Honoring and praising the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People on the occasion of its 97th anniversary.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 335) honoring and praising the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People on the occasion of its 97th anniversary.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on House Concurrent Resolution 335 currently under consideration.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of House Concurrent Resolution 335, a resolution honoring the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People on the occasion of its 97th anniversary.

This resolution recognizes that the NAACP has played an important role in helping to ensure that our constitutional guarantees are extended to all citizens.

Founded on the centennial of Republican President and Great Emancipator Abraham Lincoln's birthday in 1909, the NAACP represents America's oldest civil rights organization. Through members such as Rosa Parks, who ignited the national civil rights movement, and former Justice Thurgood Marshall, whose leadership led to the landmark legal victory in Brown v. Board of Education, the NAACP has helped galvanize efforts to promote the promise of equality that our Constitution envisioned.

Through nonviolent means, the NAACP led the Nation's effort to seek passage of the 1957, 1960, 1964, and 1968 civil rights acts. Challenging Federal, State, and local officials and governments to accord equal legal treatment to all citizens, the NAACP has sought to promote racial equality in areas such as education, employment, housing, and public facilities.

In 1965, the NAACP led the movement to seek passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, one of the most significant pieces of legislation passed during the 20th century. Committed to extending the protections of the 15th amendment and the Voting Rights Act to all African Americans, the NAACP worked tirelessly to register tens of thousands of new voters despite threats of violence. The NAACP has helped advance each reauthorization effort, including in 1982, when I was privileged to lead that bipartisan effort with my Democratic colleagues. I will lead that bipartisan effort with my Democratic colleagues again this spring when the Voting Rights Act is once again renewed.

I urge my colleagues to support this resolution to recognize the NAACP for

their contributions toward equality in America.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, last summer, I was honored to be invited to address the NAACP convention, which was held in Milwaukee, and I got a very good reception in talking about reauthorizing the Voting Rights Act, which my committee will be dealing with shortly, as well as overturning the Supreme Court's erroneous decision in the case of Kelo v. City of New London, Connecticut, which basically said that there were no constitutional protections against a municipality using eminent domain to take a person's private property simply because the city fathers and mothers decided that there would be a way to get more tax revenue out of that piece of land.

That bill has passed the House of Representatives and is currently pending in the other body, and I hope we can have eminent domain reform passed during this session of Congress, as well as the reauthorization of the Voting Rights Act.

Mr. Speaker, I submit for inclusion at this point in the Record the speech that I gave to the NAACP convention in Milwaukee on July 10, 2005.

Good evening. Thank you for this opportunity to talk

briefly about two important issues facing us right now: an

extension of the Voting Rights Act and the Supreme Court's

recent 5-4 decision in the Kelo case, which held that the

government can use ``economic development'' as a reason for

taking private property.

Among my proudest moments was accompanying members of the

NAACP and Dr. Marsha Coleman-Adebayo for the signing of the

No FEAR Act, legislation that aims to stamp out

discrimination in federal agencies. The bipartisan passage of

No FEAR, the first civil rights legislation of the 21st

century, should serve as a model for future civil rights

bills.

On August 5,2005, the United States will celebrate the 40th

anniversary of one of the most significant pieces of

legislation enacted during the 20th Century--the Voting

Rights Act. This profound legislation pushed back against

those unwilling to treat all citizens as equals and restored

the dignity and equality that our Constitution is intended to

preserve for all citizens.

Our democratic system of government has as its most

fundamental right the right of its citizens to participate in

the political process. Adopted 135 years ago, the 15th

Amendment ensures that no American citizen's right to vote

can be denied or abridged by the United States or a State on

account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.

As far too many here know and have experienced, some

government entities have not only been unfaithful to the

rights and protections afforded by the Constitution, but have

aggressively--and sometimes violently--tried to

disenfranchise African-American and other minority voters.

In his momentous speech delivered to Congress on March 15,

1965, President Lyndon B. Johnson stated, ``[e]xperience has

clearly shown that the existing process of law cannot

overcome systematic and ingenious discrimination. No law that

we now have on the books--and I have helped to put three of

them there--can ensure the right to vote when local officials

are determined to deny it. In such a case our duty must be

clear to all of us. The Constitution says that no person

shall be kept from voting because of his race or color. We

have all sworn an oath before God to support and to defend

that Constitution. We must now act in obedience to that

oath.''

Seeing the Voting Rights Act's impact compelled me in 1982

to lead the House Republican effort to extend it for 25

years. This effort wasn't easy--but then again, very

important things never are. While I proudly display in my

Washington office one of the pens President Ronald Reagan

used to sign this extension, the fruits of this effort can

best be seen on the faces of those not only participating in

the political process but actively leading it.

In the 1960s, all major civil rights legislation was passed

with strong bipartisan support. Lately, this has not been the

case as some have tried to use the issue of civil rights to

obtain a partisan advantage. This is both wrong and

shortsighted. The stakes have not been higher in the past 20

years.

In 2007, several key protections contained in the Voting

Rights Act will expire, including the federal oversight

protections provided by Section 5. I am here to tell you

publicly what I have told others privately, including the

head of the Congressional Black Caucus, Representative Mel

Watt--during this Congress we are going to extend the Voting

Rights Act. I am not alone in the Congress in supporting an

extension; indeed, House Speaker Dennis Hastert last week

stated that reauthorization of the Voting Rights Act is high

on his list of issues the House will address this Congress.

Soon I will be introducing legislation to extend the Voting

Rights Act. Just like its enactment and its 1982 extension,

this bipartisan effort will succeed. Ladies and gentlemen,

while we have made progress and curtailed injustices thanks

to the Voting Rights Act, our work is not yet complete. We

cannot let discriminatory practices of the past resurface to

threaten future gains. The Voting Rights Act must continue to

exist--and exist in its current form.

I also want to mention my strong opposition to the Supreme

Court's recent 5-4 decision in the Kelo case, which held that

the government can use ``economic development'' as a reason

for taking private property from one small homeowner and

giving it to a large corporation simply because the

corporation's greater wealth will bring the government more

tax revenue.

As the NAACP so correctly noted in its brief filed with the

Supreme Court in the Kelo case, ``The takings that result

[from the Court's decision] will disproportionately affect

and harm the economically disadvantaged and, in particular,

racial and ethnic minorities and the elderly.''

The noxious practice endorsed by the Court's Kelo decision

has generated bipartisan opposition. Last week, I introduced

H.R. 3135, the ``Private Property Rights Protection Act of

2005,'' with the Ranking Member of the Judiciary Committee,

Mr. Conyers, as the lead Democratic cosponsor, and

Representatives Maxine Waters, Sheila Jackson-Lee, and 87

additional Members as original cosponsors.

This legislation would prevent the Federal government from

using economic development as a justification for taking

privately-owned property. It would also prohibit any State or

municipality from doing so whenever Federal funds are

involved with the project for which the government's takings

power is exercised.

American taxpayers should not be forced to contribute in

any way to the abuse of government power. One man's home must

not become a hotel or strip mall solely because the

government seeks more tax revenue. I am looking forward to

working with you and all organizations opposed to the Supreme

Court's Kelo decision. We must ensure that churches, homes,

farms, and other private property cannot be bulldozed in

abusive land grabs that benefit other private individuals,

who claim that their use of the land will increase tax

revenues.

Last week, America celebrated the 229th anniversary of her

independence. Let us all work towards the day--envisioned by

our Founders and affirmed by Frederick Douglass--in which the

rich inheritance of justice, liberty, prosperity, and

independence bequeathed by our Founders is shared by all

Americans.

Ladies and gentlemen, I look forward to continuing to work

together and thank you for this opportunity to address you.

Mr. Speaker, this is a good resolution, I urge all Members to support it, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman very much for his leadership and for the leadership of Chairman Sensenbrenner, and to all who celebrate the 97th anniversary of the NAACP.

Mr. Green earlier said that there were so many people who gave their lives, gave their blood, sweat and tears, and he mentioned Medgar Evers. But I just want to talk about another member of the NAACP, and his name was Harry Moore. He was a devoted husband, father, educator, and one of the first civil rights martyrs of our time. His tireless efforts and unselfish sacrifice in the name of social justice continues to inspire and empower Americans of all stripes, even now, over 50 years after his death.

Harry Tyson Moore was born in Houston, Florida, on November 18, 1905. After his father's death, his mother sent her only son to live with his three aunts in Jacksonville, Florida. In the prosperous and intellectual community of Jacksonville, Mr. Moore cultivated his intelligence and excelled. After graduating from Florida Memorial College in 1925, he moved to Cocoa, Florida. He settled in Brevard County teaching fourth grade at the only African American elementary school in the area.

While there, he went on to meet his future wife, Hariette Simms. In time,

Mr. Moore became principal of the Titusville Colored School, which taught children from the fourth to ninth grade. In March 1928 and September 1930, the Moores welcomed two daughters into the world. With his family and professional life in place, Mr. Moore began an additional career in political activism.

In 1934, Mr. Moore founded the Brevard County branch of the NAACP. In 1937, by working with the Black Florida State Teachers Association and NAACP attorney Thurgood Marshall, he was a catalyst towards the movement of equalizing salaries of black and white teachers. Although he lost the court battle, he would ultimately win the war. Make no mistake, his actions inspired many others, and ultimately Mr. Moore helped achieve pay parity among teachers of color with their white counterparts.

I wish I had time to tell the entire story, but on one Christmas Eve Mr. Moore and his family were blown to pieces because of his work in the NAACP.

So many people never hear the name Harry Moore, but he was another tireless fighter, lifting up the rights for all people, and he is one of the people who make it possible for the Congressional Black Caucus today to number some 43.

I thank the NAACP on its 97th anniversary and I urge all Members to support this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, as our Nation recognizes and celebrates the 97th Anniversary of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, NAACP, I rise today to pay homage to the momentous contributions of the organization to our nation. In so doing, I would like to highlight the life and legacy of one of its most impressive, but relatively unknown leaders, Harry T. Moore.

Harry T. Moore was one of the first civil rights martyrs of our time. A devoted husband, father, educator, his tireless efforts and unselfish sacrifice in the name of social justice continue to inspire and empower Americans of all stripes, even now, over 50 years after his death.

Harry Tyson Moore was born in Houston, Florida on November 18, 1905. After his father's death his mother sent her only son to live with his three aunts in Jacksonville, Florida. In the prosperous and intellectual community of Jacksonville, Mr. Moore cultivated his intelligence and excelled. After graduating from Florida Memorial College in 1925, he moved to Cocoa, Florida. He settled in Brevard County teaching fourth grade at the only African-American elementary school in the area.

While there, he went on to meet his future wife, Hariette Vyda Simms. In time, Mr. Moore became principal of the Titusville Colored School, which taught children from the fourth to ninth grade. In March 1928 and September 1930, the Moore's welcomed two daughters into the world. With his family and professional life in place, Mr. Moore began an additional career in political activism.

In 1934, Mr. Moore founded the Brevard County NAACP chapter. In 1937, by working with the Black Florida State Teacher's Association and NAACP attorney Thurgood Marshall, he catalyzed a movement to equalize the salaries of Black and White teachers. Although he lost the court battle, he would ultimately win the war. Make no mistake, his actions inspired many others and ultimately, Mr. Moore helped achieve pay parity among teachers of color and their White counterparts.

In 1941, he organized the Florida State Conference of the NAACP and worked as an executive secretary without compensation. His platform also broadened as he began to add his voice to issues such as Black voting disenfranchisement, segregated education, and later in 1943, lynchings and police brutality. He began to organize protests, and write and circulate letters voicing his concerns about the issues.

He also organized the Progressive Voter's League and with his persistence and diligence, in 1948, helped over 116,000 Black voters register, which represented 31 percent of the African-American voting population in the Florida Democratic Party. In 1946, due to his role in the League, Mr. Moore and his wife were terminated from their jobs. Mr. Moore then took on a full-time paid position as an organizer for the NAACP. However, in 1949, over Mr. Moore's objection, the national NAACP office raised the dues from $1 to $2, causing a substantial amount of members to revoke their membership. This marked only the beginning of a strained relationship between Mr. Moore and the national NAACP office.

During that same year, the landmark Groveland rape case occurred, in which four African-American men were falsely accused of raping a White woman. Although the men were brutally beaten and no evidence suggested that the woman was raped, one of the men was killed, one was given a life sentence, and the other two were sentenced to death.

With Mr. Moore's assistance in conjunction with the legal counsel of the NAACP, the case went to the U.S. Supreme Court and the conviction for the two sentenced to death was overturned. However, Sheriff Willis McCall, a known White supremacist, shot the two men to death as he was driving them to their pre-trial hearing. Recognizing this tragic injustice, Mr. Moore vigorously advocated for the indictment of Sheriff McCall.

Sadly, Mr. Moore never lived to see the outcome of his work in this case. On the eve of his 25th wedding anniversary and Christmas Day 1951, Mr. Moore and his wife were killed when a bomb placed underneath their bed in the floor detonated. Mr. Moore died in his mother's arms on the way to the hospital while Harriet died only nine days later.

Following the Moores' murder, there was a public outcry in the African-American community. Despite massive amounts of mail sent to President Truman and the Florida Governor in protest and the many protests and memorials organized demanding justice, no arrests were made in relation to the horrendous crime.

In no uncertain terms, Harry T. Moore led without permission, without acknowledgment, and without fear. What made his vision so tangible was the fact that he believed he could achieve what he set before himself. In a speech his daughter gave in 2002, she stated, ``Daddy started the movement. He had absolutely nobody but us, and yet he accomplished all of those things--the voting, the teacher salaries all of the lynchings that he investigated. That's a very important part of history.''

Mr. Speaker, Harry T. Moore's story is one of such importance as we celebrate the 97th anniversary of the NAACP and reflect on the success of its past and present leaders. Although the victories achieved by the organization are historic, it should be understood that ordinary people by the tens of thousands won our freedom.

For 97 years, the multi-racial membership of the NAACP--ordinary people called to an extraordinary mission--have marched, demonstrated and lobbied for justice in a movement for peaceful change felt in every aspect of American life.

That is why we must celebrate and praise the NAACP and recall these stories. For these stories are not only told to recall the achievements of African-American trailblazers, but to offer the next Harry T. Moore, W.E.B. Dubois, Ida Wells-Barnett, and Lena K. Lee the hope, promise, direction, and purpose needed to rise from the ordinary to achieve the extraordinary.

I shall conclude with an excerpt of the heartfelt words written by Langston Hughes in memory of Harry T. Moore: In his heart is only love For all the human race, And all he wants is for every man To have his rightful place. And this he says, our Harry Moore, As from the grave he cries: No bomb can kill the dreams I hold For freedom never dies!

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Wisconsin. I especially thank him for his kind words with reference to the NAACP and his indication that he will lead the charge, in fact be a part of the avant garde, with reference to extending the Voting Rights Act. I thank you for this.

Mr. Speaker, I am honored that the House leadership has chosen to bring House Concurrent Resolution 335 before this august body. This resolution honors the 97th anniversary of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People; and as I rise to the occasion, I would like to thank those who have made the occasion possible.

First, I would like to thank Chairman Sensenbrenner, chairman of the powerful Judiciary Committee. He has spoken eloquently. I thank you for your kind words again; and I also want to, for the record, say you did what you did not have to do, and for this, I thank you.

I would like to thank ranking member John Conyers, who is now the dean of the conscience of the Congress. I thank you for helping us to bring this piece of legislation to the floor of the House.

I would also like to take an opportunity and thank my good friend Congressman Henry Hyde, who was the first to sign on to this resolution. He gave his word, and I have learned that Henry Hyde's word is his bond; and I thank Mr. Hyde.

Finally, my heartfelt thanks go out to all 67 of my colleagues who cosponsored this resolution, as well as all who will support it, both Democrats and Republicans alike.

Mr. Speaker, because I do not know where we would be but for the NAACP, I cannot help but say thank God for the NAACP and the many other persons of goodwill who have fought racial injustice, because, Mr. Speaker, in our lifetime we can recall a time when racial injustice, as someone has said, was accepted by the masses and expected by the classes.

It was commonplace. It was every place. Politicians campaigned on it; judges decreed it; lawyers practiced it; policemen enforced it; preachers preached it; parents believed it; teachers taught it; and children learned it. We were all consumed by it.

However, the NAACP and others of goodwill helped to change this, and I am honored to say that this change has brought about significant progress in this country for African Americans and other minorities.

Hence, it is desired that this resolution not only honor the NAACP as an entity, but also the entire NAACP family and extended family, including the many people of goodwill who were not black, who put themselves in harm's way to end racial injustice.

We should never forget that the NAACP has not been, is not now, and never shall be a black-only organization. The NAACP has always been a multiracial organization. Yes, in remembering some of the great names associated with the organization, we should remember that Dr. Louis T. Wright became the first black board chair of the NAACP in 1935. However, as we remember Dr. Wright, we ought not forget Oswald Garrison Villiard who was not black, who in 1911 became the first chair of the board of the NAACP. Before the NAACP had its first black board chair, it had two that were not black.

We should remember James Weldon Johnson, who became the first black executive secretary director of the NAACP. However, we should not forget Francis Blascon, Mary White Ovington, Mary Nurney, Royall Nash. All of these persons we might remember were not black and served before James Weldon Johnson.

We should remember the brilliant black lawyer and Supreme Court Justice, as the chairman has mentioned, Thurgood Marshall. However, we should never forget Arthur Singarn who was not black. Arthur Singarn donated money, he raised money, and he headed the NAACP Legal Redress Committee. It has been said that Thurgood was a great litigator in part because Singarn was a great donator. The NAACP annually awards its highest honor in the name of Singarn.

We should remember Medgar Evers, the black NAACP field representative who was assassinated in his front yard in 1963; but, please, let us not forget John R. Shillady, the NAACP executive secretary who never recovered from a mob beating in Austin, Texas, in 1919. He gave his life in the fight for justice for all, and he was not black.

The point is, we did not get here by ourselves; and we thank God for the many who were not black who helped us in our quest for justice.

Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman who I have announced earlier is the conscience of the Congress and that, of course, is Congressman Conyers. We thank you for being with us, Congressman.

(Mr. CONYERS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cummings).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume for one final statement.

In summary, Mr. Speaker, I would like to restate to a certain extent some of what the chairman has said: that the NAACP has accomplished great things for this country. The NAACP was involved in passing the Civil Rights Acts of 1957, 1960, and 1964. The NAACP was there to fight and help pass the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the Fair Housing Act of 1968, and the NAACP filed and won Shelly v. Cramer, as well as Barrows v. Jackson, outlawing restrictive covenants. The NAACP filed and won Brown v. Board of Education, integrating schools and, to a certain extent, integrating society.

And, Mr. Speaker, if truth be told, we are schooled where we are schooled, we work where we work, we sleep where we sleep, we eat where we eat, and we live where we live in great measure due to the NAACP.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. President, I urge my colleagues to support H. Con. Res. 335, a concurrent resolution honoring and praising the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People for 97 years of championing the cause of equality in the United States.

At the dawn of the 20th century--almost 56 years after the end of the Civil War--African Americans were still denied the full rights of citizenship. African Americans were forced to endure the daily humiliation of economic exploitation and social segregation with almost no recourse. Racial tensions boiled over into riots and lynchings. It was at this critical juncture in our nation's history that a group of concerned citizens, answering freedom's call, gathered together to form the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People in New York City.

Since its founding, the NAACP has fought for the social, political, and economic equality of all Americans and has sought to eliminate racial discrimination. And the NAACP has never wavered from its commitment to nonviolence in achieving these goals.

In 1918, the NAACP successfully pressured President Wilson to publicly condemn lynching and continued to raise awareness about the horrific crime. In 1930, the NAACP began its long history of protesting judicial nominees who oppose the advancement of civil rights, with the successful defeat of John Parker to the Supreme Court. The NAACP fought for, and ultimately achieved, desegregation of the military and other federal government institutions. The NAACP was victorious in Buchanan vs. Warley, where the Supreme Court held that states cannot restrict and segregate residential districts. And of course, in the seminal case of Brown v. Board of Education, the NAACP successfully argued that the ``separate, but equal'' doctrine is unconstitutional, thereby making segregation in public schools illegal.

In the 1960s, the NAACP was a leader in the fight to eradicate Jim Crow laws and abolish segregation. And the NAACP was integral to the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1957, 1960, and 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and the Fair Housing Rights Act.

In short, the NAACP has been a catalyst for social change in this country, winning landmark court decisions and advocating for civil rights laws that have walked our nation closer to the promise of equality envisioned in our Constitution.

Notwithstanding its powerful voice and extraordinary accomplishments, we must never forget that the NAACP works through the tireless efforts of its individual members, united around a common vision of justice and equality. During desperate times, legendary NAACP members such as Thurgood Marshall, Rosa Parks, and Medger Evars made historic stands in service of the movement of civil rights.

However, equally as important are the ``everyday'' contributions of organizers and activists. One example is Mary Burnett Talbert. Originally a teacher in Little Rock, AR, Talbert eventually moved with her husband to Buffalo, NY, where she received an advanced degree. An active member of her community, Talbert was one of the founders of the NAACP and later its director, vice president, and president. As director the NAACP's Anti-Lynching Campaign, Talbert traveled the Nation giving speeches to black and white audiences. She once wrote that ``By her peculiar position the colored woman has gained clear powers of observation and judgment--exactly the sort of powers which are today peculiarly necessary to the building of an ideal country.'' With every public education campaign, every fight over a judicial nomination, and every lobbying effort to pass progressive legislation, the NAACP takes us one step closer to the ``ideal country'' that Mary Talbert envisioned.

While the NAACP's mission is to fight for the rights of African Americans, it has always been a multiracial and multicultural organization. Many of its founding members were white, including Oswald Garrison Villiard, Mary White Ovington, and Henry Moscowitz.

As we celebrate the accomplishments of the NAACP, we must also honor the values upon which it was founded, for there is much work left to be done, and the same tireless dedication and clarity of purpose will be required to continue onward.

Despite the last century of achievements, substantial racial disparities persist in educational achievement, access to health care, and economic prosperity. Hurricane Katrina highlighted the tragic and enduring link between race and poverty in our country, as well as emphasized our nation's failure to care for those among us least able to provide for themselves. We must continue vigilantly to guard against the resurgence of discriminatory practices that would deprive African Americans of the most fundamental right of democracy--the right to vote. We must continue to work to guarantee that every citizen is able to vote and that every vote is counted. And this summer, we must reauthorize the Voting Rights Act.

The NAACP has always stood ready to face these and other challenges. Ninety-seven years after a group of concerned citizens assembled in New York around the common goal of creating a more just society, the NAACP's half million members continue to lead Freedom's march.

For the battles it has fought, and for the battles it has yet to fight, our nation is forever in debt to the NAACP.

Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to recognize the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People on its 97th anniversary. The NAACP holds a very special meaning to me. One honor I especially treasure is being named Virginia's first individual Golden Heritage Life Member. That honor was a great addition to the honor of having served as president of the Newport News chapter. The NAACP also holds a special place in the collective memory of all of our people.

The NAACP is an organization that has made a difference from the very beginning. In 1909, 60 prominent Americans, including Ida B. Wells- Barnett and W.E.B. DuBois, met on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the

birth of Abraham Lincoln to discuss racial violence and social justice. Out of that meeting, the NAACP was born--with the goal of securing rights, liberties and protections for all Americans, as guaranteed by the Constitution.

The NAACP has always fought against injustices by using nonviolent protests, the press, the ballot, and the courts. The NAACP took on the President of the United States in 1918 and President Wilson finally publicly condemned lynching. During World War I, the NAACP successfully campaigned for African Americans to be commissioned as officers in the army. And in World War II, the NAACP pressured Roosevelt into ordering a non-discriminatory policy in war-related industries and Federal employment.

In 1946, the NAACP won the Morgan v. Virginia case where the Supreme Court banned states from having segregated facilities on buses and trains that crossed state borders. And in 1948, the NAACP pressured President Truman into signing the Executive Order that banned discrimination in the armed forces. In 1954, the NAACP won its landmark legal case--Brown v. the Board of Education--declaring ``separate and equal'' unconstitutional.

Through the 50s and 60s protests made a lot of difference. In 1955, NAACP member Rosa Parks was arrested and fined for refusing to give up her seat on a segregated bus in Montgomery, Alabama. This led to the Montgomery bus boycott, which led to the emergence of Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. All of these events led to the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, the 1965 Voting Rights Act, President Johnson's 1965 Executive Order banning employment discrimination in Federal contracts, the 1968 Fair Housing Act, and other landmark civil rights reforms.

The NAACP is what the late Bishop Stephen Gill Spotswood, a former National Board Chairman, has called ``the oldest, largest, most effective, most consulted, most militant, most feared and most loved of all civil rights organizations in the world.'' Bishop Spotswood's statement remains true today.

In the 21st Century, the NAACP is needed as much as ever to make a difference--at all levels--National, State and local. Despite victories won long ago we are still facing challenges. In its 97th year, the NAACP needs to continue its great legacy of contribution and commitment to ensure that these hard-won civil rights will always be protected. Congratulations on your 97th anniversary.