Waiving points of order against the conference report to accompany the bill (H.R. 2555) making appropriations for the Department of Homeland Security for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2004, and for other purposes.
Legislative Activity
Stay on top of the latest movement without scrolling through every action
Motion to reconsider laid on the table Agreed to without objection.
September 24, 2003 • 11:07 AM
View full timeline
Introduced in House
September 23, 2003
The House Committee on Rules reported an original measure, H. Rept. 108-281, by Mr. Diaz-Balart, L..
September 23, 2003
All points of order against the conference report and against its consideration are waived. The conference report shall be considered as read.
September 23, 2003 • 8:31 PM
Placed on the House Calendar, Calendar No. 104.
September 23, 2003
Considered as privileged matter. (consideration: CR H8495-8500)
September 24, 2003 • 10:15 AM
DEBATE - The House proceeded with one hour of debate on H. Res. 374.
September 24, 2003 • 10:15 AM
DEBATE - The House continued with debate on H. Res. 374.
September 24, 2003 • 10:45 AM
The previous question was ordered without objection.
September 24, 2003 • 11:06 AM
Passed/agreed to in House: On agreeing to the resolution Agreed to by voice vote.(text: CR H8495)
September 24, 2003 • 11:07 AM
On agreeing to the resolution Agreed to by voice vote. (text: CR H8495)
September 24, 2003 • 11:07 AM
Motion to reconsider laid on the table Agreed to without objection.
September 24, 2003 • 11:07 AM
Floor Debate
20 membersWhat members said about H.Res. 374 on the floor
HR
MOS
LD
EJM
JPM+15
Floor Debate
20 membersWhat members said about H.Res. 374 on the floor
Madam Speaker, pursuant to the rule, I call up the conference report on the bill (H.R. 2555) making appropriations for the Department of Homeland Security for the fiscal year ending September 30,…
Madam Speaker, pursuant to the rule, I call up the conference report on the bill (H.R. 2555) making appropriations for the Department of Homeland Security for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2004, and for other purposes.
Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Madam Speaker, this is an historic day, consideration of the very first appropriations bill for the new Department of Homeland Security, which was stood up only March of this spring. This subcommittee was only stood up in March of this year, and I am very pleased with the work of our subcommittee, the committee and the Congress in bringing this bill from nowhere, no staff, offices, nothing, all the
way through the hearings and to be the very first conference to take place of all 13 bills and the very first considered by the House and on the floor at this moment. It is a record that the Congress can be proud of. It is a record that the administration can be proud of in proposing the Congress respond to the creation at the outset of a new Department of Homeland Security.
This conference agreement, Madam Speaker, will provide $29.4 billion for the new Department. That is an increase of $1 billion over what the President requested, and it is $535 million over what we are spending in the current fiscal year.
In the interest of time, I do not intend to list specific amounts proposed for the many programs and activities in the Department by the bill, but I do want to take note, Madam Speaker, of the substantial amounts of money that we have provided for homeland defense since the Nation was confronted with the ugly face of terrorism a little more than 2 years ago. I also believe it is important for us to take note of where these funds have gone.
Since September 11, 2001, governmentwide, the Congress has provided $75.8 billion for homeland security, including $43.9 billion to date just for the Department of Homeland Security. This bill provides an additional $29.4 billion, bringing the total appropriated since 9/11 to $105.2 billion governmentwide, $73.3 billion of that for just those agencies that now we include in the Department of Homeland Security.
This does not include funding, Madam Speaker, that will be provided in the other 12 appropriations bills, which could provide an additional $17.5 billion, but I want to talk just about the Department of Homeland Security and this bill.
Since September 11, here is what has been provided by the Congress for the following things: $513 million to secure our critical port facilities, including the $125 million that is in this bill; since September 11, 2001, $388 million for technology, such as radiation detectors for our ports and nonintrusive inspection technologies for cargo screening, including the $125 million in this bill for that purpose. These technologies have been deployed at our busiest land and seaports, including such places as Miami, Los Angeles and Newark.
$122 million since 9/11 has been provided for what has been called the Container Security Initiative, CSI, $62 million of that in this bill. CSI targets high-threat cargo before it comes to our ports. It has been fully funded since its inception. It is now in the process of being implemented in nearly all of the major foreign megaports so that we can search those containers before they reach America's shores.
Something I am very proud of, Madam Speaker, is the aid that we are providing for our State and local governments, the so-called first responders, our firefighters, our emergency technicians, our police and law enforcement people and the others, $20.5 billion, including the $4.2 billion that is in this bill in assistance to those people.
Madam Speaker, when we talk of homeland security, you cannot talk of that subject without talking about our hometown security, and this money is the biggest portion of the monies we appropriate for homeland defense.
Transportation security, of course, a continuing concern, but since September 11, 2001, we have provided a total of $15.7 billion, $5.2 billion in this bill, for passenger safety through the Transportation Security Administration, which was transferred to the new Department, including passenger baggage and cargo screening and the Federal Air Marshals program. $1.9 billion, including $400 million in this bill, has been spent on explosive and trace detection systems, including development, procurement and installation. This bill includes an additional $85 million just for air cargo safety, principally cargo shipped on passenger planes.
On the subject of cargo security, we dealt with a very difficult issue in conference, and that is air cargo on passenger planes. The House-passed bill included a provision that would have immediately banned airlines from carrying cargo. I would point out that 22 percent of all air cargo is shipped on passenger aircraft.
But we modified that provision in the conference and in the conference report that is before us today. In short, we do not prohibit airlines from carrying cargo. That would be an economic disaster for them. It is a $3 billion or $4-billion-a-year business for them, which would have meant, in my judgment, the death of the airlines. And we did not establish artificial deadlines that we knew could not be met.
Instead, we faced the problem head on with the reality in mind. We adopted language that directed the Secretary to immediately research, develop, procure and install certified systems that can screen cargo being placed on passenger planes at the earliest possible date. That machinery does not exist today. It has to be developed. No one knows how long that will take, but we direct the Secretary to immediately go at it without any delay and to do it at the earliest possible time.
In the meantime, this conference report requires that the Secretary of the Department enhance what is known as the known shipper program which is currently in place that prohibits high-risk cargo from being placed on passenger planes. It requires the Department to immediately issue requests for proposals on potential technologies to screen cargo, it requires the Department to conduct background checks on employees who handle cargo prior to being placed on the aircraft, and it requires the Department to launch a pilot program to use explosive detection machines in select locations to screen high-risk cargo.
I know that we will have additional debate on this issue during this debate and on the motion to recommit the bill. In the interim, I would hope that Members would actually read the conference report as it relates to cargo security. I want to read that portion of the bill. It is short and sweet and direct. I do not know how it could be more strong. We tried to find language that would be as directive and as clear as we could make it. Let me quote you the section, 521, from the conference report:
``The Secretary of Homeland Security is directed to research, develop, and procure certified systems to inspect and screen air cargo on passenger aircraft at the earliest date possible. Provided, That until such technology is procured and installed, the Secretary shall take all possible actions to enhance the known shipper program to prohibit high-risk cargo from being transported on passenger aircraft.''
There is language in the statement of managers that backs that up and requires the Secretary to immediately forthwith issue a request for proposals from the industry and the private sector to come forward with proposals to secure that equipment. The best we can do until the equipment is here, Madam Speaker, is to be sure we know who is shipping cargo on passenger planes, and if we do not know who they are, and they do not have a record of being secure, then we search every piece that is going on today, and we encourage the continuance of that. All high- risk cargo is screened for security.
Now, Madam Speaker, I want to conclude these remarks by noting that some of our colleagues here believe we should add more money to this bill. I suspect that for some, no matter how much we spend, no matter how much we add in the name of homeland security, it will never be enough. We could spend every penny we could beg, borrow or steal around the world and spend it in the name of homeland security, and it would never please some people.
I would just state my firm belief that throwing dollars at homeland security will not necessarily add to our security. What we need is a sensible plan that spends sensible sums of money on the establishment and operation of a comprehensive and complete system for protecting our Nation, and I believe this conference report is such a sensible plan.
It provides resources for the legacy functions of agencies transferred to the Department such as Customs inspections, Border Patrol, Immigration, Presidential protection, Secret Service funding, Coast Guard spending for small-boat rescue systems, buoy research and protection, fishing rights enforcement and the like. We continue spending on those things that are not directly related to homeland security.
But we continue our commitment, Madam Speaker, to first responders.
We support innovative technologies in this bill and capital investments for transportation security, for maritime safety, for the protection of critical infrastructure in the country.
In short, Madam Speaker, this conference agreement is a very good step toward a comprehensive plan for homeland security that spends sensible amounts of money. It moves us forward in leaps and bounds as we seek ways to defend the homeland and prevent future terrorist attacks.
So, Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support the conference report and to reject any motions to recommit it.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 1 minute.
Mr. Speaker, we agreed to move the firefighter assistance grants, but not the emergency management performance grants over to the Office for Domestic Preparedness. But, and this is a very important but, I would say to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), we include language that the fire grants have to continue to be administered ``in a manner identical to the current fiscal year''; and that means grants directly to those local fire departments, not through the States. We continue the peer review process of 300 firefighters from the new recruits to the fire chiefs, gathering to review the 15,000-plus annual applications for those monies; and we include the U.S. Fire Administration during the grant process.
We received a letter of support of that from the International Association of Fire Chiefs for the manner in which we moved those firefighter assistance grants over to ODP. So I think we have solved the problem.
I yield to the gentleman from Maryland.
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Young), the chairman of the full committee, and the gentleman who had the courage and the vision at the outset to take the lead in the Congress, both bodies, to create the new Subcommittee on Homeland Security of the Committee on Appropriations, on which the other body then followed through. That is the vision of this leader.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Wamp), a very hard-working and productive member of this subcommittee.
(Mr. Wamp asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Latham), one of the hardest working members of our subcommittee.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Sweeney), a very hard-working member of the subcommittee.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Goss), the very distinguished chairman of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence.
(Mr. GOSS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Brady).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. Rohrabacher).
Mr. Speaker, how much time do I have remaining?
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
This is a good bill. As I said before, what we are after is sensible spending on a sensible plan. We are spending a lot of money on homeland security. This bill is $29.4 billion. Is it enough? I think it is enough for the plan that we have, and I would urge the Members to support the conference report.
Now, on this issue of cargo on passenger planes, it has been beaten to death today; and there have been some irresponsible statements made, in my judgment, about it. Here are the essential facts.
Technology does not exist to x-ray the cargo going on passenger planes in those large pallets. It just does not exist. We are directing the Secretary and giving him the money immediately to go out and begin procuring that information and that kind of machinery. The money is there, and the direction is there; and we are telling him to do it posthaste, at the earliest possible date. I do not know how much more direct we could be.
In the meantime, we say we do not want any cargo going on a passenger plane from somebody we do not know about. The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey) said he could send that package as a terrorist on a plane and walk away, and it would be shipped and the passenger would not be on the plane. That is not so. If you are an unknown shipper, your package does not go on the plane until we search it; actually search it. Under the known-shipper program, no cargo goes on a plane that we do not know who it is from and where it is going and all about it. That is the essential fact.
In the bill we say to enhance that system until we can get the x-ray machines in place to actually x-ray the cargo. It is the best we can do, Mr. Speaker. It is the best we can do. And we are directing the Secretary to move posthaste to get the machinery in place.
I ask my colleagues to support the bill. Before closing, I want to thank my ranking member for his great work and all the members of the subcommittee, and especially the staff, who have carried us this far. I urge adoption of the conference report and defeat the motion to recommit.
Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, when it comes to homeland security, the rhetoric flies fast and furious. Everyone wants a safer, better-prepared America…
Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Madam Speaker, when it comes to homeland security, the rhetoric flies fast and furious. Everyone wants a safer, better-prepared America against both terror threats and natural events like Hurricane Isabel. But our actions do not always match rhetoric. In most respects, this conference report does a responsible job of allocating funds within the budget constraints we face.
I commend the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Rogers) and the staff for their hard work and the many thoughtful decisions that are reflected in this bill. It is a clear and substantial improvement over the administration's request. I suppose one of the things Chairman Rogers mentioned was funding for port security. And I think it is obvious that we could spend more there, but every penny that has been appropriated by Congress was money not asked for by the administration.
Let me also pay particular respect to the hardworking staff. They are hardworking, they are professional, they are competent. From the minority staff, Beth Pheto; from our committee staff, Marjorie Duske; from my personal staff, Michelle Mrdeza, Jeannie Wilson, Stephanie Gupta, Jeff Ashford, Tom MacLemore, Tammy Hughes, and Brian Dunlop. They have had a big job to do, and they have done it in a professional manner.
It is a simple fact, however, that the United States is not as well prepared as we can and should be to meet our homeland security challenges. We should do more.
Mr. Speaker, at the end of the debate I will offer a motion to recommit that is very similar to the motion to instruct conferees that this House passed overwhelmingly 2 weeks ago. By a vote of 347 to 74, the House instructed conferees to insist on the highest possible funding levels for each homeland security preparedness and disaster response program and to require screening of cargo on passenger airplanes.
This conference agreement does not do that. One troubling shortfall is first responder funding which would remain flat at the 2003 level. The House bill would have provided a 4.5 percent increase, which is $200 million more. We know from our fire chiefs, police, and other first responders that more resources for equipment and training are urgently needed. The Council on Foreign Relations independently documented these needs in its recent report, ``First Responders: Dangerously Unprepared, Drastically Underfunded.''
I might add that adding money for such things as first responders is not simply throwing money at the problem. It is a substantial need, and we need to deal with it.
But homeland security preparedness is not just about more money. Across the board we need better management at the Department of Homeland Security. We need better plans. And in some areas we need more aggressive security goals. I put screening of cargo carried on passenger planes at the top of that list.
Mr. Speaker, 374 Members voted to instruct conferees to insist on the House amendment to require the immediate screening of cargo carried on passenger planes. This conference agreement comes up short in that respect. Instead, the agreement directs Secretary Ridge to research, develop, and procure systems to screen cargo on passenger aircraft at the earliest possible date. I do not think that is strong enough. The Department shows no eagerness to address the cargo problem. We should give them a deadline to act.
I might add that I sensed no particular interest, even, in this problem by the Department until the House passed its original amendment.
Mr. Speaker, my motion to recommit would set a deadline of October 31, 2004, for the Department to implement screening of cargo on passenger planes. We know who flies on passenger planes, but we still do not trust them. We still screen their bags. The same should be done with cargo shipped on these planes.
Airlines and others have argued that screening air cargo is a technical challenge that requires much more time to develop. This argument is similar to those made prior to 9/11 about screening passenger baggage: it cannot be done. How quickly we seem to have reworked old ways of thinking.
The motion I will offer will give the Department of Homeland Security 13 months to develop and implement a plan to screen cargo carried on passenger planes. Some may argue that is not enough time. I question how long we should make the American people wait.
I would also point out that this requirement would not affect every airport. The FAA tells us that 95 percent of all cargo carried on passenger aircraft is loaded at only 44 airports.
The lack of screening of cargo on passenger planes is not the only homeland security gap that exists today, but it is a huge one. Unless we make steady progress in closing these gaps, they will exist for years to come.
Let me add that the known-shipper program is probably better than not having anything, but I might remind Members that the gentleman who shipped himself in an air cargo crate was working for a known-shipper.
The Department's oversight of this program today basically consists of a few inspectors checking paperwork at airports. It is not a serious screening program today.
So I urge the adoption of the motion to recommit.
I yield to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).
Mr. Speaker, the gentleman is accurate.
No. Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, I was not an advocate of the position in the conference committee. I thought we made a mistake in changing it. To be fair, the language in the bill retains some money as a separate line item, and there is language indicating the fire chiefs and the people involved in fire should be involved in the grant-making process.
I personally have questions about taking a program that was well run where it was and shifting it to another agency. I have a concern that what will develop are people who do not know much about the program making the grants.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his concern. We clearly need continuing strong oversight of this program.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey), the ranking Democrat on the Committee on Appropriations.
Mr. Speaker, how much time remains on each side?
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Green).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, let me take a few minutes to talk about another provision in the bill which I think is important and it relates to the CAPPS2 system.
TSA has been working on this system for almost a year, but there remains many unanswered questions about it. I am concerned particularly that those people who move residences a lot or do not have phone or other bills in their name, like children and some older Americans, will be singled out for further TSA screening, not based on risk, but simply because of these two factors.
I am also concerned that TSA will have no real system where passengers can correct incorrect information. The provision in the bill, which I originally offered and strongly support, requires GAO to review CAPPS2 as it exists today before funding can be obligated on a planned pilot program. TSA is allowed to test the system while GAO's review is being conducted.
The GAO's review would mirror the recommendations put forth by the Secretary of Defense and the Attorney General in the report they submitted
on May 20 on DOD's Terrorism Information Awareness Program.
It is unclear how many of these recommendations, if any, have been followed by the TSA or by the Department of Homeland Security. I suspect none. Those recommendations include testing the search tools and security of the architecture, ensuring that the system is secure from hackers, and that the proper policies and processes of the system are in place.
Mr. Speaker, I do not believe that the passenger profiling system we are using today is a sophisticated or good one. However, we as a Nation need to be very careful as we proceed.
We recently heard about further problems about the TIA where a test conducted with Jet Blue, unknown to its passengers, matched up passengers and Social Security information and allowed some of this information to become public. We need to prevent this and any aviation passenger profiling system TSA develops, and that is what this provision in the bill seeks to do.
The bill has good language, and I hope it is fully implemented and followed by TSA.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of the time.
First, let me indicate my strong agreement with the statement of the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Goss) that getting good information and getting it accurately out to our local units of government is incredibly important. We focus on homeland security in this bill, but clearly, some of the most important work, even more important than anything we do in this bill, is the work that is done by the Intelligence Community and the FBI to gather appropriate information.
And I think we are still sorting out how we get that information, even to us in Congress and to local units of government; and that remains and should remain very high on our priority list.
Mr. Speaker, I urge people to vote for the motion to recommit. Under the process of the House, there will be no separate debate on that motion after the debate concludes on this bill.
Our motion is a reasonable one. It is a problem that exists. I think we all understand that what goes into the belly of the plane is really a problem. From the earliest days of discussion of airplane security following 9/11, my initial response was that the biggest problem was not what went in the plane itself but what went into the belly of the plane.
Frankly, at one time I was not aware of the amount of cargo that was being carried. Baggage we are screening; cargo we are not. We have technology that we can use. The problem is how we put packages together and we prepackage into big containers. That gives us some trouble. We could prescreen before we repackage everything.
The Department is planning pilot projects, and clearly there is technology they are going to use. They need a prod and a push. They have basically ignored the problem. There has been no interest in the industry, no real initiative from the administration and from the Department. I do not know any other way to get their attention than by putting a deadline in a bill.
We would have had a little more time frame within a motion I offered in conference for planning and then implementation, but I could not offer that same motion here because of the limits of germaneness. So we have an amendment that is reasonable, gives them over a year to put a plan in place and to implement it. If there are problems that are real, they can come talk to us. It is after the start of the next fiscal year.
If we want to deal with the issue of cargo security and cargo screening on airplanes, the only way we are going to get action from this agency is to put a real prod to them, and that is by adopting the motion to recommit and setting a time frame for when they have to have it done.
Mr. Speaker, I urge a ``yes'' vote on the motion to recommit.
Mr. Speaker, I offer a motion to recommit.
Mr. Speaker, I am, in its current form.
Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not present.
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 374 and ask for its immediate consideration. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30…
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 374 and ask for its immediate consideration.
Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Slaughter), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.
(Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, House Resolution 374 is a rule that provides for the consideration of the conference report for the fiscal year 2004 Department of Homeland Security Appropriations Act. This is a standard rule for a conference report, providing for 1 hour of general debate, evenly divided and controlled by the chairman and ranking minority member of the Committee on Appropriations.
As we continue the 2004 appropriations cycle, Mr. Speaker, it is fitting that the first appropriations bill, and now the first conference report this House considers, is the Homeland Security Appropriations Act. It has been over 2 years since the Nation was savagely attacked by a group of cowardly terrorists on September 11, 2001. Appropriate, decisive, and necessary steps in our defense and foreign policy have been evident under the leadership of President Bush through successful efforts to eliminate al Qaeda from its government- sponsored haven of Afghanistan, the elimination of the Taliban regime and, recently, to remove the ruthless dictator Saddam Hussein in Iraq, and operations throughout the world in furtherance of U.S. national security.
The U.S. military has performed and succeeded with distinction each and every time we have called upon their gallant services. But much more work has to be accomplished in the homeland; and this legislation, Mr. Speaker, provides communities the necessary tools to effect necessary security efforts.
In this conference report, Congress is providing almost $30 billion to protect the homeland, $1 billion above the President's request.
The legislation provides $4.2 billion to the Office of Domestic Preparedness. I have seen firsthand the work of Federal dollars when supplemented with State and local funding to make our communities safe. In south Florida, the local governments and municipalities have taken extensive steps to ensure the safety of airports, seaports, utilities, and water supplies; but they still require the supplemental funding and grants that this legislation provides. With over 7,500 miles of land borders and 361 seaports, local authorities will always be the frontline of defense.
First responders are the key to the effective protection of our communities. In addition to many other programs, this conference report provides $1.7 billion for basic formula grants under the Office of Domestic Preparedness; $500 million for State and local enforcement terrorism prevention grants; $750 million for firefighter grants, and $725 million for high-threat, high-density urban areas.
To further ensure the safety of the American people, we have instituted very clear guidelines for grant eligibility. Local and State officials must create a multiyear homeland security plan. This will ensure that we are not just throwing money at the problem, but we are working to find comprehensive, long-term solutions to problems.
The Department of Homeland Security is also working hard to protect our ports of entry. There is $62 million in this bill for the Container Security Initiative. It is our belief that security at our ports should be the last line of defense, not a first.
Through the Container Security Initiative, the Bureau of Customs and Border Protection is working with the world's largest ports to screen cargo before it leaves for the United States. We now require 24-hour advanced notice for manifests of any cargo ship heading to the United States. This allows the Department of Homeland Security to see what is on a ship before it gets anywhere near the coasts of the United States. Through a sophisticated database screening system and ground personnel working with host countries, the Department is creating a frontline of defense hundreds, sometimes even thousands of miles away.
This conference report also provides $236 million for immigration services, $80 million of which is dedicated to alleviating the current unsatisfactory backlog of immigration applications. Under President Bush's Blueprint for New Beginnings, Director Aduardo Aguirre of the Bureau of Citizenship and Immigration Services is committed to achieving a maximum term of 6 months for immigration applications between the time of application and the time of swearing in, including for citizenship, specifically. Some parts of our Nation have seen the wait for citizenship applications grow and grow to the point that now it is not anywhere near 6 months, but rather years, in many instances. Effective funding to eliminate this backlog and streamline the process is essential, as is congressional oversight; and I want to thank
the gentleman from Kentucky (Chairman Rogers) who, in the Committee on Rules yesterday evening, again committed to continuing forceful oversight to make sure that this goal of the President and of the director really is achieved. Six months, 6 months should be the maximum time between an application for citizenship and the swearing in of a new American.
Easing the backlog will enhance national security by ensuring that those who should be in the country are given their citizenship papers and those who have goals other than enjoying American prosperity and freedom and may seek to potentially harm America are quickly removed from the consideration process and dealt with appropriately.
We must also allow those with a desire to enter the United States legally to do so without undue burden. Again, Mr. Speaker, I look forward to working with the chairman and the administration to ensure that, with necessary security, the borders of this country remain open to those who seek freedom and prosperity.
Again, I would like to thank the gentleman from Kentucky (Chairman Rogers) and the gentleman from Minnesota (Ranking Member Sabo) for their important bipartisan work on this very important appropriations bill which I think, appropriately, is the first one that we bring in final form before our colleagues.
Mr. Speaker, H.R. 2555 is good legislation essential to our continued commitment to the security and safety of all of the citizens and the residents of the United States, the well-being of the homeland. I urge my colleagues to support both the rule and the underlying legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I am very proud of the fact that all of the appropriations bills, all 13, have been promptly completed by this House. And I think that it stands as a testament to the hard work of the leadership of this House and especially of that very hard-working Committee on Appropriations under the leadership of Chairman Young and the subcommittee chairs.
We obviously can, working hard, fulfill our responsibilities as the Committee on Appropriations has done in this House. We do not control the other House. We wish that they would also complete their work in a timely fashion as this House has.
Now, this is the first appropriations bill that is finalized in the sense of a conference, the final product. We are looking forward to many others being able to be sent shortly to the President for his signature. But I feel very proud of the work of this House and especially the Committee on Appropriations.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Rogers), the chairman of the subcommittee.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Rogers), the chairman of the Subcommittee on Homeland Security of the Committee on Appropriations, who along with the rest of the subcommittee has been working long and hard, and not with empty shoeboxes but for the security of the American people, actually getting things done.
Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
This has been an interesting debate. I feel very proud of the work that the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Rogers) and his subcommittee have done in bringing forth this legislation, which is not only the first appropriation bill that is being sent to the President but one could say certainly one of the most important, if not the most important one.
Many important programs are funded. I happen to have followed, and feel very strongly, for example, that the funding in this bill and the oversight that Chairman Rogers is providing to make sure that the goal that President Bush has set for immigrants in this country who are seeking the great honor of American citizenship is met; that there be no more than a 6-month period between the time of application and swearing in for immigrants in this great land. We are going to follow up with oversight to make sure that that goal of President Bush and Director Aguirre is met. It is funded in this legislation.
Many important security initiatives are also funded. Chairman Rogers has stated, and I think it is important to reiterate that the Secretary of the Department has been instructed to forthwith devise and implement a system for the screening of all cargo. So in addition to the very important existing programs that have been improved and their funding has been increased to assure the security of the American people today, this legislation calls for the development forthwith of a program to screen all cargo. I thank Chairman Rogers and his committee for that work as well.
So this is very important legislation that is brought forth today with this rule.
Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.
The previous question was ordered.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Slaughter) for her leadership on this bill along with the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey) and the gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Sabo). We…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Slaughter) for her leadership on this bill along with the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey) and the gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Sabo).
We cannot be debating a more important issue to our homeland security than how much money the Federal Government is going to spend over the next year to secure the people of our country. The President has been able to find a way to spend $87 billion in Iraq to protect American security on top of an additional $65 billion which we have already spent, but this administration can only find an additional 2 percent for homeland security. And after inflation, that pretty much gobbles it up.
While this theory that somehow or other al Qaeda is going to be attacking us 5,000 miles away and not here on our own shore belies the reality of where the threat is to the American people which is in their homes, in their places of work.
Now, just a couple of months ago on this House floor, we passed an amendment by a vote of 278 to 146. That amendment required that in addition to each of us who are passengers on planes in America having to take off
our shoes, having to put our cell phones through security, having to put our computers through security, having to put our carry-on bags through security, having to put our luggage, if it is too big, down and under the plane through security, that the cargo which goes on those very same passenger planes is also screened.
Believe it or not, although 22 percent of all air cargo in the United States is placed on passenger planes that we all fly on, there is no screening program. So as we all sit up in the passenger seats now, thinking that everyone who is seated with us in the passenger section has also been screened, and thereby we are safe because there are two air marshals, there is a double-reinforced steel door on the pilot's cabin, the pilot may have a gun, every passenger may be looking to see how they may respond if al Qaeda jumps up on that plane as to how they will tackle al Qaeda, but in the cargo bin of that very same plane, a package just this size, the same size as your luggage goes on that plane without being screened. Cargo.
Now, there is something wrong when your luggage, which is this size, gets screened but a piece of cargo does not get screened. Al Qaeda, not even flying on that plane, not even flying on that plane, can send cargo on that same plane unscreened, unseen, that destroys that plane. And the consequence would be another half-a-trillion or trillion-dollar hit to our economy.
So here is the bizarre situation in which we now see ourselves as the Republicans bring this bill out on the House floor, we, the average American, will have to go through airport security doing whatever it is that those screeners ask us to do. And we do not mind, we want security for our families, for our country, but going around the screening is the cargo on the very same plane.
By the way, with those people who put the cargo on the plane not flying on it, unless, if you followed this a couple of weeks ago, there was a young man who actually shipped himself across the country. Thank God that young man was a tourist and not a terrorist. That is where we are.
You can get a bomb onto a plane without a boarding pass. You can go right around the whole system that all of us have to go through to get on that passenger plane. So in this bill, rather than accepting the amendment which passed here on the House floor, which would require the TSA to construct a plan to ensure that there is a screening for cargo which goes on passenger planes, instead they removed it on a partisan, Republican-Democrat, vote in the conference committee, party line.
So while the passengers are having their nail clippers taken away from them because it may pose a threat to security on the plane, a piece of cargo can go on without any screening whatsoever. Now, that is just wrong. At Logan Airport, which I represent, 2 years ago, 10 al Qaeda, who had a sleeper cell in our city, got on 2 planes and terrorized our country and the world by then destroying the lives of not only the passengers on that plane from New England, but also 3,000 additional lives in New York City and a good chunk of our economy. We cannot run the risk on those very same planes taking off today, that al Qaeda could put cargo on the very same passenger flights without any screening. And I do not think the American people want to fly on planes that do not have cargo which is screened.
This provision, which has been deleted, has been endorsed by Coalition of Airline Pilots Association. All the airline pilots in America endorse the provision.
Let me read what the victims of Pan Am Flight 103 have to say about this provision. Here is what they say in a letter to us: ``The victims of Pan Am Flight 103 Organization is dedicated to and strives for passenger planes to be as secure as possible. Our goal is to have 100 percent physical screening of passengers, crew, luggage and cargo. Trading lives or dollars is totally unacceptable to the families who have paid the price of ineffective security.''
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me the time.
Let me go through this once again. If you are on a passenger plane, and this is the size of your carry-on luggage, you have to put that luggage through screening, each person in America, no exceptions; Members of Congress, no exception. We are known trippers. They do not say to Members of Congress, oh, we know who you are, you are a known tripper, just bring that bag right around security. They do not say to businessmen who fly between New York and Boston every day, you are a known tripper, come right around security, we are only going to check these people who do not fly that often. No. Every single one of our carry-on pieces of luggage gets screened, and that is the way it should be, no exceptions for Members of Congress, no exceptions for business people, no exceptions for anybody.
But if you have got a piece of cargo, and they say you are a known shipper, they do not put it through any screening on the same plane that we are on.
But listen to this: If it is under 16 ounces, and, by the way, Richard Reid, who had explosive plastic material in his shoes had less than this, this does not get screened. There is no paperwork required. There is no known shipper program. Nothing, if it is 16 ounces and under to go on passenger planes if it is cargo.
Now, that is a huge loophole. Why can we not screen this? What is so complicated about screening this going onto passenger planes?
Why is there no equipment to do this? If you can screen a huge bag which we are all taking on our vacation for 10 days, how can a cargo shipper who is putting this on a plane not have it screened; does not even require paperwork, if we know an explosive could be put in it? It is wrong, and this bill should be defeated.
We owe the passengers of America the knowledge that as they put their families on planes to fly around this country that this package is being screened; that there is paperwork that is attached to it; that we know what is in it as we are putting it on a passenger plane. This bill says no, we are not going to have a requirement. We are not going to make that a part of the compact which we have with American people for homeland security.
We know there is no uranium or nuclear weapons in Iraq. We now know that. But we know that al Qaeda is still in our country trying to figure out ways of targeting the airline industry. Give them the right to know that their families are safe. Vote ``no'' on this homeland security bill until they give every American family that level of protection.
First of all, Madam Speaker, all packages 16 ounces and under are not checked by canine. They have a pilot project to check some of the packages 16 ounces and under. They do not have every 16- ounce package checked by canine.
Moreover, why in the world should everyone in these galleries, every American have to take off their shoes, put through their computer, put all of their packages through screening and then have a dog sniff however many packages the cargo shipper or the airlines feel like they should sniff? Why should those packages not get the same screening? Why should there be any risk of mistake?
They do not screen us by sniffing dogs. They do not have dogs sniffing our bags or our packages. They want to make sure that it is absolutely guaranteed that no one is getting on to the passenger section of a plane with an explosive. It is just wrong. It makes no sense, in fact. Why make people take off their shoes if someone can put it on in the belly of the same plane without the same screening? It makes no sense.
We should have a known-tripper program, then. Let 98 percent of all Americans get on with no screening because we know they are not a big risk. We do not say it that way. We say we are not taking any chances with the lives and safety of Americans on planes. We are going to have everyone go through. Regardless of status, regardless of income, everyone goes through. And I think it is reassuring to other Americans when they see Members of Congress taking off their shoes, putting their own carry-ons through. I think they know that we are serious about it. But they know we cannot possibly be serious when their nail clippers are being confiscated and they bite their own nails while they watch the cargo go onto the same plane with no physical screening at all.
Vote ``no.'' It is just not a good enough bill on the issue that we know al Qaeda still puts at the very top of their list the airlines of our country with passengers on them. We owe those people better 2 years after what happened on September 11.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 6 minutes. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I rise in strong opposition to this rule and to the underlying bill. The…
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 6 minutes.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I rise in strong opposition to this rule and to the underlying bill. The Marriage Protection Act of 2004 is quite simply a mean-spirited, discriminatory and misguided distraction. It does not belong on the floor of the House of Representatives, not when there are so many important issues facing Congress and the American people.
Nearly 900 American soldiers have now been killed in Iraq, but the House is not talking about that today. Today the bipartisan 9/11 Commission issues its report on what happened and how to prevent it from happening again, but we are not talking about that on the House floor today.
This Republican leadership has failed to pass a budget, but we are not talking about that. Today we learn that, according to the GAO, the Pentagon has spent most of the $65 billion that Congress approved for fighting the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and is trying to find $12.3 billion more from within the Department of Defense to make it through the end of the fiscal year. We should be talking about that.
We still do not have a transportation bill. The minimum wage has not been increased in years. Millions of Americans are unemployed and without health insurance. Homeland security needs are going unmet, but we are not talking about any of that in the House of Representatives today.
According to the New York Times, conservative activist and Republican adviser Paul Weyrich's solution to the bad news coming out of Iraq was to ``change the subject'' to gay marriage. I quote, ``Ninety-nine percent of the President's base will unite behind him if he pushed the amendment,'' Mr. Weyrich said. ``It will cause Mr. Kerry no end of problems.'' As for gay Republicans whose votes Mr. Bush might lose, Mr. Weyrich wrote, ``Good riddance.''
So instead of addressing the real concerns facing American families, the leadership of this House has decided to throw their political base some red meat because we all know exactly what is going on here.
Mr. Speaker, we can at least be honest about it. Last week the Republican leadership got beat badly in the other body. Not only did they not pass the Federal Marriage Amendment, Senate Republicans could not even agree among themselves what to vote on. So the Republican leadership, including the White House, decided they needed a win on something that beats up on gay people and they needed to do it fast, so here we are. They could not amend the Constitution last week so they are trying to desecrate and circumvent the Constitution this week.
The intent of this bill is quite clear, to close the door to the Federal courthouse for an entire group of American citizens simply because of their sexual orientation. It is enough to take my breath away. One of the most fundamental, sacred principles of our system is that every single American should have access to equal justice under the law, not some Americans, not most Americans, not just straight Americans, but all Americans. But not any more. Not under this bill.
Under this bill for the first time in our long history, a person can be denied access to the Federal courts when that person claims that a Federal statute violates the Constitution.
Further, this bill takes 200 years of jurisprudence based on the separation of powers and throws it in the trash.
Why? Because of the latest craze in Republican fund-raising appeals, the dreaded ``activist judges.'' To all of those listening to the debate today, I would encourage you to count how many times the phrase ``activist judges'' is thrown around. Make sure you have your calculator.
The problem is that the Republican leadership only goes after the so- called activist judges they disagree with. They had no problem in activist judges in Bush v. Gore. And make no mistake about it, if this bill passes its proponents will be back for more. Every time there is a court decision they do not like, they will attempt to prohibit the courts from exercising their constitutional oversight. Other issues will be on the table, civil rights and civil liberties, voting rights, choice, environmental protection, worker protections, all will be at risk if a political majority in Congress disagrees with a Federal court decision. This bill would set a dangerous, dangerous precedent.
Finally, we hear a lot of rhetoric today from supporters of this bill protesting that they are not anti-gay, just pro-marriage. Well, the supporters of this bill have even named it the Marriage Protection Act. Mr. Speaker, I thank the other side, but my marriage does not need protection, and certainly not from the Republican leadership of this House.
This bill seeks to solve a problem that does not exist. There is no urgency, no credible court case challenging DOMA.
So let us work on the issues that matter most to our constituents. Let us tackle health care and education and homeland security and jobs, let us not change the subject for political reasons, let us not desecrate the Constitution.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to do the right thing. Cast your vote with an eye toward being on the right side of history. Look further than tomorrow's headlines, think about more than 30 minutes from now, think about 30 years from now. Remember that Members of Congress opposed the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act. Remember that Members of Congress denounced a decision in Brown v. Board of Education in part because of activist judges. History has not been kind to them.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee), a strong defender of the United States Constitution.
(Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Weiner).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Inslee).
(Mr. INSLEE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Weiner).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer).
Mr. Speaker, after the gentleman's comments, in his concern for activist Federal judges, I just want to state for the record that seven of the Supreme Court justices right now have been appointed by Republican Presidents, and pretty conservative Republican Presidents at that.
I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Weiner).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Delahunt).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Maloney).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lofgren).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from the District of Columbia (Ms. Norton).
Mr. Speaker, can I inquire of the time on both sides.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank).
Mr. Speaker, can I inquire of the gentlewoman how many more speakers she has on her side.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the remaining time.
Mr. Speaker, let me reiterate what this bill is all about. It is a mean-spirited, unconstitutional, dangerous distraction. No matter what Members may think about gay marriage, the issue here today is whether or not we will take away people's fundamental constitutional rights.
Gay men and women pay taxes, serve in the United States Congress and in legislatures across the country, serve in our military, raise families that participate in the political process. The idea that they should be treated as second-class citizens and stripped of their constitutional rights is not only wrong, it is appalling.
Now, I am from Massachusetts and my colleagues will hear supporters of this bill talking today about the alleged catastrophe that has occurred in my State in the last few months; but you know what, Mr. Speaker, the world did not come to an end in Massachusetts when the State Supreme Court made its ruling. People got up and went to work and took their kids to school and paid their bills and lived their lives. The world kept spinning on its axis.
In the end, I think that is what is driving the supporters of this bill crazy. The outrage, the mass hysteria, the political momentum they expected from this issue just have not materialized. The American people are a lot smarter and a lot more tolerant and a lot more reasonable than the Republican leadership gives them credit for, which is why, Mr. Speaker, even if this bill passes today, I still have hope.
Mr. Speaker, every Member of this House took an oath that they would uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States. I hope we will do that today. I urge all my colleagues to vote ``no'' on this bill.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Show 8 more
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me this time. Mr. Speaker, I rise to support this rule, because this debate must be removed from the courts who are filled with unelected, lifetime…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me this time.
Mr. Speaker, I rise to support this rule, because this debate must be removed from the courts who are filled with unelected, lifetime judges, and the debate should be moved from those courts back into the court of the people, back into the courthouse square instead of in the courthouse.
Mr. Speaker, Congress has the constitutional right to be involved in this process, and I can tell that the debate has already covered that, so I am going to limit my comments. But the Constitution declares that Congress will be involved in making these sorts of decisions in determining what the Federal courts will and will not hear. It was, in fact, that judicial review process that Judge Marshall made in Marbury v. Madison that began the process of judicial review that is not even called for in the Constitution, and judicial review which has extended the power of the courts beyond, beyond, and beyond where the original Framers of the Constitution intended for the courts to have power and, in doing so, have eroded the power of the legislative branch.
Mr. Speaker, we have encountered in our history a very clear, similar case, exactly paralleling what we are doing today. We had a time in our history when there were definitions that the courts began to give, such as the definition of slavery.
It was the Supreme Court that decided in the Dred Scott decision that the issue of slavery involved the will of the minority and said that the will of the minority could not be subjected to the will of the majority. Of course, the courts at that time did a small sleight of hand because the minority that they were talking about was really the minority slave holders, the owners of slaves, and they overlooked the rights of the minority of the slaves themselves. We fought a Civil War over the Supreme Court's definitions at that point.
Instead of really understanding that the will of the people had spoken and the ensuing constitutional amendments, the courts later, in the Plessy v. Ferguson case, established the Separate but Equal Doctrine that again was offensive to the multitudes of people in this country.
Right now we have a Supreme Court that is willing to declare its will on the people no matter what the people say, and I think that the rule is extremely important here, because it begins to take that right back from the Supreme Court and put the discussion in this body who represents and can be elected and unelected by the people. The Supreme Court cannot be unelected, ever, and it is a very critical element of this argument.
But to those people who say this is an emotional issue, they are exactly correct. Our office spent over 20 hours discussing the issue, and we have people inside our office who were on both sides of the issue. But at the end of the day, nature has described what a marriage is. Law only fundamentally defines what nature has already defined: that a man and a woman come together, they create life, and it is the only life-creating institution and the only life-creating relationship in the world, and then the bonding process of that keeps them together in order to nurture and to grow the children and the offspring.
Mr. Speaker, that is the relationship that people are asking about, and it is a good question. Should gays be allowed to marry? Well, yes, they can, and they should be allowed to marry. But marriage, by definition of nature, is between a man and a woman, and if they are going to marry, they have to marry a man or a woman. The discussion is absolutely centered around this question, and it is not a matter of right and it is not a matter of discrimination.
But what the other side of the aisle wants to do is to redefine marriage for all people. It is the redefinition that is wrong, because there is no civil rights abridgement here. Many black leaders are speaking in favor of this. This is the will of the people saying we must have a discussion among the people as to what is marriage and how it is defined.
For these reasons, I support the rule, Mr. Speaker.
Mr. Speaker, again, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me this time and support the rule.
The comments about conservative-leaning courts just fly in the face of actual fact. This court in Lawrence v. Texas was not exactly right- leaning, and that is a fairly recent decision. In fact, the case of the Congress over being willing to declare what the courts can and cannot look at is a very recent occurrence, as our friends on the other side of the aisle seem to have forgotten that Mr. Daschle himself wrote into the legislation that the court cannot even oversee the removal of shrubbery and scrub brush from the national forest in South Dakota.
And certainly if the Supreme Court and the courts can be held back from considering anything in the management of those forests, it might just reach the threshold that the American people should have the right to say that the Federal courts would not be the last point of reference there.
I would go back again to my friend's comment that quoting the Dred Scott decision is like quoting from the Ku Klux Klan civil rights manual. I think that the mixing of conversations there was certainly not based on fact. The Dred Scott decision was a decision by not a Republican court to establish slavery as the legitimate form of activity in this country. The Dred Scott decision was the one that authorized and made slavery legal, and it was against the will of the people that that was done. And it is similar to the case now where the courts would operate against the will of the people.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me time.
I rise to support the rule and the underlying bill. We have got several comments from our friends on the other side of the aisle that definitely demand a closer look. First, the statement that this side of the aisle is bringing this highly charged issue up right now as an electionary issue. I am sorry, but it was not this side of the body that began to cause people to go down in acts of defiance of the law, began to get licenses and get marriages approved that were currently against the law. It was not this side of the aisle that brought those up. We are simply responding that now that the issue has come up, we need to deal with it.
Also, there was a comment that we are diminishing democracy, and absolutely the opposite thing is occurring. We are empowering the democracy and we are empowering the people. But the other side is working under the very knowledge and the very truth that if they can find one court and four judges they can create law in this country. That is not empowering democracy. This bill and this rule empower democracy.
Mr. Speaker, wrapping up my comments for this part of the debate, I again rise to support the rule and the underlying bill.
This bill does not favor or disfavor any particular result or any group of people. It is motivated by the desire to preserve for the States the authority to decide whether the shield Congress enacted to protect them from having to accept same-sex marriage licenses out of State will hold.
This bill does not eliminate any group from the Constitution, but instead, recognizes the 10th amendment of the Constitution which declares that all rights are reserved for the States except those which are specifically given to the Federal Government.
I would comment that the observations of the last gentleman are completely contrary to the 10th amendment of the Constitution.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the rule and, obviously, in strong support of the underlying legislation. I would like to bring us back to a discussion of the actual legislation that is…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the rule and, obviously, in strong support of the underlying legislation.
I would like to bring us back to a discussion of the actual legislation that is being considered and a discussion initially of the constitutionality of that legislation.
We have heard lots of folks that have suggested that this legislation is in fact unconstitutional, and I think at the outset we need to remember the wisdom of a law school professor that testified before the United States Subcommittee on Courts, the Internet, and
Intellectual Property of the Committee of the Judiciary in 1997, that reminded us as Members of Congress and the country that when it comes to the teaching of constitutional law in our law schools, which we will hear a few of those folks who graduated from those law schools today on this very issue, the thing that you need to understand about constitutional law is it has virtually nothing to do with the Constitution.
And with that in mind, we will talk today about the constitutional law and what is ``constitutional or unconstitutional'' and then we will be talking about the Constitution.
I will be erring on the side of the actual Constitution and try to inform my colleagues of what the Constitution actually says with regards to, for example, separation of powers.
The notion of separation of powers is this: That the legislature has its powers limited and enumerated in the Constitution; the Article II branch, the executive has their powers, his powers in this particular case, limited and enumerated in the Constitution; and in Article III you have the very limited and enumerated powers of the judiciary in Article III, a much smaller article in text than Article II and Article I; and so you have that separation of powers.
It is interesting to note that in Article III, for example, it talks a lot about the powers vested in the Congress. Well, we will talk about that in just a moment but let us look at Article IV, Section 1 that talks about the power of Congress with regards to the Defense of Marriage Act that was passed in 1996.
This bill, the Marriage Protection Act, seeks to remove from the Federal courts jurisdiction concerning the Defense of Marriage Act. Now, why would we take that step? One reason is because we can and another reason is because we should. I will tell you why we can in a moment, and part of that is the fact that this power granted to Congress that is not granted to the judiciary, that is not granted to the executive, is so explicitly expounded in the Constitution in Article IV, Section 1.
It says, ``Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, records and judicial proceedings of every other State, and the Congress may by general laws prescribe the manner in which such acts, records and proceedings shall be proved and the effect thereof.''
So in Article IV, Section 1 we see a power of the Congress. We do not see anything about the Supreme Court. We do not see anything about the President. That is power explicit and exclusive to Congress. And so in employment of that power, we passed the Defense of Marriage Act that said no State would have to give full faith and credit to a marriage license issued by another State if that marriage license was issued to a same sex couple.
We exercised the explicit and exclusive authority of Congress to, by general laws, prescribe the manner in which the effects of a marriage license and, for example, the State of Massachusetts, was to be felt in the State of, for example, Indiana, my home State. So we have that power.
Once again, nothing here says the courts, nothing here says the executive branch, and then when we move to the idea of can Congress take from the courts certain jurisdictions we have to ask ourselves, well, how does the Constitution grant the authority to create the courts? Well, we turn to Article I, Section 8 and it says, ``The Congress shall have power to constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court,'' and those are today known as the district courts and appeals courts. We have the power to constitute them, to make them up.
Then it goes on to say in Article I, Section 8 that the Congress shall have power to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for caring into execution the foregoing powers, such as constituting the inferior tribunals, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the United States or in any department or officer thereof.''
So we can create the Federal courts, we can by definition abolish the Federal courts. We do not seek to do that today, but we seek to make a law that will carry into execution that power of creating the courts, and that is to limit the jurisdiction.
We then turn to Article III, Section 1, and we hear once again in Article III, which is generally referred to as the judicial branch creation, and what does it say in Article III? It says, ``The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme Court and in such inferior courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish.'' Then it goes on to talk about the Supreme Court and the judicial capacity and jurisdiction of the court system.
It says in Article III, Section 2, ``In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and councils, the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned,'' and that is previous in Article III, Section 2, all those other cases, ``the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions and under such regulations as the Congress shall make.''
So the United States Constitution is very clear. Congress has the authority to create the inferior Federal courts. Congress has the authority to make exceptions and regulations with regard to all of the appellate cases that come before the Supreme Court. Anyone that actually reads the Constitution and has a basic understanding of grammar and the English language in general can find that in fact the Constitution grants Congress the authority.
Now, the question is, so we can do this, the question remaining before us is this: Should Congress do this? That question was answered on Tuesday.
On Tuesday of this week a couple from Massachusetts, a lesbian couple who had been married in Massachusetts, removed themselves to the State of Florida and they entered into the Federal courts a complaint that Florida would not recognize their same sex marriage license conferred upon them.
This battle has been engaged. In fact, the attorney for the lesbian couple that wishes to demand an overturn of the Defense of Marriage Act said this, ``With the filing of this historic lawsuit today in the Federal court, Florida has become a battleground.''
Well, we want to snuff that battleground out today in Congress by claiming that the people of Florida should be able to determine the marriage laws of the people of Florida and not the State of Massachusetts.
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 734 and ask for its immediate consideration. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30…
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 734 and ask for its immediate consideration.
Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.
On Wednesday, the Committee on Rules did meet and grant a closed rule for H.R. 3313, the Marriage Protection Act of 2004. The rule provides 90 minutes of debate, equally divided and controlled by the chairman and ranking minority member of the Committee on the Judiciary.
This bill seeks to utilize the constitutional authority of Congress to limit the jurisdiction of the Federal judiciary to hear cases which may arise as a result of the 1996 Defense of Marriage Act, otherwise known as DOMA. The bill reserves that authority to the States. The bill provides that no Federal court will have the jurisdiction to hear a case arising under DOMA's full faith and credit provision.
This provision in DOMA codified that no State would be required to give full faith and credit to a marriage license issued by another State if that relationship is between two people of the same sex. Long- standing Supreme Court precedent recognizes the power of Congress to limit the jurisdiction of courts that it creates.
In essence, the bill says no Federal court will have the opportunity to strike down DOMA's full faith and credit provision. The result of such a decision by the Federal courts would in effect invalidate the numerous Defense of Marriage Acts which have passed in at least 38 States. This would mean that the citizens of States such as Michigan, California, Virginia, Texas, and Florida, who have their own statutes to define marriage as between one man and one woman, would have to recognize the marriage licenses issued to same sex couples by other States that allow that practice.
I believe the people of these States as well as the people of my home State of North Carolina should be able to defend and preserve the institution of marriage and that we today should support their efforts. This is the way it has been throughout civilization. It is our job to prevent unelected lifetime appointed Federal judges from striking down DOMA's protection for the States. To that end, I urge my colleagues to support the rule and the underlying bill.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I would like to clarify the actual wording of what this bill does. It does not favor or disfavor any particular result or any group of people. It is motivated by a desire to preserve for the States the authority to decide whether the shield Congress enacted to protect them from having to accept same sex marriage licenses issued out of State will hold. There is no ill will here toward anyone. It does not dictate the results, either. It only places final authority over whether the States must accept same sex marriage licenses granted in other States in the hands of the States themselves.
This bill should be supported, I believe, by any Member who supports the proposition that lifetime appointed Federal judges must not be allowed to rewrite marriage policies for the States.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Duncan).
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time at this point.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume for just a clarification.
Marbury v. Madison is entirely consistent with H.R. 3313. It established the principle of judicial review and stands for the proposition that the Supreme Court has the final say on the issues it decides, provided either the issues it decides are within its original jurisdiction or Congress by statute has granted the Supreme Court the authority to hear the issue. It is that simple. If a case does not fall within the jurisdiction of the Federal courts because Congress has not granted the required jurisdiction, Federal courts simply cannot hear the case.
The author of Marbury v. Madison was Chief Justice John Marshall, as was stated, and Chief Justice Marshall himself, after he decided that case, dismissed cases when the Federal courts had not been granted jurisdiction by Congress to hear them under the Judiciary Act of 1789.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 4\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from New Mexico (Mr. Pearce).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I would like to read a couple of quotes from Thomas Jefferson that he made, of course, a long time ago. He lamented that ``the germ of dissolution of our Federal Government is in the Constitution of the federal judiciary; . . . working like gravity by night and by day, gaining a little today and a little tomorrow, and advancing its noiseless step like a thief over the field of jurisdiction, until all shall be usurped. . . .''
In Jefferson's view, leaving the protection of individual rights to fellow judges employed for life was a very serious error. Responding to the argument that Federal judges are the final interpreters of the Constitution, Jefferson wrote, ``You seem . . . to consider the [federal] judges as the ultimate arbiters of all constitutional questions, a very dangerous doctrine indeed and one which would place us under the despotism of an oligarchy. Our judges are as honest as other men and not more so.''
They have with others the same passions for party, for power, and the privileges of their core. Their power is the more dangerous, as they are in office for life and not responsible as the
other functionaries are to the elective control.
The Constitution has elected no such single tribunal, knowing that to whatever hands confided with the corruptions of time and party, its members would become despots.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Well, in this particular case, it is the State courts, the right to be left to the State courts.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New Mexico (Mr. Pearce).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Oklahoma (Mr. Sullivan).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New Mexico (Mr. Pearce).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 7\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Hostettler), the sponsor of this bill.
(Mr. HOSTETTLER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Hayes).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from New Mexico (Mr. Pearce).
I have no more speakers.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.
The previous question was ordered.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Florida for yielding me the customary half hour, and I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Ms. SLAUGHTER asked and was given permission to revise and…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Florida for yielding me the customary half hour, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
(Ms. SLAUGHTER asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, this legislation has been described as historic because it is the first bill appropriating funds for the new Department of Homeland Security. But because of an economy that continues to lag and the largest deficit in history, and the mounting costs of rebuilding Iraq, this government is in bad fiscal shape. Nonetheless, we have to do whatever is required to secure the country. Does this bill provide enough money for aviation security, for safety around the perimeter of the Nation's airports, for security at our economically-vital ports, and for the Coast Guard to fulfill its previous and additional duties? This body agreed that all cargo traveling on passenger planes would be fully screened, but that security measure was dropped from the bill; and full screening of cargo on passenger planes will not be required.
Are we providing enough money to prepare our first responders, the local police departments and emergency medical agencies? Recently, the Council on Foreign Relations issued a comprehensive report on the status of America's first responders. The council found that its dedicated police officers, firefighters, and emergency personnel are underfunded and underresourced. In fact, it determined that the first responders need an additional $98.4 billion to meet their needs. We know, Mr. Speaker, that regardless of whether or not we train them adequately or provide them with the equipment that they need, when called upon, they will go. But surely they deserve from this government a chance to increase their odds to the greatest extent possible.
Are we dedicating enough resources to secure our northern border? I represent the second biggest gateway between the United States and Canada, and I see the need to increase the resources along the over 4,000-mile border between the United States and Canada. For years, we did not need to pay attention to our northern border because our Canadian friends and the United States were such good, compatible friends. In fact, it was the largest unguarded border in the world. But if we are going to maintain the $1.5 million trade between the United States and Canada every single day and still maintain the United States' and Canada's safety and security, we have to provide enough resources to do it.
In conference, an additional $1.25 billion for airport and seaport security for first responders and for more Customs officials on the northern border was sought. But, unfortunately, the proposal was refused.
Mr. Speaker, the creation of the Department of Homeland Security was also a historic event. The Department was recently described as the ``government's hobbled giant.'' Will DHS be known for its disorganization? Will the Department be able to use effectively and efficiently this nearly-$30 billion investment in homeland security? Will the Department perform a complete national threat assessment, which has been required for 2 years and we still do not have, but is a necessity to develop and implement a comprehensive homeland security plan? Will the Department develop the criteria for the evaluation of our preparedness so that local and State governments are able to determine the readiness and needs of first responders? And will the Department quickly get the grant money to the local first responders?
The testimony that we have had at our hearings recently does not give us much hope.
Also, Mr. Speaker, it must be noted that next week is the end of the current fiscal year. And, in fact, fiscal year 2004 begins one week from today. However, Congress has not sent any bills making appropriations for fiscal year 2004 to the President's desk for his signature. If we are lucky, we might have three of the 13 appropriations bills ready to become law by October 1.
Mr. Speaker, finishing only 23 percent of our work on time is not acceptable, and we can and should do better for the people of this great and wonderful country.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 6\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Turner), who is the ranking member on the Select Committee on Homeland Security.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Neal).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey).
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey).
Madam Speaker, I yield myself 1\1/2\ minutes.
I am proud to be a member of the Select Committee on Homeland Security; but having attended all the hearings that we have had, I have been struck by the fact that, basically, in 2 years, we have not achieved a great deal. The watch list is one item that particularly concerns me, and I do not think we are paying enough attention to what I would like to call the enemy within.
I was struck this week by the two men who were charged with espionage who worked at Guantanamo, one a chaplain, the other working for the United States Government. And as we work to make America safe, if we do all our concentrations and spend all of our money on securing the borders from people coming in and forget and do not put adequate emphasis on the people who are here already, then I
think we are missing the chance to do our job adequately, nor should the American people feel any safer.
I agree with what the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey) said, this could be a better bill. I wish it could be. And certainly I want to reiterate what the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Neal) said. It has been one of the sorrows of my life watching the inability of Congress to say to corporations who have the gall to incorporate overseas to avoid paying Federal taxes yet are awarded Federal contracts. Surely, surely we can do better than that and finally at least stop that hemorrhage.
It has troubled me all the way through to see some of the contractors out here doing the work on the Capitol itself and who are working for corporations that have gone to Bermuda. If they are saying to the United States residents, here, you go ahead and pay for the war yourself, we opt out, but please give us the contracts, we ought to be smart enough, we ought to be intelligent enough to put a stop to that.
Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding me the time. The gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Sabo) said earlier that rhetoric as it relates to homeland security flies fast and furious, and indeed it…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding me the time.
The gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Sabo) said earlier that rhetoric as it relates to homeland security flies fast and furious, and indeed it does, and I guess that is just reflective of what this process is and system is, and the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey), who is a great friend of mine and serves on the Select Committee on Homeland Security, just made some statements that I think are great examples of that rhetoric flying fast and furious. And if the motivation is derived from frustration that we want to do more and we want to do it sooner, because indeed we do want to protect every American citizen, then I applaud him, and I think in large part that is true.
But unfortunately, Mr. Speaker, I think in large part it is not true. It is not true because it belies many of the facts that many of us have seen both on this important committee and on the Select Committee on Homeland Security as it relates to what we can do today, what technology indeed exists. And the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey) makes the point that if every American passenger has to pass through a metal detector on their way to an airplane, that we ought to be sending cargo through that metal detector as a means of securing that some sort of explosive device does not exist, and that is not true.
That technology, those machines, the technology applied to current passengers is distinctly different than what is needed to ensure that cargo transportation is fully inspected. The best known package system being used now currently is the best process we have available.
This bill is an important bill to support because we put in it funding that specifically moves forward the process to develop the kinds of technology that will get us where we all want to be, and to say that we can simply do that today by spending more money is incorrect and misleading, and I do not think it is a service to what we really want to accomplish here.
If indeed we say those things to motivate DHS, the Federal Government and this government to get its priorities more focused, then that is a good thing, but let us not mislead the American people as we do that.
Mr. Speaker, this is an important bill in order to maintain the integrity of progress in developing a system of homeland security. The Homeland Security Appropriations Act particularly does so by ensuring that in the future, when our national capacities reach requisite levels, we will be able to meet national needs and secure the requisite funding.
It has been said fast and furious rhetoric surrounds homeland security issues. I agree. It has been further stated by some that actions do not match their words. Let me suggest the disagreement is not over whether or not we should do more. I think we all agree moving forward is important. We disagree in what is doable now.
Mr. Speaker, how do we best do this while ensuring that the credibility of those expenditures are such that, as we go forward, the American people can have confidence that we are meeting the needs of our Nation in a thoughtful, capable and complete manner; without simple rhetoric, and thus without increasing waste, fraud and miscalculation?
We need better planning and response. Some Democrats have said more money is needed for first responders. The fact is we do not know the right amount or the requisite need separated from normal expenses. Further, already over $20 billion has already been invested in homeland security. Before we invest more, I contend we first create a formula based on threat, vulnerability and consequences to allocate the funds properly.
The City of New York spends $13.5 million dollars a week, $700 million a year, on extra police protection during its current state of alert. That amounts to more than $1 billion since 9/11. I am talking about the net, additional amount that New York spends to protect against terrorist attacks. One of the principle reasons many of the terrorism prevention needs are not met by many cities is because of the outdated formula applied to the vast majority of first responder funds.
The President supports a threat-based distribution of first responder funds in his National Strategy for Homeland Security, and I know from conversations I had with Homeland Security Secretary Ridge, that he also supports this approach. I hope this Congress moves quickly to enact a new threat-based formula to apply to first responders. I introduced H.R. 2512, a bill to reform the first responder formula to reflect today's reality. H.R. 2512 would
lessen the impact of allocating funds based on geography in favor of a quantitative assessment of threat information, vulnerability, and consequences. We are dealing with serious people and we need a serious formula.
I know the war in Iraq is over and the threat level has decreased since then, but we must remain vigilant in our fight against terrorism, particularly in New York.
One hundred percent screening of cargo containers is also unattainable regardless of what we spend at this time.
Mr. Speaker, we are all frustrated and want to move forward. We have to do so in a reasonable manner, not just blindly throwing money at the problem. I would like to remind every one that the other body took over one year ago to approve the bill creating the Department of Homeland Security. I am confident this bill represents the next best step and urge everyone's support.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Minnesota for his excellent work and, too, the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey). This is a critically important bill. We are debating, we are discussing the…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Minnesota for his excellent work and, too, the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey).
This is a critically important bill. We are debating, we are discussing the security of the American people at home. The President says that the security of the American people at home can be enhanced by spending $5.7 billion to rebuild Iraq's electricity grid; that our security is enhanced by spending $3.7 billion to expand access to safe drinking water for Iraqis; $875 million to restore marshlands in Iraq, that helps our security; $20 million for political consultants to the Afghan Government, that helps our security; $856 million to the Iraqis for their airports, that helps our security.
But when it comes to screening cargo that goes on the passenger planes, that every American flies on, nothing. Under existing law that this administration and the Republican leadership are going to pass, we all, Americans, we have to go through security, take off everything we have got on if necessary, put our carry-on bags through, our computers, our cell phones to prove that we are not threatening that passenger plane, but on the very same plane, that cargo goes on unscreened.
We are told by the Republican leadership that we cannot afford to do it, that the technology does not exist to do it. Let me ask this: If a person's carry-on can be taken on a plane this size and be put through a device that ensures that it does not have a bomb on it, why cannot this package of cargo go through the very same screening device? What do my colleagues mean the screening device does not exist? Put this through the screening device. It is going on the same plane, except a person is going to be on the plane with their baggage. The terrorist will not be on the plane with the cargo.
What about this 16-ounce package? Not only does it not get screened if it is cargo, but there is no paperwork required. Why cannot this go through the same screening device we go through if it is going into the belly of the plane? What do my colleagues mean the screening device does not exist?
I will tell my colleagues what does not exist. The screeners do not exist. The Republican administration has laid off 6,000 screeners who could be putting this cargo through the screening device to make sure that, as it goes on the passenger planes, that the people of America, every person that flew here to Washington, D.C., to visit the Capitol, who are flying back on a plane with cargo on it that has not been screened, that has not been put through the same machine that their bags are put there.
So if you are al Qaeda, are you going to try to get through that screening device, through the two air marshals, through the metal door of the pilot's cabin, past the pilot with a gun, past all the passengers who are going to jump you if you get up in the aisle, or are you just going to go right around this machine and put your bomb on the plane unscreened because they do not want to pay to put it through that device?
We cannot spend $87 billion on top of 65 billion other dollars that we have already spent to provide security for Americans in Iraq and then say we are not going to ensure that the packages which go on passenger planes in America, that our cargo are screened.
It is at the top of the al Qaeda terrorist list. We know that the four planes that they brought down were only a small part of what their plot was, a small part of how many planes they wanted to bring down. They know what it does to the psyche of the American people, to the economy of our country. That is what terrorism is all about. It paralyzes a country. It has paralyzed us, and we have come out of it, to the credit of the American people, but we cannot allow it to happen again because we know what they are targeting.
Laying off 6,000 screeners and saying that technology does not exist is not accurate. We can put these packages through the very same screening devices. How can it consume more time to put all of us through the screening device, human beings, than it does to just put a package through? In fact, it would take less time to ensure that that cargo is screened, but the industry does not want to pay for it, cargo or airline. The Bush administration says
we do not have any money for that domestically, even though we have $87 billion for Iraqi security.
It is wrong. This bill must be defeated. We must ensure that every person flying in our country is not subject to this threat.
Mr. Speaker, we all know it is the first duty of this Congress to protect and provide for the defense of the American people. In the first days of the 21st century, this means that we have to do…
Mr. Speaker, we all know it is the first duty of this Congress to protect and provide for the defense of the American people. In the first days of the 21st century, this means that we have to do everything we can to protect America from terrorist attack.
After September 11, the question that each of us must answer is are we doing all we can to protect America. With only 3 percent of our cargo containers being checked as they enter American ports, can we say that we are doing enough to close that security gap?
I yield to the gentleman from Kentucky.
Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, I am very much aware of it. I am just convinced that we are not doing it enough, and we are not providing the essential security that we need.
I participated just yesterday in an exercise out at the National Defense University, went through a simulation of a terrorist attack utilizing container cargo. The estimates of the devastation to our country and our economy that something coming through on cargo containers would do to this Nation is shocking, and I think it is very important that we do even more than we are doing today.
Mr. Speaker, I do agree we are doing more than we were. The question is are we doing enough to protect America?
When we look at what we are doing to protect our borders, we have yet to meet the levels that we mandated in the PATRIOT Act for border security guards, and we clearly do not know today who comes into this country and who leaves this country, and that is without dispute. We also know that we have got 12 incompatible terrorist watch lists, and it has been 2 years since we all knew that we had to have a common single watch list to be sure that all agencies of government knew who was on the terrorist watch list. We know the Coast Guard struggles with outdated equipment, equipment that needs to be upgraded. The list could go on and on and on.
The Council on Foreign Relations issued a report just about a month ago entitled Emergency Responders Drastically Underfunded, Dangerously Unprepared, a bipartisan report issued by a bipartisan group chaired by Warren Rudman, former Republican Senator.
There seems to be no question, Mr. Speaker, that we must do more to protect the security of America, and when we look at it in the context of the priorities, what we see is the increase in the Homeland Security budget provided by this conference report is only 2\1/2\ percent above what it was last year. That is a $535 million increase in funding for Homeland Security, and keep in mind, this Homeland Security budget funds all these 22 agencies that we had in existence before we combined them into one agency. So we are really paying for a whole lot in this bill that we were already doing, and the total increase is about the rate of inflation.
In terms of priority, the President has requested that we spend approximately $20 billion additional to rebuild Iraq, and it is probably just a down payment. We are spending only 2\1/2\ percent additional on homeland security, 2\1/2\ percent of that $20 billion here at home to protect America. When we look at the total size of this increase, $535 million, that is just one one-thousandth of the size of the deficit that we have this year.
So in terms of priorities, there should be no debate that we are not doing enough to protect America, to protect America from chemical attack, from biological attack, from nuclear attack, from traditional explosives. This is what the war on terror is all about, and we must wake up and be prepared to defend America against the terrorist enemies that we know are plotting as we speak to harm America and American citizens here and around the world.
So I say, Mr. Speaker, that it is time for us to be real about what our needs are in the area of homeland security. I will be the first to tell my colleagues that we also need to get smarter about how we spend our money. That is why the Democrats on the Select Committee on Homeland Security, joined by most of the Democratic Caucus, will introduce legislation today to create a task force that will be a grassroots group of local responders that will advise the Department of Homeland Security as to what the legitimate essential needs are of every community in America, because today we do not pass out money on any rational basis.
Let us get smarter, let us get real, and let us be honest about the security needs of this country.
Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from Kentucky, the chairman of the subcommittee, indicated that this bill needed ``sensible'' amounts of money. I would say that I would agree with that, except for one…
Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from Kentucky, the chairman of the subcommittee, indicated that this bill needed ``sensible'' amounts of money. I would say that I would agree with that, except for one thing: terrorists are not ``sensible,'' and that means that we may have to spend more money than we would like to spend in order to stop nonsensible people from terrorizing the world.
I think we need to understand exactly what this bill does, cutting through the rhetoric. This homeland security conference bill is 2.3 percent above last year's legislation. That does not even equal inflation. When the President addressed the Nation on September 7, he said, ``We will do what is necessary, we will spend what is necessary to achieve this essential victory in the war on terror to protect freedom and to make our own Nation more secure.''
Regrettably, Mr. Speaker, this conference report before us today does not live up to that promise made by the President just 2 weeks ago and neither do some of the President's actions. Let me give a few examples.
First, the conference report provides no funding to improve security at the perimeters or backsides of the airports.
Secondly, the conference report does not provide sufficient funding to secure ports in anything less than 20 years. Only $125 million is provided to port security grants in the conference report.
Third, this conference report does not increase funding for first responders above that provided in the previous year.
Fourth, the conference report does not provide sufficient funding to screen all cargo carried on passenger aircraft in anything close to a year. And with all due respect, the proposed conference report provides $85 million for cargo security conference. TSA Administrator Loy said he may need as much as $500 million to implement a cargo screen program.
Fifth, the conference report provides no funding for Customs to substantially increase the checking of cargo entering through our ports for weapons of mass destruction. GAO has said that the current low inspection rate makes container shipments a prime target for terrorists. Also, the screening requirement carried in the House bill for cargo carried on passenger aircraft has been weakened in the proposed conference to such an extent that it has no real meaning despite efforts of several speakers today to try to imply that something meaningful was done on this issue.
I support the gentleman from Minnesota's (Mr. Sabo) pending recommittal motion because I think it is in the interest of national security to pass it.
I would also make one other observation. Words are funny things. They can be used either to clarify or obscure. The subcommittee chairman indicated in a ``Dear Colleague'' letter and again made reference on the floor today to the large amounts of money that we are supposedly spending for homeland security. He suggests, for instance, that we spent more than $75 billion since September 11. That masks the true fact that that assessment includes all of the base funding that existed before 9/11. If you are looking at the additional funding that we have provided since that time, that figure would be $33 billion, not $75 billion.
Secondly, it is not true that we provided $29 billion in additional homeland security efforts in 2004. If you subtract the base from that figure, the real figure is more like $18 billion additional funding. That is a lot of money, but given the threat, in my judgment, it is not enough.
It has also been suggested that Congress will provide an additional $8.4 billion for border and port security in 2004. Again, that figure includes the base funding that existed prior to 9/11. That is not going to help much to deal with the increased threat.
And then we are told by the chairman very often that we could spend every single dollar of the Federal budget and some of us would argue we were not spending enough. I would strongly dispute that, and I would simply ask why should we be spending more in Iraq on a per capita basis than we are spending here at home to defend our homeland from threats such as cross-border threats?
I would urge support for the Sabo recommittal motion. I think that we need every dollar contained in that motion if we are to provide adequate security to this country.
Show 11 more
Mr. Speaker, as a nonlawyer and observing that there are many young people in the gallery today, this is actually an instructive debate that we are having for the second time in 2 weeks. Last week,…
Mr. Speaker, as a nonlawyer and observing that there are many young people in the gallery today, this is actually an instructive debate that we are having for the second time in 2 weeks. Last week, with the sponsorship of Republicans and Democrats alike, we paid tribute to John Marshall.
John Marshall was perhaps the most important jurist in the history of the United States, because despite what many people think, in the Constitution of the United States nowhere does it say who will settle disputes between the legislature, the executive, and the courts. What if each of the three branches come to a different conclusion?
Well, John Marshall, in 1803, 201 years ago, said the courts are going to decide. The courts are going to be the final arbiter of what is constitutional and what is not.
For 200 years, that has served as the way that we have operated, virtually unquestioned. It was even unquestioned in the year 2000 when, in the Constitution of the United States, it clearly says that Congress has the right to choose electors, and the Supreme Court took that upon itself. We Democrats, although we were very concerned about it, jurists, scholars of jurisprudence said it was a terrible decision, but no one says it should not be the courts to make that decision.
I would say to the gentlewoman or anyone who supports this bill, if not the courts then who? Who is going to make the decision about the constitutionality of this law?
We are left with essentially three choices. One, we can say the State courts will make that final determination. But what if we have two State courts that are in conflict? Who is going to resolve that dispute?
Two, we can say that it will be the legislature that will always decide these things, and we have 50 different legislative interpretations, or the legislature will change every 2 years, changing interpretation of the law.
And the third choice is just anyone can choose whatever interpretation that they like.
Before we choose anything but the courts, before we support this, let us remember something here. The courts are where the minority goes to have their views heard. That one person who is standing outside a movie theater; the courts are where that one person goes who wants to protect his right to bear arms against a legislature that is overzealous, where the one person goes who has burnt a flag and wants to go to find out if what he has done is constitutional.
There are dozens and dozens of places in society where the majority rules. The court is the only place we go to protect our constitutional rights.
So to the sponsors of the bill, to the sponsors of the rule, I ask them, if not John Marshall's way, if not judicial review, if not the Supreme Court of the United States of America, then who will it be who will decide what is constitutional and what is not?
Mr. Speaker, I continue to hear concerns about an overreaching judiciary, and I asked a simple question. I will gladly yield to an answer. If not the judiciary interpreting the laws of Congress, then who does?
Mr. Speaker, does the gentlewoman have a response?
I yield to the gentlewoman from North Carolina.
Certainly. Well, in that case, who is to interpret conflicts between the two State courts or 50 State courts?
Mr. Speaker, this Member of the other body was in violation of the rules referenced on the floor. Let me just clarify the record there. It is perfectly legal to write into a piece of legislation that one goes to a certain place for a point of review but not another place. Nowhere in the Daschle legislation did it say one has no right to the courts or no right to the Supreme Court of the land. That is simply misstating the facts.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me time. Mr. Speaker, today I rise to express my respect for both the gentleman from Kentucky (Chairman Rogers) and the ranking member, the gentleman…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me time.
Mr. Speaker, today I rise to express my respect for both the gentleman from Kentucky (Chairman Rogers) and the ranking member, the gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Sabo) for their work on H.R. 2555, the conference report on fiscal year 2004 Homeland Security appropriations.
I think it is important that we raise some of the questions that we are hearing from our constituents back home and from the people who are operating security at some of our airports.
I think that the questions that were raised by my colleague from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey) are appropriate, but those are the same issues that are raised to us when we tour some of the airports in our districts and in our States. But I want to add my voice to the growing concern that a number of people have, that the Federal Government is cutting back dramatically on our commitment to our Nation's airports at a very critically important time. Just now the American traveling public is beginning to regain confidence in flying since the horrific terrorist attacks of September 11, and we must continue to reward that confidence by funding the necessary number of baggage screeners at our Nation's airports.
Earlier this week I had the privilege to tour Logan International Airport in Boston, Massachusetts, with the CEO of the Massachusetts Port Authority, the airport operator and the airport's Federal security director. Regrettably, Logan is remembered by many as the airport from which both planes that hit the World Trade Center Towers were hijacked. What is not as well known is that no other airport in the country has moved more quickly and aggressively to address passenger security than Logan.
Massport and the TSA at Logan enjoy a tremendous cooperative relationship reinforced by daily meetings 7 days a week. Logan has the Nation's only fully automated 100 percent bag screening system at a major airport, and unlike airline hub airports where many passengers are connecting from one gate to another and never pass a security checkpoint or have their luggage screened, 90 percent of Logan's departing passengers will go through a checkpoint, and most of those will check at least one bag.
Despite these challenges, the screeners at Logan have done a tremendous job in protecting the 11 million passengers that depart that airport every year. These screeners do an incredible job. It is hard work. These people who work to screen baggage and do other things to enhance the security at that airport do tremendous work. And they do not get the gratitude, quite frankly, they deserve.
The TSA at Logan will never compromise safety, but their staffing levels at Logan have been steadily decreasing this year, and this inevitably will result in longer lines at checkpoints and delays. At a time when we are trying to help the commercial airline industry do better, it seems to me that we need to be sensitive to the fact that without proper staffing we will see longer and longer lines.
There are currently 100 fewer screeners at Logan than when the Federal Government took over. That is unimaginable. We cannot continue to bail out airlines without first meeting our commitment to our Nation's airports.
This whole procedure, this conference report, began with providing 56,000 screeners. Then it went to 49,000, and now this bill caps screeners at 45,000. With all due respect to the great work that the chairman and others have done, I think we need to do better, and I hope that at some point in this process we will find a way to do that.
I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me the time.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me this time and bringing this rule to the floor. She is one of the great leaders in this Congress. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this rule and…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me this time and bringing this rule to the floor. She is one of the great leaders in this Congress.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this rule and the underlying bill that was originally authored by the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Hostettler).
For 7\1/2\ years before I came to Congress I served as a circuit court judge in Tennessee. For many years, I have heard Federal judges complain about the Congress expanding Federal jurisdiction too much, so they are greatly overworked. This is a very reasonable, minimal limitation of their jurisdiction and I am sure that even if this legislation passes, the Federal judges will still claim that they are very much overworked.
On July 12, 1996, the House passed and on September 10, 1996, the Senate passed the Defense of Marriage Act. That act said the word ``marriage'' means only a legal union between one man and one woman as husband and wife, and the word ``spouse'' refers only to a person of the opposite sex who is a husband or wife. I repeat that. That legislation said the word ``marriage'' means only a legal union between one man and one woman.
That legislation further said no State shall be required to give effect to any public act, record or judicial proceeding of any other State respecting a relationship between persons of the same sex that is treated as a marriage under the laws of such other State, Territory and so forth.
That legislation, Mr. Speaker, passed by the overwhelming margin of 342 to 67 in this House, and by the even more overwhelming margin of 85 to 14 in the Senate. That is 85 Senators voted for that legislation. Further, it went to the President, President Clinton at that time, and he signed that legislation into law.
This legislation, authored by the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Hostettler), is a reasonable expansion of that legislation limiting the jurisdiction because it is true that many, many people in this country have been upset that unelected judges have assumed so much super- legislative power in this country in recent years. The overwhelming majority of the American people do believe that the only true marriage is that between one adult man and one adult woman. There are other limitations on marriage such as prohibitions against marriages by family members or bigamist marriages, and I think the overwhelming majority of the American people feel that our society, our families, and especially our children would be better off if we defined marriage, the only true marriage, legal marriage, as that of being between one man and one woman.
Mr. Speaker, I know that many outstanding people come from broken homes, but I also know that the greatest advantage that we can give to any child is a loving mother and father. That is so important to the future of this country. That is a greater advantage than unbelievable amounts of money.
Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, a man who was one of the most respected Members of the Senate, a Senator from the other party, said several years ago that we have been, unfortunately, defining deviancy down, accepting as a part of life what we once found repugnant. We should stand behind traditional marriage. We should stand behind this legislation and support it as strongly as we possibly can.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time. I had not intended to speak on the rule. I was going to wait and present the material that I have on the debate on the conference report…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time.
I had not intended to speak on the rule. I was going to wait and present the material that I have on the debate on the conference report itself, but I cannot let the gentleman's remarks go unresponded to at this point in time.
It is just not so that anyone can place cargo on a passenger plane without it being checked and screened. That is incorrect. We have a very sophisticated system in place today that verifies whether or not you are a known and trusted shipper. If you are not so certified by the government after having been investigated and your background checked and all of those procedures, if you are not a known shipper, they will search your packages you put on the passenger plane.
The gentleman is incorrect, and I do not want it to be said nor heard around the world that you can get by with the things he said. You cannot. Today you cannot. And yet in this bill, in the conference report, we direct the Secretary to research, procure and install machinery that can x-ray all this cargo going on passenger planes. We do not have the equipment today to do that, and so we rely upon the known shipper program; and if you are not a known shipper, we personally inspect your cargo.
I yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his comments. I am not characterizing the comment of the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey). All I am saying is do not be overly alarmed, for goodness sakes.
There is a program in place while we get the machinery to actually x- ray the cargo that goes on passenger planes. We do not have it now, and it is going to take some time to develop, but in the meantime we are doing the next best thing, and that is certifying who it is we are receiving cargo from to put on those planes and directing the Secretary to proceed forthwith at the earliest date possible to secure the machinery to make that happen.
I thank the gentleman for yielding me time.
Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Speaker, is the gentleman not aware of the container security initiative where we are checking these containers at 24 megaports around the world, even as I speak?
Mr. Speaker, if the gentleman would yield briefly on that point, I agree with the gentleman, we should do all we can. However, it is inaccurate to say we are only checking 3 percent of these container pieces. We are doing a lot more than that.
Mr. Speaker, I shall not take that time.
I cannot believe the gentleman from Massachusetts would stand before the body and make the statements, as he did, without knowing the facts. The 16-ounce package the gentleman held before us and said this is not searched, this is not searched, this is not searched, all packages under 16 ounces are checked by canine teams. And I would trust the canine teams more than the gentleman from Massachusetts on this point.
Mr. Speaker, first of all, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Young) could not have selected a better person to chair this historic Subcommittee on Homeland Security of the Committee on Appropriations…
Mr. Speaker, first of all, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Young) could not have selected a better person to chair this historic Subcommittee on Homeland Security of the Committee on Appropriations than the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Rogers) who is as tough as nails, very diligent, thorough, knowledgeable. I served under him on the Subcommittee on Commerce, Justice, State, Judiciary and Related Agencies of the Committee on Appropriations, and he is the right man for this task. He could not have selected a better professional staff to carry out these most important responsibilities.
We have had incredible cooperation, despite the gentleman from Wisconsin's (Mr. Obey) words, and some of those are very well-taken and well-spoken. This is for the most part a bipartisan product where there is widespread agreement on most of the issues. We are going to differ today on some substantive issues, but we have worked together very well. And the gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Sabo) and his professional staff have done an excellent job.
This is really a great work product. When you consider the Container Security Initiative, Project Bio-Shield, some of the brand new programs that are so critical to program ramp up quickly for our homeland security needs and extend, frankly, the proverbial borders of our country around the world to protect us before it is too late, before things do come in and happen. We have made great strides very quickly.
I do not think the President could have selected a better Secretary than Tom Ridge for Homeland Security, also tough as nails, very thorough. We have had multiple hearings and done a lot of good work together. So while we differ today a little, we need to stick together in a bipartisan way to do the work of the country. This is just like national security, a whole new frontier.
Let me also say one other thing. In national security, there is the Berry amendment that says we have got to buy American products and use American vendors for these things. I want to do more. And I want it said today that we need to do more on homeland security. We need domestic producers, American manufacturers for pharmaceuticals for Bio- Shield to protect our interests. We need American companies in our manufacturing base to expand to provide the technologies and the equipment that we need to protect Americans first.
So as we move forward, let us say beginning today we will do more to strengthen this and have an amendment just like the Berry amendment, so that we can guarantee Americans that American people will be used to carry out the homeland security needs.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding me time. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this conference agreement and urge my colleagues to do the same. I want to commend the gentleman from…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding me time.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this conference agreement and urge my colleagues to do the same. I want to commend the gentleman from Kentucky (Chairman Rogers) who has done such an outstanding job in putting together this first ever Homeland Security appropriations bill, the gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Sabo), and all the subcommittee staff for the tremendous work on this bill.
The process of structuring a new appropriations bill to address the operational needs of the 22 agencies and departments under the new Homeland Security Department has not been easy this year. It will not be easy next year either because we have to make changes to accommodate the lessons that we are going to learn.
Having watched and participated in this process, I have come to the conclusion that our approach to funding Homeland Security has been measured and judicious. We have not thrown good money after bad, but have made difficult choices in funding the different functions of this new department.
All along, I felt that the worst mistake we could make in funding this new department would be to get into a bidding war in the Congress over what faction could spend the most money on individual activities and facilities before we have a full picture of needs and capabilities.
There are some in this House who want to put more money in that bureau or that agency. Some of those Members are well-intentioned, while others simply want to create a political issue by forcing Members to make a choice between spending more money on one hand or appearing to be less than responsible on homeland security issues on the other. This political game is played by throwing arbitrary numbers into the public arena and then questioning the commitment to homeland security on the part of some in this body.
The time for games is over. It is time to get serious. At the end of the day, there is much room remaining for an honest debate, but not one of our constituents is served well by gaming the debate.
As we go forward in this new area of homeland security, we will make progress in sorting out priorities. In the process, we will have the benefit of the ideas and knowledge of the State and local officials from our districts around the country. That collective wisdom will serve us well.
Knowing that we have the opportunity to improve this bill over time is a good reason to be measured in the way we appropriate these funds, and again, I want to commend the chairman and ranking member and urge the Members to support this conference report.
Mr. Speaker, this is not just about gays and lesbians. I have been here 24 years. We never do anything only once. When you have developed a particular procedure to use in defense of your views, that…
Mr. Speaker, this is not just about gays and lesbians. I have been here 24 years. We never do anything only once. When you have developed a particular procedure to use in defense of your views, that gets used again and again. Today, I was going to say you set a precedent if you pass this bill, but you do not set a precedent. You go back in history to the Articles of Confederation.
Passage of this bill will mean that the United States Constitution, in this particular area, will have different meanings in different States because States will then be the ultimate decider of the Constitution, and anyone who thinks that if we do it in this case that is the only time we will ever do it does not follow things closely.
I am the ranking member on the minority side in the Committee on Financial Services. There is not an area in our jurisdiction with respect to the business community of America where the financial community does not come to us and say we need one uniform law.
Do you not understand, Mr. Speaker, that if you set this precedent, it will apply in other areas? Indeed, it will become boilerplate. If you are passing legislation dealing with the second amendment and gun rights; and environmental land takings under the fifth amendment; the commerce clause, financial regulation, it will be a matter of course to add this language that says, and by the way, we believe so strongly in what we have done, it will be none of the business of the courts.
There will be different views in different States. Forget the Uniform Commercial Code. We will have the ``multiple commercial code,'' the multiple choice commercial code. We will have the ``Multiple Choice Constitution.''
I guess I am regretful, maybe I can apologize, that the sight of two lesbians falling in love and wanting to formalize that has so traumatized the majority that they are prepared to make the biggest hole in the United States Constitution that we have seen since we became one Nation. You are saying there will be no more uniformity in the Constitution, and you say it is only here.
By the way, I know a few scholars who think you will lose on full faith and credit. You make a terrible mistake to set a precedent that will be followed time and again. It will become truth that you really care about an issue that you say that the United States Constitution will no longer be a uniform document, but will be subject to dozens of separate State interpretations.
Mr. Speaker, as we debate a bill to ensure that our homeland is secure, while we struggle to reconcile another $87 billion of war expenses, this Congress has once again provided a special benefit to…
Mr. Speaker, as we debate a bill to ensure that our homeland is secure, while we struggle to reconcile another $87 billion of war expenses, this Congress has once again provided a special benefit to a handful of financial traitors who have literally skipped out on paying the bill.
The House Committee on Appropriations unanimously passed an amendment to prohibit lucrative Federal contracts from being awarded to corporations who run offshore to avoid U.S. income taxes. Then the Committee on Rules struck it out. Then the Senate passed an amendment on the floor to prohibit these contracts with tax
cheats. Then the conference committee struck it out.
Sound familiar? I feel like Bill Murray in Groundhog Day. No matter how hard we try, we keep hitting it from every angle, but nothing seems to work to get these companies to come back to the United States and pay their fair share of taxes. It seems that there are some in this Congress who are intent on protecting the new Bermuda citizenship of these companies. We end up where we started at the beginning, with corporate expatriates avoiding $5 billion, listen to that, $5 billion in taxes, and yet they win $2 billion annually in lucrative Federal contracts with the United States Government, 70 percent of which are in defense and homeland security.
By a whopping vote of 318 to 110, this House last year voted to prohibit these corporate expatriates from sharing in the increase of contracts with the new Homeland Security Department. Senator Wellstone added similar language during the Senate debate, but after Wellstone's death and after the election was over, the bill came back, and guess what, we got rid of the provision.
Despite a promise from House and Senate leadership during a close vote to three Republican Senators that this contract ban, and two other controversial provisions, would be fixed in later legislation, no ban has been enacted.
These corporations benefit from America's defense and homeland security, but they are not willing to help pay for it. With 150,000 soldiers in Iraq today willing to give their lives for this great Nation, Congress should ensure that the resources exist to support that effort. If the tide of corporations flowing offshore for tax avoidance continues, those resources are put at serious risk. It is shameful that this year we have nothing again to show for our efforts.
Mr. Speaker, oil prices at $40 a barrel, nearly 1,000 young American men and women dead in Iraq, 6,000 wounded. What are we debating here on the floor of Congress? We are taking up a bill to strip…
Mr. Speaker, oil prices at $40 a barrel, nearly 1,000 young American men and women dead in Iraq, 6,000 wounded.
What are we debating here on the floor of Congress? We are taking up a bill to strip the Federal courts of the power to hear cases challenging the constitutionality of the Defense of Marriage Act. Apparently, the Republican Congress is so concerned that a gay or lesbian couple might someday have their marriage in one State recognized in another that they are prepared to take the extreme measure of preventing judges from interpreting the law.
While every other American will continue to enjoy the checks and balances that come from three branches of government, the Republicans have decided that if you are gay you should be able to get along with just two branches of government. Why are they doing this?
Conservative activist Paul Weyrich shed some light on the current thinking in Republican circles which explains why this bill is really on the floor today. Here is what Mr. Weyrich had to say: ``The President has bet the farm on Iraq. Right or wrong, he has done it. Even if you disagree with the decision, you have to admire the President for putting it on the line and staying the course despite overwhelmingly bad news for months now.
``Therefore, Iraq will be an unavoidable topic of discussion in this campaign. The problem is that events in Iraq are out of the control of the President.''
Mr. Weyrich writes, ``There is only one alternative to this situation: Change the subject.'' He dismisses the option of taking up oil prices or the economy. Apparently, even he does not think those are winners for the President.
``No,'' he concludes, ``what I have in mind to change the subject is a winner for the President. The Federal Marriage Amendment.'' The gay marriage issue, he gleefully advises, ``will cause Senator Kerry no end of problems.''
So that is what it is really all about. Republican leaders in Washington are running scared. They look at the polls on Iraq, on the economy, on jobs and they fear that the voters are going do rise up in November, and as a result they bring an unconstitutional act out on the floor that will strip gays and lesbians of their rights to be able to go to the Federal courts.
Vote ``no'' on this bill. It is a disgrace against the United States Constitution.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support, and I wish to escalate and join in the very deep appreciation to the gentleman from Florida (Chairman Young) and the gentleman from Kentucky (Chairman Rogers)…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support, and I wish to escalate and join in the very deep appreciation to the gentleman from Florida (Chairman Young) and the gentleman from Kentucky (Chairman Rogers) for the remarkable job they have done on a huge task in a very tough time constraint situation. This is a remarkable piece of legislation in what it accomplishes.
There is an awful lot of attention being paid to first responders in this legislation, and rightly so. That is a good thing. However, we need to make sure it is not done at the expense of good information acquisition, analysis, dissemination in a timely manner to people on the front lines, because this is our best weapon, preventing tragic terrorist attacks and the attendant tragedy that happens to Americans at home and abroad.
Good information, good information will keep our first responders out of harm's way, in fact, and reduce the chances that we will actually need to call into action. I would like to hope that the day will come when our first responders should be treated the same way as the Maytag men and women of our country. We do not have to call them because we have good information to head off trouble before it starts.
Getting good intelligence is a low-cost, high-return investment, and that is a piece that we have not completed yet. We have a foreign intelligence program. It is against the law to use it domestically. Americans do not spy on Americans. We have a new Department of Homeland Security, which this bill does a remarkable job of providing for. We now need a policy and implementing mechanics and funding to how best to deal with domestic intelligence information. That is a task that is now, it is urgent, it is for the future, it has got to be done.
I commit the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence to work with the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Rogers) and others who are interested in this task. If we do not do this, we are going to have a problem.
I certainly agree that the people who are dealing with the prevention and defense part of this are excellent, extraordinary Americans taking huge risks. If we can give them good information, we reduce their risk and allow them to have a higher success rate. That is worth the investment.
I appreciate the time.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to bring my colleagues' attention to one provision in the Homeland Security Appropriations Conference Report on non-intrusive inspection technology. The conference report…
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to bring my colleagues' attention to one provision in the Homeland Security Appropriations Conference Report on non-intrusive inspection technology.
The conference report directs Customs and Border Protection to accelerate its efforts to complete a field test of pulsed fast neutron analysis (PFNA) technology at the Ysleta border crossing. This field test is an important part of our Nation's efforts to use next- generation technology to better secure our borders while also facilitating the flow of legitimate trade and travel.
The Departments of Defense and Homeland Security have been working to carry out field tests of the PFNA truck inspection system in Ysleta, Texas. PFNA, described in a Fortune Magazine article earlier this year as ``beyond-Superman technology,'' has the potential to enable inspectors to detect the chemical composition of articles deeply buried in a fully-loaded cargo truck. The use of such technology in interdicting explosives, chemical agents and weapons, nuclear devices, dirty bombs, drugs and other threats has the potential to prevent destruction and the loss of life.
Earlier this month, U.S. Government screeners failed to detect, for the second time in two years, a shipment of depleted uranium in a container sent by ABC News from overseas. This is distressing and frightening news. Luckily it was just a test by one of our country's premier news organizations. However, we may not be so lucky in the future. PFNA technology could help us interdict such shipments. However, before such technology can be deployed, it must obviously be tested.
This conference report recognizes the importance of these tests and further understands that they should take place without undue delays so that if PFNA proves successful in the field, it can be deployed at ports of entry and protect America against terrorist threats and other criminal activity. PFNA could be the tool that prevents a catastrophic attack and I thank the conferees, in particular, Chairman Harold Rogers, for prioritizing our efforts to test this and other cutting- edge technologies.
Bill Text
2 versions available
[Congressional Bills 108th Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
[H. Res. 374 Engrossed in House (EH)]
In the House of Representatives, U.S.,
September 24, 2003.
Resolved, That upon adoption of this resolution it shall be in order to
consider the conference report to accompany the bill (H.R. 2555) making
appropriations for the Department of Homeland Security for the fiscal year
ending September 30, 2004, and for other purposes. All points of order against
the conference report and against its consideration are waived. The conference
report shall be considered as read.
Attest:
Clerk.