation. Again, those are his words.

But that is a debate for another day. I might have written this resolution somewhat differently, but I commend my colleagues for bringing it to the floor of the House; and I urge my colleagues all of my colleagues to support it; and I ask the Cuban Government to release these people.