Comprehensive Peace in Sudan Act

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the Senate bill (S. 2781) to express the sense of Congress regarding the conflict in Darfur, Sudan, to provide assistance for the crisis in Darfur and for comprehensive peace in Sudan, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks on S. 2781, as amended, the Senate bill now under consideration.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, S. 2781, as amended, imposes some punitive measures listed in the Sudan Peace Act after a 30-day period. The bill also imposes an asset freeze on senior Sudanese officials and calls upon the President to impose a travel ban on senior Sudanese officials, including those responsible for planning and carrying out the genocide in Darfur.

To guarantee a wider international response to the genocide in Darfur, S. 2781, as amended, includes instructions for the U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations to urge the Security Council and member states to pursue accountability for those complicit in the genocide in Darfur and to impose targeted sanctions, including the freezing of assets on senior members of the Government of Sudan, and to cease importing Sudanese oil.

The bill also provides humanitarian assistance to Darfur and Eastern Chad, funding to support the African Union mission in Darfur, and assistance in preparing the population for peace. This will give material indication to the Sudanese civilians that they can find meaning and purpose in rebuilding their country after decades of war.

Mr. Speaker, we are beyond the point of threatening the Government of Sudan with punitive measures. Time and again certainly I have been on this floor and many other Members have been on this floor expressing our concern over the situation in Sudan and the intransigence of the Sudanese government to operate in good faith and to

bring an end to the human tragedy on a scale that is almost unimaginable and for which they are greatly responsible. Time and again our efforts have been rebuffed. Time and again we have been forced to go to the next step in order to get the Sudanese government to respond.

Genocide has been and is being committed, we know. We have said it. We now need to show that there are consequences for directing and/or participating in a campaign to destroy human life on such a massive scale. Every evening on the news, every day in the papers of this country we see the picture of this horrible, horrible situation in Sudan and the faces of the people who are suffering. How long can this go on? How long can this go on without this government paying even closer attention than it has? How long can this go on without the world paying closer attention than it has?

To the credit of this administration and to this government, we have done more than any other country to try and focus world attention on the problems in Sudan, but we need the world to cooperate. We need the United Nations, we need the Security Council to do far more than they have done. We need the European Union to do more. We have a moral responsibility to respond to genocide.

What we do at this juncture has implications for every conflict we will address in the future. Everyone is watching to see how we respond. Secretary Powell and the U.S. administration have taken a courageous stand, as I say, but this is just the beginning. If we fail to act forcefully now, it will be open season for genocide. If we make empty threats, it will have serious consequences for the future of international peace and security.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf) who has been laboring in this vineyard longer than I, longer than most, and who adds an aspect of both compassion and articulation that is desperately needed on this issue.

Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce), the chairman of the Subcommittee on Africa, who has been enormously helpful in bringing this bill to the floor today.

Mr. Speaker, I submit for printing in the Congressional Record an exchange of letters between Chairman Hyde and Chairman Thomas.

House of Representatives,

Committee on Ways and Means,

Washington, DC, November 18, 2004.

Hon. Henry J. Hyde,

Chairman, Committee on International Relations, Rayburn House

Office Building, Washington, DC.

Dear Chairman Hyde: I am writing concerning S. 2781, the

Comprehensive Peace in Sudan Act.

As you know, the Committee on Ways and Means has

jurisdiction over revenue matters, including any legislation

relating to imports. There are two provisions within the bill

that may relate to imports and thus fall within the

jurisdiction of the Committee on Ways and Means. Section

4(b)(8) expresses the Sense of Congress that ``the Government

of the United States should not normalize relations with

Sudan, including through the lifting of any sanctions, until

the Government of Sudan agrees to, and takes demonstrable

steps to implement, peace agreements for all areas of

Sudan.'' Section 6(a) requires the President to impose

certain sanctions outlined in the Sudan Peace Act (P.L. 107-

245), including the requirement to ``take all necessary and

appropriate steps, including through multilateral efforts, to

deny the Government of Sudan access to oil revenues,'' which

could be interpreted to direct the President to impose an

import ban on oil.

However, in order to expedite this legislation for floor

consideration, the Committee will forego action on this bill.

This is being done with the understanding that it does not in

any way prejudice the Committee with respect to exercising

its jurisdictional prerogatives on this or similar

legislation.

I would appreciate your response to this letter, confirming

this understanding with respect to S. 2781, and would ask

that a copy of our exchange of letters on this matter be

included in the Congressional Record during floor

consideration.

Best regards,

Bill Thomas,

Chairman.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 additional minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne).

(Mr. PAYNE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

The gentleman from New Jersey referenced a trip that we took to the Sudan, he and I, now over 5 years ago, 5\1/2\ years ago. It was certainly as a result of that trip that I have committed as much of my time and energy to this issue, and it is a result of the gentleman from New Jersey's leadership in this area that I stay connected to it.

Let me just tell you one thing that happened on that trip that I remember to this day and will remember it for the rest of my life. We were in a little town called Yai. As we walked through the town, a group of children surrounded us so that it was almost impossible to move. They kept yelling something. They were pointing up. They kept saying something, and of course I could not understand. We were trying to move by. I asked somebody, what are they saying?

And the interpreter said they are fearful of bombs because, of course, the town had been bombed just prior to our getting there. The Antanov bombers had come by, and they were saying that they thought that because we were from the United States, because we were Congressmen, that they would not be hit by these bombs if they stayed close to us. And, of course, I could not promise that that could not happen. But I still remember their eyes, the eyes of these children looking up to us, looking for safety around us. And I will never forget that as long as I live. I will take that picture to my grave. And I committed myself at that time to do everything I could possibly do as a Member of Congress and as a human being, as a person with a soul, to do everything I could possibly do to provide them the shelter that they were looking for, them and all of the other children in Sudan and all of the other people that have suffered so mightily in this war-torn, ravaged country.

There are places all over the world I know that have experienced horrible events, and it happens daily. We come here ourselves and we say what can we do individually. We have to carve out something that we are going to focus on and spend time and energy on until it is accomplished or we are taken away, one way or the other, from this place.

So as I say, it has been certainly a pleasure to work with as many wonderful people as we have over the time. Father Dan, my colleague remembers, that we met there, who I always refer to as the individual in Sudan that anybody would go to if they want to know what was really happening, and he himself has saved thousands of people, thousands. We went to a church the last day we were there. Thousands of people came, and they had themselves experienced the most horrible things.

Almost 7,000 died on the way to this refugee camp that Father Dan had set up for them. And yet they came singing the praises of Jesus Christ and their thankfulness to be saved. I mean, it was the most incredible experience in my life, really. It was amazing. So I must say that the gentleman's kind words to me are certainly appreciated, but they are undeserved especially in terms of what he has done and others, my colleagues here.

We are pulled to this not for any political reason whatsoever. There are no votes. I mean, it is one of the few kinds of things we do on this floor that has absolutely no political advantage to anybody. We are pulled to this because we are human beings with souls and our souls are what tell us we must do, what we are doing here today.

So I thank the gentleman. I want to thank Molly Miller on my staff, who has spent so many countless hours and sleepless nights both probably in the office and also in her home worrying and thinking about this and trying to help us get to the floor tonight. Molly has been wonderful.

I just wish that this were the end of it. I wish that once we pass this, we could all walk away and think it is done, we have accomplished it, there is peace in Sudan. It is not the case. We know that is not the case. But it is what we are required to do today. And if there is more required to do tomorrow, I commit myself and I know my colleagues to the same. I commit myself to that task for as long as it takes.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and concur in the Senate concurrent resolution (S. Con. Res. 137) calling for the suspension of Sudan's membership on the United Nations Commission on Human Rights.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

In April of 2004, Mr. Speaker, at the same time as world leaders were gathered in Kigali, Rwanda, to remember the Rwandan genocide of 10 years earlier, a humanitarian cease-fire was signed between the government of Sudan, the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army, and the Sudan Justice and Equality Movement to end the atrocities and reverse the humanitarian crisis in Darfur. The agreement was facilitated by the U.S., European Union, the African Union and the United Nations. All parties agreed to take immediate steps to stop the violence and atrocities being perpetrated by the Janjaweed militias.

Sadly, the agreement was not worth the paper it was written on, and the violence continued. The U.N. Humanitarian Coordinator for Sudan later said, ``The only difference between Rwanda and Darfur now is the numbers involved.'' President Bush confirmed this conclusion on September 9 by declaring ``The United States is appalled by the violence in Darfur, Sudan. The world cannot ignore the suffering of more than 1 million people.''

Mr. Speaker, despite the best efforts of the U.S. Government, including the extraordinary efforts of Ambassador Williamson at the U.N. Conference in Geneva, and I was there and I saw it up close and personal, he did an extraordinary job; Sudan was given nothing more than a half-hearted slap on the wrist during the sixtieth session of the U.S. Commission on Human Rights which concluded its work in May. Like I said, I was there in Geneva, and I was appalled when Sudan was reelected to serve on the commission for another 2 years. The hypocrisy of the election of Sudan, one of the worst violators of human rights on the planet, to serve on the U.N. Commission For Human Rights should not be lost on anyone. It is utterly outrageous.

Sudan now, as it has in the past, uses its clout on the Human Rights Panel to thwart scrutiny of its policies and to water down resolutions of condemnation. Sudan uses its seat on the committee to network and to collude with other rogue nations to run interference for the dictatorships. And again, I saw that firsthand as they were walking the halls in Geneva and working the room to try to water down resolutions.

Finally, let me just say, Mr. Speaker, the atrocities committed in Darfur have all been well documented. An estimated 50,000 people have been killed and another 300,000 face imminent death in the coming months. Over a million have been displaced, and some 200,000 others have been forced to flee to neighboring Chad. This atrocity must come to an end. This resolution again puts us on record in trying to mitigate and, hopefully, end this crisis.

Mr. Speaker, in April 2004, at the same time as world leaders were gathered in Kigali, Rwanda to remember the Rwandan genocide of 10 years earlier, a humanitarian cease-fire was signed between the government of Sudan, the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army, and the Sudan Justice and Equality Movement to end the atrocities and reverse the humanitarian crisis in Darfur. The agreement was facilitated by the United States Government, the European Union, the African Union, and the United Nations. All parties agreed to take immediate steps to stop the violence and atrocities being perpetrated by the Janjaweed militias.

Sadly, the agreement wasn't worth the paper it was written on and the violence continued. The U.N. Humanitarian Coordinator for Sudan later said, ``The only difference between Rwanda and Darfur now is the numbers involved.'' President Bush affirmed this conclusion on September 9 by declaring, ``The United States is appalled by the violence in Darfur, Sudan . . . The world cannot ignore the suffering of more than one million people.''

Despite the best efforts by the United States Government, including the extraordinary efforts of Ambassador Williamson, Sudan was given nothing more than a half-hearted slap on the wrist during the 60th Session of the U.N. Commission on Human Rights, which concluded its work in May. I was there in Geneva and was appalled when Sudan was reelected to serve on the Commission for another two years. The hyprocacy of the election of Sudan--one of the worst violators of human rights on the planet--to serve on the U.N. Commission for Human Rights should not been lost on anyone. It is utterly outrageous.

Sudan uses its clout on the Human Rights Panel to thwart scrutiny of its policies and to water down resolutions of condemnation. Sudan uses its seat on the Committee to network and collude with other rogue nations to run interference for dictatorships.

Mr. Speaker, this is the third time in the past 4 months that this House has considered resolutions which have shed light on the crisis in the Darfur region. The first resolution, House Concurrent Resolution 403, condemned the Government of Sudan for its attacks against civilians in Darfur. The second, House Concurrent Resolution 467, declared that the atrocities taking place in Darfur constitute genocide. This declaration of genocide was affirmed by President Bush and Secretary of State Powell. Senate Concurrent Resolution 137, which lies before you now, represents a logical next step.

Senate Concurrent Resolution 137 endorses the Secretary of State's call for an investigation into violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law that have occurred in Darfur, and calls for Sudan's suspension from the Commission on Human Rights until that investigation has been completed. Should the investigation lead to a determination by the United Nations that genocide has occurred or is occurring in Darfur, the resolution calls for the removal of Sudan from the Human Rights Commission. Finally, the resolution calls upon the Member States of the Human Rights commission to convene an immediate special session to consider suspension of Sudan's membership.

The atrocities committed in Darfur have been well documented. An estimated 50,000 people have been killed, another 300,000 face certain death in the coming months, over a million have been internally displaced and some 200,000 others have been forced to flee to neighboring Chad. Attacks show a systematic pattern and include murder, rape, gender-based violence, and other scorched earth tactics. Despite the existence of a cease-fire, African Union monitors have confirmed government support for and participation in attacks against civilians in Darfur as recently as August 26, 2004. Human Rights Watch reports that the Sudanese Government has allowed the Janjaweed to maintain military camps in all Darfur states--several of which they share with the Sudanese Army--and that many Janjaweed have been incorporated into the army or police.

On July 22, 2004 the House voted unanimously to declare that the atrocities in Sudan constituted genocide. On September 9, 2004, the State Department followed suit, releasing a report which outlines these atrocities and concludes that the Sudanese Government has ``promoted systematic killings based on race and ethnic origin,'' and that these acts constitute genocide.

It is unconscionable that a government which has perpetrated genocide would be welcome to sit on the U.N. Commission on Human Rights--the very body charged with the protection of human rights around the globe. Sudan should be in the dock--being held accountable for crimes against humanity. Sudan's flagrant disregard for the principles enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights makes a mockery of the Human Rights Commission's work, and tangibly undermines that work. Its continued presence on that Commission degrades the United Nations system as a whole.

The preamble to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights places great importance on each member country having a common understanding of human rights and freedoms. One must wonder if the Government of Sudan, which has demonstrated such a flagrant disregard for these principles, has ever read that document. If they have, surely they have not taken it to heart.

Mr. Speaker, I welcome the recent adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1565, which establishes the International Commission of Inquiry called for by both this body and by President Bush. But in light of the evidence already before us, I believe it would be extraordinarily difficult to make an argument against suspending Sudan's membership from the U.N. Commission on Human Rights. This resolution is timely, it is logical, and I urge your support.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from New York (Mr. McHugh) control the remaining time on our side.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time.

I too want to commend the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne). As the gentleman knows, I have been a member of this Congress since 1992; and it seems like ever since I have been a member of this Congress, we have been hearing about Sudan. We first heard about Sudan when the Secretary of State declared Sudan a state sponsor of terrorism and determined that they had been since 1993.

We may recall that Osama bin Laden, who many of us were unaware of who he was and what he was until 9/11, but he in fact had his base of operations in Sudan. He was sponsored by the government of Khartoum. It is the same Sudan that we are here today talking about. The gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne), the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf), Senator Brownback, many have traveled to Sudan. We have talked to refugees. We have talked to survivors from Southern Sudan, people who have witnessed their families being killed.

At that time we suspected that religion may be the root cause because many of those in Southern Sudan were Christians. The Khartoum government was a Muslim government. All was a factor. But whatever the factors, we spoke out and as this House sponsored a sanction, a similar sanction to what the U.N. is considering now against the oil. The Sudanese government duly pulled back at that time, and we passed with only two dissenting votes. It was a strong sanction. It went over to the Senate, and it died there.

Since that time, the one difference in the sanctions that are being considered now and the sanctions that were being considered then is that 2 million Sudanese have died. Action is too late for them. Their bones have long since been buried in Sudan where there are too many graves.

This latest action by Sudan, and all this time they were members of a select group, the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, a country where we have witnessed the worst human rights violations and the worst humanitarian violations known to the world, has sat this entire time on the U.N. body that is designed to take action against. What a travesty. What an embarrassment. What a blight on our international community and on the U.N.

This resolution is a start; but, I would say, and the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf) and I had thought maybe he might do it today, he introduced back on September 9 ``Documenting Atrocities in Darfur.'' And what we are now witnessing in Western Sudan, for a while in Southern Sudan it was hidden, and there were explanations given by the Sudanese government. There is no explanation. There is no justification. There is no, there are simply no grounds for what is happening in Western Sudan today.

It follows a pattern. And the Sudanese government says we cannot control these Arab militia, Janjaweed. We cannot control them. They say this is a historic thing between nomadic Arab tribesmen and black farmers, and it is just something that has gone on for hundreds of years.

What has gone on for hundreds of years is they have lived peacefully together for hundreds of years. What is going on today is not an Arab militia out of control. It is, in fact, the government of Khartoum.

Thirteen hundred survivors were interviewed, and 25 percent of them said it was not Arab militia. It was government bombers and aircraft and helicopters who flew over our villages, strafed our villages, killed our people. It was not Arab militia because the Arab militia did not have aircraft. They did not have helicopters. This was the government of Khartoum.

Of those interviewed, half of the survivors say that government troops participated in these raids and in these attacks. Read, if you will, what some of these refugees said. Here is what one said. He said, ``Slaves run. Leave the country. You don't belong here. Why are you not leaving this area? This area is for Arab cattle to go graze, not yours.''

A Sudanese tribesman was told by a man in a brown uniform and a hundred of his followers, ``This place belongs to Arab tribes. Blacks must leave.''

Look, if you will. I would ask every Member to read ``Documenting Atrocities in Darfur.'' It is only five pages long.

First, the government aircraft comes in and strafes the village, and then the Janjaweed or government soldiers come in. They burn the village. They kill the livestock, they drop them down the wells to poison the wells, but then they began shouting racial epithets at the survivors. They rape women in front of their husbands and children. They kill any young man that is of military age between the ages of 18 and 25 and then they drive the rest off.

Today, as a result of all this, what do we find? We find that 1.25 million Sudanese are living in refugee camps. Those are the fortunate ones that have survived, but they are not fortunate by any other terms because they are at this time permanently displaced.

Let me say this. This is what we should always be mindful of. We need a permanent solution. What the Sudanese Government has done is, they have allowed humanitarian aid to come in on occasion to feed these people in these refugee camps. They have talked to some of the leaders of the opposition. They have engaged in talks, and they have allowed government troops from other areas to come in and protect the refugee camps. But all of this time, they have not gone after the Arab militia.

They have not controlled them. They are continuing to arm them, and they go out in the villages and destroy villages, this month, last month. And their design is to never let these people return home, never to let them go home, to allow them to stay in these refugee camps, a permanently displaced population of millions of people, and let international forces feed those people. That simply will not do.

Those people need to return to their villages. They need to be protected. These Arab militia and their leaders need to be brought to justice, and we can at least start this process.

The last time we voted sanctions on Sudan, 3 years ago and a million deaths ago, two Members of this body voted against it. Today, I hope, as God is our witness, that this is a unanimous vote and that it is not the end of things, it is only the beginning of things.

I second everything that the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer) and the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf) said about the United Nations. This is genocide in every sense of the word. It is ethnic cleansing in every sense of the word. And for it to be permitted, sanctioned by the United Nations is a travesty and an atrocity in and of itself.

Analysis of the refugee interviews points to a pattern of

abuse against members of Darfur's non-Arab communities,

including murder, rape, beatings, ethnic humiliation, and

destruction of property and basic necessities. Many of the

reports detailing attacks on villages refer to government and

militia forces, preceded by aerial bombardment, acting

together to commit atrocities. Respondents said government

and militia forces wore khaki or brown military uniforms.

Roughly one-half of the respondents noted GOS forces had

joined Jingaweit irregulars in attacking their villages.

Approximately one-quarter of the respondents said GOS forces

had acted alone; another 14 percent said the Jingaweit has

acted alone. Two-thirds of the respondents reported aerial

bombings against their villages; four-fifths said they had

witnessed the complete destruction of their villages. Sixty-

one percent reported witnessing the killing of a family

member. About one-third of the respondents reported hearing

racial epithets while under attack; one-quarter witnessed

beatings. Large numbers reported the looting of personal

property (47 percent) and the theft of livestock (80

percent).

Most reports followed a similar pattern:

1. GOS aircraft or helicopters bomb villages.

2. GOS soldiers arrive in trucks, followed closely by

Jingaweit militia riding horses or camels.

3. GOS soldiers and militia surround and then enter

villages, under cover of gunfire.

4. Fleeing villagers are targets in aerial bombing.

5. The Jingaweit and GOS soldiers loot the village after

most citizens have fled, often using trucks to remove

belongings.

6. Villages often experience multiple attacks over a

prolonged period before they are destroyed by burning or

bombing.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I would first like to commend our colleagues in the Senate for passing this critically important resolution. The passage was in the spirit of a bipartisan, bicameral coalition that has worked together over the last few years and few months, in particular, on the problem in Darfur, to bring peace and justice there. I commend the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) on his statement and all of those who have worked so diligently, including the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo), the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf), the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cummings) of the Black Caucus, who have all come together to support the terrible actions of the government of Sudan.

Mr. Speaker, this past May, the United Nations Economic and Social Council voted on candidate states for 14 open seats on the Human Rights Commission, the monitoring watchdog of the United Nations. To the dismay of the international community, Sudan was nominated from the Africa group.

Just one month later, the commission censured Sudan over its severe human rights violations in the country's western Darfur region. Sudan was charged with systematically destroying whole villages, executing civilians, raping women and displacing hundreds of thousands of people. I went to that region, to Chad and went 30 miles from the border of Sudan and talked to the refugees there and heard firsthand the horrible stories that they told us about rapes and beatings of children, boys being forced into huts and the huts being burned, just horrible, horrible stories.

Mr. Speaker, this is the same government that gave sanctuary to Osama bin Laden from 1991 to 1996, allowing him to build his terror network worldwide. In fact, I would argue that al Qaeda was conceived and created in Sudan in the early 1990s. Other terrorist acts also link current officials directly to a number of the terrorist acts, and they still sit in the government of Sudan.

Mr. Speaker, in the north-south conflict, more than 2 million people perished, and an estimated 5 million people have been displaced over the last decade. It is the same government that terrorized, enslaved and killed innocent civilians in southern Sudan and the Nuba that is now yet again engaged in the terror campaign that we see in Darfur in western Sudan. We cannot stand idly by, silent and allow Sudan a seat on that body while it is responsible for the ongoing genocide against the people of Darfur.

Before the House and Senate adjourned for summer recess, both chambers took a historic step in passing a resolution declaring that genocide is occurring in Darfur. The Congress has never declared genocide while it was occurring. So this was a giant step forward.

Finally, the administration came to the same conclusion following its own independent investigation, that the Sudanese government was sponsoring genocide by the Janjaweed militia against the ethnic Africans in Darfur.

This past Saturday, the U.N. Security Council approved a U.S.- sponsored resolution asking U.N. Secretary Kofi Annan to set up an investigative commission. This Commission would determine whether the violence in Darfur amounts to genocide. The resolution also threatens oil and other targeted sanctions against Sudan if atrocities continue in Darfur.

We were disappointed by the weak nature of this resolution and for its limited effects. The reaction from Khartoum that ``it could have been a lot worse'' shows us how far we are from a strong resolution on Darfur. While it passed by 11 votes, I must express extreme disappointment with China, Algeria, Russia and Pakistan, the four nations that abstained from supporting this resolution. As a matter of fact, China had declared that it may veto it, and therefore, the resolution was really diluted, and they still abstained.

We, as the United States, need to rethink our relationships with these nations. One suggestion could be that we revoke Normal Trade Relations status with the People's Republic of China. How would they like it if we said, no longer do you have normal trade relations or, as we used to call it, preferential treatment. I think it would perhaps make them sit up and listen.

Pakistan, called a friend by the administration for its partnership in the war on terrorism, is promoting the terrorist government of Sudan by abstaining on the vote. In a statement today, Khartoum called these nations its ``true friends.''

While the government of Sudan grudgingly accepted the resolution, as we speak its surrogate militias continue their gruesome assault on innocent men, women, and children in Darfur. Further, in response for calls to international civilian protection forces, Khartoum's leaders threatened to open the ``five gates of hell'' against such protection.

In a cynical attempt to pretend it has taken action to protect its civilians, Khartoum has recycled Janjaweed militia killers to the Sudan police force and is now using them to guard the camps for the displaced.

Mr. Speaker, how can we expect killers to protect those who they seek to kill? It is an unconceivable notion. How can we stand by and allow this murderous regime to sit on the U.N. Human Rights Commission?

Mr. Speaker, with more than as many as 50,000 civilians slaughtered and over 1 million driven off their lands into unprotected camps, we cannot allow Khartoum to degrade the purposes of the Human Rights Commission by its presence. It is incumbent that the United States Government continue to lead the world on this matter of genocide and do everything possible to have Sudan suspended from the Commission.

The African Union should be recognized for what they are doing in sending 300 monitors to Darfur, but this is definitely not enough. The AU has been sponsoring negotiations between the parties in Abuja, Nigeria, since August 23. The combination of international pressure and facilitation by the AU hopefully will help move Darfur out of this crisis and on to the road of peace.

Mr. Speaker, I commend Secretary of State Colin Powell for finally calling the Darfur genocide by its rightful name. I also want to say that we must, as Secretary Powell has stated, support the AU. It is our responsibility as members of the international community and the United States in particular, as the world's wealthiest Nation, to work along with the African Union and not leave the formidable Darfur crisis to fall on their shoulders alone. They need our support.

So, therefore, I would like to also urge all of our colleagues in the House to support H.R. 5061, introduced by the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo) and myself to provide assistance for the current crisis in the Darfur region of Sudan and to facilitate a comprehensive peace plan in Sudan. I urge my colleagues to support S. Con. Res. 137.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

General Leave

Mr. Speaker, let me thank the gentleman who has really done an outstanding job in this area for a decade, and I certainly would like to associate myself with his remarks.

Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).

I thank the gentleman from Alabama for his very passionate remarks and all of his support for

many years, even in the capital market sanctions. I really commend him for that.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Meeks).

(Mr. MEEKS of New York asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of S. 2781, the Comprehensive Peace in Sudan Act. The bill is a result of weeks of negotiations between House and Senate cosponsors. First of all, this would have been impossible without the cooperation of the leadership of both the House and the Senate, and I would certainly like to commend the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), the chairman of the committee, who has not said no to any request that we have made as relates to Sudan. There could not have been any more cooperation from a chairman of a committee in such a bipartisan manner than we have seen from the gentleman from Illinois. I would certainly like to commend him at this time.

Of course, the driving interest and support from the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) who saw the effects of genocide decades ago when the

Holocaust was going on and the world looked the other way. His passion for issues that are right certainly shows clearly in his overwhelming support for action against the Government of Sudan and alleviating the situation of the people of Sudan.

Let me thank Senator Biden and, of course, our chair of the Subcommittee on Africa whose tireless effort has also been extraordinary in bipartisanship. I think that if the Congress could put a prototype of the Subcommittee on Africa and then see if it could spread towards the total Congress, much more positive legislation would be passed. And so I commend the gentleman from Orange County, the chairman of our subcommittee, and also the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo) who has been a real asset to our work. His first CODEL was a trip to southern Sudan. And so the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce), the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo), and the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce) who even before any of us came was fighting the fight and he continues to fight the good fight.

The world has witnessed genocide before but never as we have seen it again here before in Darfur, but the difference is we have declared genocide and that is something that the world has not done before. The world usually watched, said it is terrible, that sort of something should be done, and after it has been done, maybe a decade or two later, will do a study. And after the study is concluded, they will say indeed genocide occurred. The fact that in 1948 the world body said that there should be a law, there should be a responsibility to step in to prevent genocide, but it has not happened 10 years after Rwanda.

A film is coming out now that I wish everyone would be able to see about a person who saved 1,200 lives at the Mille Collines Hotel, where he simply kept 1,200 people, Tutsis and moderate Hutus, alive. And so as we see what has happened before, it is so important that we have stepped up, but to declare it is not enough. We see the brutal killings and unnecessary deaths due to cholera, diarrhea, and starvation.

We know the facts. Over 70,000 innocent men, women and children have been killed in this genocide conceived, sponsored, and carried out by the Government of Sudan. Government troops and the Janjaweed militias they have recruited and armed have internally displaced close to 1.6 million people and forced 200,000 people into Chad. They have raped countless women and children. What kind of world are we living in today in the new millennium where this can occur while the international community still looks on and debates the issue?

S. 2781 is our response to genocide, and it contains asset freezes on government officials as well as travel bans. It provides $200 million in fiscal year 2005 to the Darfur humanitarian relief and the African Union mission as well as $100 million to development in the southern Sudan. It says to the Government of Sudan that the United States is watching and will punish them for this genocide, despite any agreement that they may reach with the SPLM.

Let us not get ourselves confused. For 40 years the North and South have been at war and finally the Sudanese government has agreed to now another 30 or 45 days. They were supposed to sign it with the Security Council being in Nairobi, Kenya, but they said, well, give us until December 31. But let us not make any mistake about the fact that if the North-South agreement goes on, that we cannot turn a blind eye and give concessions to the Government of Sudan as they continue genocide in the West. We will not stand for that. It is unacceptable.

It is unconscionable that a government attacks its own people, yet the Government of Sudan has a history of doing this. In southern Sudan for years they practiced a scorched-Earth campaign of aerial bombardment that has killed over 2 million people and displaced another 5 million over the course of the last 3 decades.

Today in Nairobi, Kenya, the Security Council is meeting to discuss the North-South peace process, as I indicated earlier. It is key that we do not forget Darfur while we are pushing for peace in the North and the South.

I also urge my colleagues in the Congress to condemn the apparent shift of policy by the administration to reward the genocidaire Government of Sudan with debt relief and reconstruction if they sign an agreement by the end of the year instead of punishing them.

I think that this is a very key point. For decades and decades and decades the Government of Sudan has done the wrong thing. They allowed Osama bin Laden to live in Sudan. In those 4 or 5 years, Osama bin Laden, who had not developed an international organization, did not have the comfort to develop and strategize because he was even expelled from Saudi Arabia, the Government of Sudan, the same people who are in power, the same ministers, the same directors of programs, the same police officers, the same generals allowed Osama bin Laden to plan and to strengthen his organization, to develop a worldwide network in the United States, throughout Asia, throughout Africa, throughout the Middle East, and plan the bombings in Dar es Salaam and in Nairobi, which killed hundreds of Americans and Tanzanians and Kenyans.

And finally, after tremendous pressure, Sudan allowed him to leave, but the damage was done. Had that government not allowed Osama bin Laden to stay under their protection, the government issued visas to people who carried the bombs into those countries and we have reports of that. They supplied the ammunition needed to set off the bombs, this same government, who now have attacked the West. We say that it will be wrong. The North-South agreement is something that should not even have had to be signed because there should not have been the North atrocities on the South for the last 20 or 30 years.

That is good that there is finally becoming an agreement. But let us not allow that to blind us in saying that the government is doing the right thing. They are doing something that they should not have done before and let us have Darfur to make sure that the genocide ends there.