Voting Opportunity and Technology Enhancement Rights Act of 2005
Legislative Activity
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Sponsor introductory remarks on measure. (CR S7999)
July 20, 2006
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Introduced in Senate
January 24, 2005
Read twice and referred to the Committee on Rules and Administration. (text of measure as introduced: CR S204-207)
January 24, 2005
Sponsor introductory remarks on measure. (CR S563-565)
January 26, 2005
Sponsor introductory remarks on measure. (CR S7999)
July 20, 2006
Floor Debate
20 membersWhat members said about S. 17 on the floor
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Floor Debate
20 membersWhat members said about S. 17 on the floor
Mr. President, on behalf of Senator Hutchison and myself, I rise today to introduce legislation to reauthorize the tremendously successful Breast Cancer Research Stamp for 2 additional years. Without…
Mr. President, on behalf of Senator Hutchison and myself, I rise today to introduce legislation to reauthorize the tremendously successful Breast Cancer Research Stamp for 2 additional years.
Without Congressional action, the Breast Cancer Research Stamp will expire on December 31 of this year.
The life of this extraordinary stamp deserves to be extended as it has proven to be a highly effective and self-supporting fundraiser.
Since 1998, the American people have bought over 588 million breast cancer stamps--raising $42.66 million for breast cancer research.
The National Cancer Institute and the Department of Defense have put these research dollars to good use by funding novel and innovative research in the area of breast cancer.
Over a 7 year period, the Breast Cancer Stamp has demonstrated a very sustained and committed customer base.
Millions of Americans have bought the stamps to honor loved ones with the disease, to highlight their own personal battle with breast cancer or to promote general public awareness--in hope of helping to find a cure.
One cannot calculate in dollars and cents how the stamp has focused public awareness on this devastating disease and the need for additional research funding.
There is still so much more to do because this disease has far reaching effects on our Nation:
Breast cancer is the most commonly diagnosed cancer among women in the United States, ranking second among cancer deaths in women after lung cancer.
In 2005, approximately 211,240 women in the U.S. will get breast cancer.
About 40,410 women will die from the disease this year.
There are over two million women living today in the U.S. who have been treated for breast cancer.
Though much less common, about 1,300 men in America are diagnosed with breast cancer each year.
It is imperative that we extend the life of this stamp so that we can continue to reach out to American women and men who do not know of their cancer and to those who are living with it.
This legislation would extend the authorization of the Breast Cancer Research stamp for two additional years until December 31, 2007.
The stamp would continue to have a surcharge of up to 25 percent above the value of a first-class stamp with the surplus revenues going to breast cancer research.
Extending the Breast Cancer Research stamp does not affect any other semi-postal proposals under consideration by the Postal Service.
We urge our colleagues to join us in passing this important legislation to extend the Breast Cancer Research Stamp for another 2 years.
Thanks to breakthroughs in cancer research, more and more people are becoming cancer survivors rather than cancer victims. Every dollar we continue to raise will help save lives.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the legislation be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I offer today private relief legislation to provide lawful permanent residence status to Robert Kuan Liang and his wife, Chun-Mei (``Alice'') Hsu-Liang, foreign nationals who live in San Bruno, California.
I have decided to offer private relief immigration bills on their behalf because I believe that, without it, this hardworking couple and their three United States citizen children would endure an immense and unfair hardship. Indeed, without this legislation, this family may not remain a family for much longer.
The Liangs are foreign nationals facing deportation on account of their overstay of visitors visas and the failure of their previous attorney to timely file a suspension of deportation application before the immigration laws changed in 1996.
Mr. Liang is a foreign national and refugee from Laos. His wife is a citizen of Taiwan. They entered the United States 22 years ago as tourists and established residency in the San Bruno, CA. Because they overstayed the terms of their temporary visas, they now face deportation from the United States.
After living here for so many years, removal from the United States would not come easily or perhaps without tearing this family apart. The Liangs have three children born in this country: Wesley, 13 years old, Bruce, 10 years old, and Eva, 7 years old. Young Wesley suffers from asthma and has a history of social and emotional anxiety. The immigration judge who presided over the Liang's case in 1997 concluded that there was no question that the Liang children would be adversely impacted if they were required to leave their relatives and friends behind in California to follow their parents to Taiwan, a country whose language and culture is unfamiliar to them. And that was 7 years ago. I can only imagine how much more they would be adversely impacted now given the passage of 7 more years.
The Liangs have filed annual income tax returns; established a successful business, Fong Yong Restaurant, in the United States; are home owners, and are financially successful. Since they arrived in the United States, they have pursued and, to a degree, achieved the American Dream.
Mr. and Mrs. Liang's quest to legalize their immigration status began in 1993 when they filed for relief from deportation before an immigration judge. The Immigration and Naturalization Service, however, did not act on their application until nearly 5 years later, in 1997, after which time the immigration laws had significantly changed.
According to the immigration judge, had the INS acted on their application for relief from deportation in a timely manner, they would have qualified for suspension of deportation, given that they were long-term residents of this country with US citizen children and other positive factors. By the time INS processed their application, however, Congress passed the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996, which changed the requirements for relief from removal to the Liangs' disadvantage.
I supported the changes of the 1996 law, but I believe sometimes there are exceptions which merit special consideration. The Liangs are such a couple and family. Perhaps what distinguishes this family from many others is that through hard work and perseverance, Mr. Liang has achieved a significant degree of success in the United States while battling a severe form of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder. According to his psychologist, this disorder stems from the persecution he, his family and community experienced in his native
country of Laos during the Vietnam War. Throughout his childhood and adolescence, Mr. Liang was exposed to numerous traumatic experiences, including the murder of his mother by the North Vietnamese and frequent episodes of wartime violence. He also routinely witnessed the brutal persecution and deaths of others in his village. In 1975, he was granted refugee status in Taiwan.
The emotional impact of Mr. Liang's experiences in his war-torn native country have been profound and continue to haunt him. In addition to being diagnosed with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, his psychologist has also indicated that he suffers from severe clinical depression, which has been exacerbated by the prospect of being deported to Taiwan, where on account of his nationality, he believes he and his family would be treated as second-class citizens. Moreover, Mr. Liang believes that the pursuit of further mental health treatment in Taiwan would only exacerbate the stigma of being an outsider in a country whose language he does not speak. Given those prospects, he also fears the impact such a stigma would have on the well-being and future of his children.
Given these extraordinary and unique facts, I ask my colleagues to support this private relief bill on behalf of the Liangs.
I also ask unanimous consent that the text of the legislation be printed in the Record and that the attached three letters of community support also be printed.
Mr. President, I offer today private relief legislation to provide lawful permanent residence status to Shigeru Yamada, a 22-year-old Japanese national who lives in Chula Vista, CA.
I have decided to introduce a private bill on his behalf because I believe that Mr. Yamada represents a model American citizen, for whom removal from this country would represent an unfair hardship. Without this legislation, Mr. Yamada will be forced to return to a country in which he lacks any linguistic, cultural or family ties.
Mr. Yamada legally entered the United States with his mother and two sisters in 1992 at the young age of 10. The family was fleeing from Mr. Yamada's alcoholic father, who had been physically abusive to his mother, the children and even his own parents. Since then, he has had no contact with his father and is unsure if he is even alive. Tragically, Mr. Yamada experienced further hardship when his mother was killed in a car crash in 1995. Orphaned at the age of 13, Mr. Yamada
spent time living with his aunt before moving to Chula Vista to live with a close friend of his late mother.
The death of his mother marked more than a personal tragedy for Mr. Yamada; it also served to impede the process for him to legalize his status. At the time of her death, Mr. Yamada's family was living legally in the United States. His mother had acquired a student visa for herself and her children qualified as her dependents. Her death revoked his legal status in the United States. In addition, Mr. Yamada's mother was engaged to an American citizen at the time of her death. Had she survived, her son would likely have become an American citizen through this marriage.
Mr. Yamada has exhausted all administrative options under our current immigration system. Throughout high school, he contacted attorneys in the hopes of legalizing his status, but his attempts were unsuccessful. Unfortunately, time has run out and, for Mr. Yamada, the only option available to him today is private relief legislation.
For several reasons, it would be tragic for Mr. Yamada to be deported from the United States and forced to return to Japan.
First, since arriving in the United States, Mr. Yamada has lived as a model American. He graduated with honors from Eastlake High School in 2000, where he excelled in both academics and athletics. Academically, he earned a number of awards including being named an ``Outstanding English Student'' his freshman year, an All-American Scholar, and earning the United States National Minority Leadership Award. His teacher and coach, Mr. John Inumerable, describes him as being ``responsible, hard working, organized, honest, caring and very dependable.'' His role as the Vice-President of the Associated Student Body his senior year is an indication of Mr. Yamada's high level of leadership, as well as, his popularity and trustworthiness among his peers. As an athlete, Mr. Yamada was named the ``Most Inspirational Player of the Year'' in Junior Varsity baseball and football, as well as, Varsity football. His football coach, Mr. Jose Mendoza, expressed his admiration by saying that he has ``seen in Shigeru Yamada the responsibility, dedication and loyalty that the average American holds to be virtuous.''
Second, Mr. Yamada has distinguished himself as a local volunteer. As a member of the Eastlake High School Link Crew, he helped freshman find their way around campus, offered tutoring and mentoring services, and set an example of how to be a successful member of the student body. After graduating from high school, he volunteered his time for 4 years as the coach of the Eastlake High School Girl's softball team. The former head coach, who has since retired, Dr. Charles Sorge, describes him as an individual full of ``integrity'' who understands that as a coach it is important to work as a ``team player.'' His level of commitment to the team was further illustrated to Dr. Sorge when he discovered, halfway through the season, that Mr. Yamada's commute to and from practice was 2 hours long each way. It takes an individual with character to volunteer his time to coach and never bring up the issue of how long his commute takes him each day. Dr. Sorge hopes that, once Mr. Yamada legalizes his immigration status, he will be formally hired to continue coaching the team.
Third, sending Mr. Yamada back to Japan would be an immense hardship for him and his family here. Mr. Yamada does not speak Japanese. He is unaware of the nation's current cultural trends. And, he has no immediate family members that he knows of in Japan. Currently, both of his sisters are in the process of legalizing their immigration status in the United States. His older sister is married to a United States citizen and his younger sister is being adopted by a maternal aunt, who is a United States citizen. Since as all of his family lives in California, sending Mr. Yamada back to Japan would serve to split his family apart and separate him from everyone and everything that he knows. His sister contends that her younger brother would be ``lost'' if he had to return to live in Japan on his own. It is unlikely that he would be able to find any gainful employment in Japan due to his inability to speak or read the language.
As a member of the Chula Vista community, Mr. Yamada has distinguished himself as an honorable individual. His teacher, Mr. Robert Hughes, describes him as being an ``upstanding `All-American' young man''. Until being picked up during a routine check of riders' immigration status on a city bus, he had never been arrested or convicted of any crime. Mr. Yamada is not, and has never been, a burden on the State. He has never received any Federal or State assistance.
Currently, Mr. Yamada holds sophomore status at Southwestern Community College. However, he is taking this semester off in order to alleviate his financial burdens by working full time. He had hoped to pursue a career in law enforcement, but his plans have recently changed due to his current immigration status dilemma. Until he obtains citizenship, Mr. Yamada will be prohibited from pursuing a career in law enforcement. Due to the circumstances, Mr. Yamada has changed his career goal to that of becoming a high school teacher. Mr. Yamada's commitment to his education is admirable. He could have easily taken a different path but, through his own ``individual fortitude,'' he has dedicated himself to his studies so that he can live a better life.
With his hard work and giving attitude, Shigeru Yamada represents the ideal American citizen. Although born in Japan, he is truly American in every other sense. I ask you to help right a wrong and grant Mr. Yamada lawful permanent resident status so that he can continue towards his bright future.
Given these extraordinary and unique facts, I ask my colleagues to support this private relief bill on behalf of Mr. Yamada.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record and that the three letters of community support be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I offer today a private immigration relief bill to provide lawful permanent residence status to Denes and Gyorgyi Fulop, Hungarian nationals who have lived in California for more than 20 years. The Fulops are the parents of six U.S. citizen children. Today, they face deportation having exhausted all administrative remedies under our immigration system.
The Fulop's story is a compelling one and one which I believe merits Congress' consideration for humanitarian relief.
The most poignant tragedy to affect this family occurred in May 2000, when the Fulops eldest child, Robert ``Bobby'' Fulop, an accomplished 15 year-old teenager, died suddenly of a heart aneurism. Bobby was considered the shining star of his family.
That same year their six-year-old daughter, Elizabeth, was diagnosed with moderate pulmonary stenosis, a potentially life-threatening heart condition and a frightening situation similar to Bobby's. Not long ago, she successfully underwent heart surgery, but requires medical supervision to ensure her good health.
The Fulop's youngest child, Matthew, was born seven weeks premature. He subsequently underwent several kidney surgeries and is still being closely monitored by physicians.
Compounding these tragedies is the fact that today the Fulops face deportation. They face deportation, in part, because in 1995 the family traveled to Hungary and remained there for more than 90 days. Under the pre-1996 immigration law, prior to the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996, their stay in Hungary would not have been a factor in their immigration case and they would have been eligible for adjustment of status to lawful permanent residents.
Indeed, in 1996, Mr. and Mrs. Fulop applied to the Immigration and Naturalization Service, INS, for permanent resident status. Due to large backlogs, the INS did not interview them until 1998. By the time their applications were considered, the new 1996 immigration law had taken effect. Given their one-time 90 day trip outside the United States, they were statutorily ineligible for relief pursuant to the cancellation of removal provisions of the Immigration and Nationality Act.
One cannot help but conclude that had the INS acted on the Fulop's application for relief from deportation in a timelier manner, they would have qualified for suspension of deportation under the pre-1996 law, given that they were long-term residents of the United States with U.S. Citizen children and many positive factors in their favor.
The irony of this situation is that the Fulops were gone from the United States for nearly five months in 1995 because they traveled to Hungary to help Mr. Fulop's brother build his home. Mr. Fulop's brother is handicap and they went to help remodel his home.
The Fulops are good and decent people. Mr. Fulop is a masonry contractor and the owner and president of his own construction company--Sumeg International. He has owned this business for 10 years and currently has three full-time employees.
The couple are active in their church and community. As Pastor Peter Petrovic of the Apostolic Christian Church of San Diego says in his letter of support, ``[t]he family is an exceptional asset to their community.'' Mrs. Fulop has served as a Sunday school teacher and volunteers regularly at Heritage K-8 Charter School in Escondido. Mrs. Morris, a Heritage K-8 Charter School faculty member says in her letter of support that Mrs. Fulop is ``. . . a valuable asset to our school and community.''
Mr. President, this is a tragic situation. Essentially, as happened to many families under the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996, the rules of the game were
changed in the middle. When the Fulops applied for relief from deportation they were eligible for suspension of deportation. By the time the INS got around to their application, nearly three years later, they were no longer eligible and in fact suspension of deportation as a form of relief ceased to exist.
The Fulops today have been in the United States since the early 1980s. Most harmful is the effect that their deportation will have on the children, all of whom were born here and who range from one year old to 17 years of age. Their eldest, Dennis, is a 4.0 honor student at Palomar Community College having graduated from high school one year early. His sister, Linda, has a 3.8 grade point average and is an honor student in high school.
It is my hope that Congress sees fit to provide an opportunity for this family to remain together in the United States given their many years here, the profound sadness they have already experienced and the harm that would come from their deportation to their six U.S. citizen children.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill and three letters be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I rise to introduce the Notification of Risk to Personal Data Act of 2005. This legislation will require that individuals are notified when their most sensitive personal information is stolen from a corporate or government database. This is the second Congress in a row that I have introduced this legislation-- it is time for us to pass it to give Americans the notice they need to protect themselves from identity thieves.
Specifically, the bill would require government or private entities to notify individuals if a data breach has compromised their Social Security number, driver's license number, credit card number, debit card number or financial account numbers.
In most cases, if authorities know that someone is a victim of a crime, the victim is notified. But, that isn't the case if an individual's most sensitive personal information is stolen from an electronic database.
Measuring the problem of security breaches is difficult, because many companies never report breaches of their systems for fear that their reputation for securing data would be harmed. But, in a survey conducted in 2004 by the FBI and the Computer Security Institute, 52 percent of respondents reported some level of unauthorized use of their computer systems. (Source: 2004 CSI/FBI Computer Crime and Security Survey)
Data breaches are becoming all too common. Consider the following incidents which have compromised the
records of hundreds of thousands of Americans.
On January 10, 2005, George Mason University in Fairfax, Virginia notified 30,000 students that their names, photos and Social Security numbers were taken by an online intruder; (Source: Cnet news, ``Hackers Steal ID Info from Virginia University,'' Monday, January 11, 2005)
On August 30, 2004, a University of California-Berkeley database containing the personal information of 600,000 people was penetrated. The computer contained names, addresses, telephone numbers, dates of birth and Social Security numbers; (Source: Associated Press, October 21, 2004)
Already in the new year, cell phone carrier T-Mobile announced that a hacker broke into its database and accessed the names and Social Security numbers of 400 customers. (Source: Cnet News, ``Hacker Had Limited Access'' January 12, 2004)
Last year, San Diego State University reported that hackers broke into a server, gaining access to names and Social Security numbers for more than 178,000 former and current students, alumni and staff; (Source: San Francisco Chronicle, ``Colleges Leaking Confidential Data,'' April 5, 2004)
At the Georgia Institute of Technology, a hacker downloaded information that could have included names, addresses, phone numbers and credit card numbers for about 57,775 people; (Source: San Francisco Chronicle, ``Colleges Leaking Confidential Data,'' April 5, 2004) and
Finally, in 2004, a Florida man and his employees hacked into Acxiom Corp.'s computer system for 16 months and stole large amounts of personal information. Christopher Way, a U.S. assistant attorney general, said then that the case represents ``what may be the largest intrusion of personal data ever.'' (Source: Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, ``Hacker Accesses Load of Data from Acxiom,'' July 22, 2004)
My home State of California has a similar data notification law, on which my bill today is modeled. But this sort of protection needs to be extended to all Americans.
I strongly believe Americans should be notified if a hacker gets access to their most personal data. This is both a matter of principle and a practical measure to curb identity theft.
Let me take a moment to describe the proposed legislation.
The Notification of Risk to Personal Data Act will set a national standard for notification of consumers when a data breach occurs.
The legislation requires a business or government entity to notify an individual when there is a reasonable basis to conclude that a hacker or other criminal has obtained unencrypted personal data maintained by the entity.
Personal data is defined by the bill as an individual's Social Security number, State identification number, driver's license number, financial account number, or credit card number.
The legislation's notification scheme minimizes the burdens on companies or agencies that must report a data breach. In general, notice would have to be provided to each person whose data was compromised in writing or through e-mail.
But there are important exceptions.
First, companies that have developed their own reasonable notification policies are given a safe harbor under the bill and are exempted from its notification requirements.
Second, encrypted data is exempted.
Third, where it is too expensive or impractical (e.g., contact address information is incomplete) to notify every individual who is harmed, the bill allows entities to send out an alternative form of notice called ``substitute notice.'' Substitute notice includes posting notice on a website or notifying major media. Substitute notice would be triggered if any of the following factors exist:
(i) the agency or person demonstrates that the cost of providing direct notice would exceed $250,000;
(ii) the affected class of subject persons to be notified exceeds 500,000; or
(iii) the agency or person does not have sufficient contact information to notify people whose information is at risk.
The bill has a tough, but fair enforcement regime. Entities that fail to comply with the bill will be subject to fines by the Federal Trade Commission of $5,000 per violation or up to $25,000 per day while the violation persists. State Attorneys General can also file suit to enforce the statute.
Additionally, the bill would allow California's law to remain in effect, but preempt conflicting state laws. It is my understanding that legislators in a number of states are developing bills modeled after the California law. Reportedly, some of these bills have requirements that are inconsistent with the California legislation. It is not fair to put companies in a situation that forces them to comply with database notification laws of 50 different states.
A year after California's landmark legislation went into effect, the law has raised overall awareness of the need to have strong privacy protections in place. Chris Jay Hoofnagle, associate director of the nonprofit Electronic Privacy Information Center, said: ``the California law has given the public a window into a very serious problem of information security.'' (Source: Associated Press, ``Authorities Probe U.C. Hacking Attack,'' October 21, 2004)
As Beth Givens, director of the Privacy Rights Clearinghouse, points out ``if [California] didn't have this law, the vast majority of these situations would go unreported.'' (Source: The Orange County Register, ``Ingram Micro Discloses Database Break-In,'' May 15, 2004)
I strongly believe individuals have a right to be notified when their most sensitive information is compromised--because it is truly their information. Ask the ordinary person on the street if he or she would like to know if a criminal had illegally gained access to their personal information from a database--the answer will be a resounding yes.
Enabling consumers to be notified in a timely manner of security breaches involving their personal data will help combat the growing scourge of identity theft. If individuals are informed of the theft of their Social Security numbers or other sensitive information, they can take immediate preventative action.
They can place a fraud alert on their credit report to prevent crooks from obtaining credit cards in their name;
They can monitor their credit reports to see if unauthorized activity has occurred;
They can cancel any affected financial or consumer or utility accounts; and
They can change their phone numbers if necessary.
I look forward to working with my colleagues to pass this vitally needed legislation. This bill will give ordinary Americans more control and confidence about the safety of their personal information. Americans will have the security of knowing that should a breach occur, they will be notified and be able to take protective action. Thank you, Mr. President.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the legislation be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I am pleased to re-introduce the ``Privacy Act of 2005.''
This legislation would establish, for the first time, a comprehensive national system of privacy protection. This is the second Congress in a row that I have introduced this legislation. Every year that we wait, millions more Americans become victims of identity theft. It is time for us to act.
As you know, Mr. President, I have ardently fought for years for legislation to hamper identity theft. Today, this legislation is one of three bills that I am introducing to continue that fight. I am also introducing the Social Security Number Misuse Prevention Act of 2005, and the Notification of Risk to Personal Data Act of 2005. I urge my colleagues to pass all of them, to protect Americans from those who would steal our very identities.
At the heart of this bill is the requirement that companies may not sell consumers' most intimate personal information unless consumers affirmatively give their authorization. This is known as ``opt-in.'' Therefore, companies must obtain consumers' written consent prior to selling their personal health information, financial information, Social Security numbers, and drivers' license data (opt-in). For this sensitive data, the bill gives the individual ultimate control over whether
or not his or her information is shared. If an individual does not actively decide to permit sharing of personal data, the data is not disclosed.
The bill recognizes that different sorts of information deserve different levels of protection. For information that is still personal, but not as intimate, the bill allows businesses more flexibility. Therefore, for other personal information--names, physical addresses, e-mail addresses, telephones, photographs, birth dates, places of birth, and birth certificate numbers--companies can sell the information so long as consumers receive notice of the companies' intent, and an opportunity to object and prohibit the sale of their information. This is known as ``opt-out.''
That is structure of the overall bill. Let me take a moment to go over some of the specifics.
For financial data, the Privacy Act would tighten the information- sharing provisions of the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act. This legislation would modify that statute, to prohibit the sale or disclosure of sensitive personal financial information to third parties unless the consumer affirmatively consents or opts in. The legislation would also require that banks let consumers opt out of the sharing of their personal financial information with the bank's affiliates or joint partners. The bill makes exceptions for vital public safety concerns. The Privacy Act of 2005 also prohibits banks from denying a customer a financial product or financial service if the consumer withholds consent.
For sensitive medical information, this legislation would expand on the Department of Health and Human Services privacy regulations, by extending the restrictions placed on ``covered entities'' (health insurers, health providers, and health care clearinghouses) to ``non- covered entities'' (business associates, health researchers, schools or universities, and life insurers). All of those entities will be able to share information only with the patients' consent.
For Social Security numbers, this bill will prohibit the sale or display of an individual's Social Security number to the general public without the individual's express consent, and prohibit federal, state, and local governments from displaying the numbers on the Internet, or from printing them on checks and drivers' licenses. This legislation also recognizes legitimate uses of Social Security numbers, by allowing the sale of Social Security numbers between businesses, or between the government and businesses, among other exceptions.
This legislation protects the privacy of information regardless of the medium through which it is collected. Therefore, it recognizes that both paper and electronic records are important to protecting the identities of Americans.
To minimize the regulatory burden of these privacy rules, the bill sets up a safe harbor so that industries that established approved policies will be exempt from some regulatory requirements of the legislation.
To ensure uniformity of the laws across all 50 states, the bill preempts inconsistent state laws regarding the treatment of non- sensitive information.
I note that this legislation is modeled on the California Financial Information Privacy Act, which gives consumers the right to require their consent before financial companies share their most intimate data. The plan is a good one for Californians, and it is a good one for all Americans. The fact that the California law is under assault in the courts makes it all the more vital that the uniform, national standard I introduce today becomes law.
I want to give a sense of why this legislation is so necessary. Recent statistics on the growth of identity theft show we have no time to waste in protecting personal privacy.
For years, identity theft has topped the list of complaints reported to the Federal Trade Commission. In 2003, the Commission received over half a million such complaints, about 42 percent of the total. While the FTC will not report its numbers for 2004 until early February, I unfortunately expect to again see identity theft as the cause of the most complaints.
According to a 2003 report from the FTC, 10 million Americans discovered that year their identities had been stolen. The report also stated that consumers have to spend an average of 30 hours to clear their name; The Identity Theft Resource Center puts the number at 175 hours. And as Attorney General John Ashcroft said last August, ``Identity theft costs the nation's businesses nearly $50 billion a year in fraudulent transactions and often involves coordinated criminal conduct.''
My own State, California, has more victims of identity theft than any other state. The FTC recorded 39,452 complaints of identity theft cases in 2003 in California alone.
But the numbers tell only part of the story. More important are the individual people whose lives have been devastated by identity theft. Let me tell just one story that I find particularly disturbing:
Eric Drew was a patient in a hospital receiving a bone marrow transplant. Yet unbeknownst to him, a worker in the hospital had stolen Drew's identity, and had taken advantage of this sick patient. As the Associated Press reported, ``Drew said that while he was lying in a hospital bed, dying from cancer and weak from massive doses of chemotherapy, he began to get mail thanking him for opening accounts he knew nothing about.'' In this case, luckily, the criminal was caught and convicted.
Since I introduced this legislation for the first time in the 108th Congress, there are millions more stories like this one.
Indeed, there are also new common methods of identity theft. There has been a massive upswing in the phenomenon known as ``Phishing,'' in which criminals send emails to people, spoofed to fraudulently look like emails from banks and other financial institutions. These emails tell consumers to click on a Web page, and then to enter their name, account numbers, passwords, and other sensitive financial information. The criminals then use this information not only to steal from the unwitting consumers, but to literally lock them out of their own accounts. This one sort of identity theft has, according to a December study from e-mail security company MessageLabs, increased by almost tenfold over the last year.
Given the grave risks that technology poses to our privacy, it is our responsibility to start taking action. This is especially the case for older Americans, who are disproportionately vulnerable to identity theft, as I tried to highlight last year by cosponsoring the ``Protecting Older Americans From Fraud Month'' resolution last October.
I would like to highlight some of the key provisions of the law.
For financial information this legislation tightens the privacy provisions of the Financial Services Modernization Act, commonly known as the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act. Under Gramm-Leach-Bliley, a bank can share a customer's personal information with other companies so long as it gives consumers notice and the right to opt-out of the data sharing.
The problem with the prevailing opt-out is that most people throw away their privacy notices from banks along with the rest of the unrelenting pile of commercial solicitations they receive. Since the passage of Gramm-Leach-Bliley, banks have sent out over one billion privacy notices.
According to available published information, fewer than 5 percent of bank customers have opted out of sharing their personal information, and for many financial institutions, the response rate has been less than one percent.
Accordingly, this legislation prohibits the sale or disclosure of sensitive personal financial information to third parties unless the consumer affirmatively consents or opts in--the burden thus shifts off of the consumer.
This legislation also toughens Federal financial privacy laws for affiliate-sharing and joint-marketing. An affiliate is a company that is linked by common ownership with another company. Under Federal law, a bank can share with affiliates or joint marketing partners regardless of whether the consumer wants this information shared.
This legislation would require that banks give consumers the option of opting out of the sharing of their personal financial information with the bank's affiliates or joint partners.
I would also like to describe several other key components of the financial privacy section.
The bill prohibits banks from denying a customer a financial product or financial service just because the customer chooses to not disclose his personal information to third parties, affiliates, or joint venture partners. However, the bill does allow banks to offer incentives to customers to encourage them to permit the sharing of their personal information.
Additionally, the bill permits banks to disclose, but not sell, personal information to third parties for vital public interest purposes such as identifying or locating missing and abducted children, witnesses, criminals and fugitives, parents delinquent in child support payments, organ and bone marrow donors, pension fund beneficiaries, and missing heirs.
Just as with financial data, personal health and medical data deserves the most stringent privacy protections.
The recently adopted Department of Health and Human Services privacy regulations set a basic opt-in framework for disclosure of health information. But more can be done to protect patient privacy.
The regulations only prohibit ``covered entities''--namely health insurers, health providers, and health care clearinghouse--from selling a patient's health information without that patient's prior consent.
Meanwhile, non-covered entities--such as business associates, health researchers, schools or universities, and life insurers--are not subject to this opt-in requirement, except through contractual arrangements.
This legislation would preserve the privacy of health information wherever the information is sold. Any business associate, life insurer, school or non-covered entity trying to sell or market protected health information would, like covered entities, have to get the patient's prior consent. This is a crucial step to protect what is truly our most intimate information.
Drivers' license data also are given the strongest level of protection under this bill.
The Driver's Privacy Protection Act, DPPA was amended in 2000 to offer some meaningful protections for drivers' privacy.
For example, under the DPPA, a State Department of Motor Vehicles must obtain the prior consent (opt-in) of the driver before ``highly sensitive information''--defined as a physical copy of the license, a Social Security number, medical or disability information, and other information can be disclosed to a third party.
However, loopholes remain. Other sensitive information found on a driver's license deserves equal protection.
This legislation would expand the definition of ``highly sensitive information'' to include a physical copy of a driver's license, the driver identification number, birth date, information on the driver's physical characteristics and any biometric identifiers, such as a fingerprint, that are found on the driver's license.
Thus, this bill would ensure consumers have control over how their motor vehicle records and driver's license data are used.
I would like to take a moment to highlight the Social Security number section of this legislation. I have also introduced this section as a stand-alone bill, the ``Social Security Number Misuse Prevention Act of 2005.''
It is crucial to protect Social Security numbers because Social Security numbers are the key to a person's identity. Many identity theft cases start with the theft of a Social Security number. Once a thief has access to a victim's Social Security number, it is only a short step to acquiring credit cards, driver's licenses, or other crucial identification documents.
This legislation bars the sale or display of Social Security numbers to the public except in a very narrow set of circumstances. In general display or sale is permitted only if the Social Security number holder affirmatively consents or if there are compelling public safety needs. Government entities will have to redact Social Security numbers from electronic records that are readily available to the public on the Internet. State governments will no longer be permitted to use the Social Security number as the default driver's license number.
The legislation, however, recognizes that some industries rely on Social Security numbers to exchange information for certain transactions.
Thus, the bill directs the Attorney General to develop regulations allowing for the sale or purchase of Social Security Numbers to facilitate business-to-business and business-to-government transactions, so long as businesses put appropriate safeguards in place and do not permit public access to the number.
This legislation codifies steps Congress can take to protect citizens from identity thieves and other predators of personal information.
It restores to an individual more control over her most sensitive personal information, such as Social Security numbers, health information, and financial information. It also sets reasonable guidelines for businesses that handle our personal information every day. Every American has a fundamental right to privacy, no matter how fast our technology grows or changes.
Last year, President Bush signed into law the Identity Theft Penalty Enhancement Act, legislation that I helped to write, to increase punishment on people who steal others' identities. I am proud of my work to make that bill into a law. But we all must realize that punishment is no substitute for prevention. My legislation today will make fewer suffer from identity theft in the first place.
I look forward to working with my colleagues to enact this legislation.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the legislation be printed in the Record.
Mr. President. I rise today with Senator Voinovich to introduce legislation to expand the federal loan forgiveness program to include Head Start teachers.
Nationwide, only 30 percent of Head Start teachers have completed a baccalaureate or advanced degree program.
In California, that number is even smaller: about eighteen percent of Head Start teachers have completed a bachelor's degree.
To prepare Head Start children for elementary school, we must recruit highly qualified teachers who have demonstrated knowledge and teaching skills in reading, writing, early childhood development, and other areas of the preschool curriculum with a particular focus on cognitive learning.
Recruiting and maintaining teachers with such qualifications is the only way to jump-start cognitive development and ensure that our children start elementary school ready to learn.
A survey conducted by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services called the Head Start Family and Child Experiences Survey (FACES) found a strong relationship between the education of Head Start teachers and classroom quality. Teachers with higher education levels were found to be more sensitive and responsive to their children, to have more high quality language activities, and more creative activities in their classrooms.
Teachers with higher levels of education also had classes with higher quality language activities such as reading books for the children and provided more opportunities for children to develop skills in expressing thoughts.
Head Start is the primary federal program that has the potential to reach out to low-income children early in their formative years when their cognitive skills are just developing.
We know that poor children disproportionately start school behind their peers--they are less likely to count to 10 or to recite the alphabet.
Many of our nation's youngsters enter elementary school without the basic skills necessary to succeed. Often these children lag behind their peers throughout their academic career.
As taxpayers, we will spend millions on efforts to help these children catch up. Many of these children will never catch up. A recent national study by The High/Scope Perry Preschool confirms the importance of providing preschool children with the opportunity early on to gain the basic skills necessary for school.
The study found that preschoolers were more likely to graduate from high school and be employed at age 40, earn more money a year, and were more likely to own a home and have a savings account.
We can save millions by providing low-income children with access to quality preschool where they will gain the necessary skills to succeed in school and life.
In order to give every child a head start in life, we must continue to recruit highly qualified teachers to the Head Start field and prevent the best teachers from leaving.
Many Head Start programs across the country, including in California, are losing qualified teachers to local school districts in part because the pay is better.
Nationally, the average Head Start teacher earns a salary of $21,287 compared to $43,152 for an elementary school teacher.
Head Start teachers are making half of what elementary school teachers are paid on average.
Low pay, combined with increasing student debt, is a real deterrent to getting college graduates to become Head Start teachers.
And every teacher that Head Start loses impacts the quality and access to services for our nation's low-income children.
One way to recruit and retain highly qualified Head Start teachers is to offer incentives to pursue a career in this field.
Current law allows elementary and secondary school teachers to receive up to $5,000 in loan forgiveness in exchange for five years of service.
We believe Head Start teachers should be given this same opportunity.
The legislation we are introducing today is meant to encourage recent graduates, current Head Start teachers without a degree, and college students to enter and remain in the Head Start field.
In exchange for 5 years of service, a Head Start teacher could receive up to $5,000 of their federal loans forgiven.
We must continue to improve the Head Start program so that children will have the necessary cognitive skills when they leave the program, such as being able to count to ten, begin to recite the alphabet, and recognize sizes and colors.
This is just the first step. To further ensure cognitive learning, we must also continue to raise the standards and pay for Head Start teachers.
Providing our nation's low-income children with access to highly educated and qualified teachers so that they enter school ready to learn is critical to their future success and should be a priority of this Congress.
I urge my colleagues to support this legislation. I ask unanimous consent that the text of the legislation be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I offer today private relief legislation to provide lawful permanent residence status to Maria Cristina Degrassi, a 37-year-old severely disabled Italian national currently living with her family in San Mateo, California.
I have decided to offer private relief legislation on Ms. Degrassi's behalf because I believe that her removal from the United States would be tragically unfair not only to her, but to her sister and brother-in- law, Daniela Degrassi and Luca Prasso, who reside legally in the United States and who are Ms. Degrassi's closest family and only willing caregivers.
Ms. Degrassi has legally resided in the United States since 1997 on a non-immigrant tourist visa. However, she is not like an ordinary tourist. She cannot enjoy California's beautiful coastline or stunning mountain ranges. She cannot tour Hollywood movie studios or Napa Valley wineries. Ms. Degrassi was born premature in 1965 and, consequently, is severely mentally handicapped and autistic. Because of these disabilities, Ms. Degrassi has the mental capacity of a two-year old, cannot speak and understands only a few sentences in Italian.
In addition to these challenges, Ms. Degrassi was diagnosed with diabetes in 2001 and now requires daily insulin shots and a carefully monitored diet.
For Ms. Degrassi, the sum of these health problems means that she must have 24-hour-a-day, 7-day-a-week personal care and attention. Luckily, however, there are two people in Ms. Degrassi's life who are more than happy not only to care for her daily needs, but to love and nurture her.
Ms. Degrassi's sister, Daniela, and her brother-in-law, Luca, are legal permanent residents of the United States. Mr. Prasso is a highly skilled and valued employee of PDI-DreamWorks, the world renowned movie production company. Serving as a Character Technical Supervisor and earning nearly $200,000 per year, Mr. Prasso has worked on such critically acclaimed films as ``Shrek'' and ``ANTZ.'' In the course of that work, Mr. Prasso has developed and patented new technologies and become a leader in his field. In a letter in support of this private legislation, DreamWorks referred to Mr. Prasso's skills as ``rar[e]'' and ``irreplaceable.''
Daniela Degrassi has also excelled in the United States, starting a successful freelance photography career and business.
Together, Mr. Prasso and Daniela Degrassi have provided Ms. Degrassi with the love, care and attention that she so desperately needs. When Ms. Degrassi's father and aunt died in 1997, the couple knew that they were the only family left who was willing to care for her. The choice for them was clear. Mr. Prasso wrote in a letter he sent me, ``My wife and I then faced a big decision. We refuse[d] completely to put her in an institution. We [could not] accept the idea of not being able to properly take care of her. No other relative was alive or came forward to offer help. We were the only and closest persons to Cristina. We decided to take care of her like a daughter.''
For the past seven years, Mr. Prasso and Daniela Degrassi have done just that, organizing their lives around caring for and attending to Ms. Degrassi.
They cook for her and clothe and bathe her on a daily basis. Because of the close monitoring Ms. Degrassi's diabetic condition requires, when the couple wants to go out to dinner or see a movie, they must do so separately so that one of them is always with Ms. Degrassi in case of an emergency.
Despite the hardships that caring for Ms. Degrassi have imposed upon Mr. Prasso and Daniela Degrassi, the experience has deeply enriched their lives. In Mr. Prasso's letter, he wrote, ``despite my long work hours and my wife['s] new successful business as a photographer, we are able and fully committed to continue to take care [of Cristina] 24 hours a day . . . The reward of a kiss, hug or smile from Cristina is an amazing thing and makes all the pain disappear.''
Unfortunately, if this private relief bill is not approved, this wonderful family will face a tragic set of choices. Since 1997, Ms. Degrassi has applied for and always received six-month extensions of her non-immigrant tourist visa. The Degrassi's lawyer has informed the couple that approval of the current extension is unlikely and has recommended they withdraw their petition. This would leave Ms. Degrassi with nothing. There are no other avenues available for her to remain in the United States lawfully. In short, if this private relief legislation is not approved, Ms. Degrassi will be forced to return to Italy.
However, Mr. Prasso and Daniela Degrassi's love for their sister will never allow her to return to Italy alone. Faced with Ms. Degrassi's removal, the couple will leave their lives in California and move back with her in order to continue to provide the care and attention on which Ms. Degrassi depends.
The consequences of such a move will be tragic for this family. It will mean the end of Mr. Prasso's highly accomplished career with DreamWorks, as well as, the end of the photography career Daniela Degrassi has worked so hard to build. In addition, both Mr. Prasso and Daniela Degrassi are eligible to become United States citizens this year.
I can think of no compelling reasons why the United States should not enable this family to continue as they have in California. Because of the substantial salary that Mr. Prasso and Daniela Degrassi earn and because of the monthly pension Ms. Degrassi receives, due to her disability, from the Italian government, there is almost no chance that Ms. Degrassi will become a burden on the state or federal government.
In Mr. Prasso's letter to me, he made this simple request, ``We are looking forward to find[ing] a permanent solution to this dilemma that does not involve dismembering this family or giving up on a wonderful job. A solution that will allow us to live a normal life like a normal family.''
We can make this solution a reality for Ms. Degrassi and this wonderful family. For that reason, I offer this private relief legislation and ask my colleagues to support it.
Given these extraordinary and unique facts, I ask my colleagues to support this private relief bill on behalf of Ms. Degrassi.
I also ask unanimous consent that the text of the legislation be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I introduce today the ``Unaccompanied Alien Child Protection Act of 2005'', legislation to reform the way the federal government treats unaccompanied alien children who are apprehended by federal immigration officials at our borders or within the United States.
I first introduced legislation similar to this bill during the 107th Congress and still strongly believe that its passage is necessary to ensure the proper treatment of unaccompanied alien children within our federal system. With each passing year, as members realize the necessity for this legislation, the bill has moved further along in the process.
I am pleased to be joined by Senators Collins, Schumer, Hagel, Durbin, DeWine, Cantwell, Inouye and Feingold as original co-sponsors of this legislation.
During the 108th Congress, the ``Unaccompanied Alien Child Protection Act'' passed the Senate by unanimous consent, after garnering no less than 34 co-sponsors. Unfortunately, the bill stalled in the House of Representatives.
So today I re-introduce this legislation, and again, this will be one of my top legislative priorities because I believe we have a special obligation to ensure that every child that comes into contact with federal officials is afforded fair and humane treatment.
In 2004, approximately 6,200 unaccompanied alien children were apprehended by Department of Homeland Security officials and transferred to the care of the Office of Refugee Resettlement within the Department of Health and Human Services. This number has grown over the years and shows no signs of abating.
Thousands of foreign-born children under the age of 18 enter the United States each year unaccompanied by parents or other legal guardians. These children are among the most vulnerable of the immigrant population and these numbers are going to continue to grow given the greater emphasis on enforcement actions by immigration officials--which I support--and the relatively unchanged conditions bringing them here.
These children are from all over the world, although the majority encountered by immigration officials today are from Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador. Some are asylum seekers fleeing human rights abuses and armed conflict in their homelands. Others are fleeing abuses specific to children, such as forced recruitment of child soldiers, forced prostitution and servitude, sexual slavery and exploitation, child labor, abuse of street children, child brides and female genital mutilation. Yet other children come to the United States because they have been abused, abandoned or neglected by their parents or caregivers. And finally, some come seeking to reunify with family members already in the United States or seeking a better life.
Historically, U.S. immigration law and policies have been developed and implemented without regard to their effect on children. This result has been similar to trying to fit a square peg in a round hole--it just doesn't work.
Under current immigration law, these children are forced to struggle through a system designed for adults, even though they lack the capacity to understand nuanced legal principles or courtroom and administrative procedures. Because of this, children who may very well be eligible for relief are often vulnerable to being deported back to the very life-threatening situations from which they fled--before they are even able to make their cases before the Department of Homeland Security or an immigration judge.
Prior to March 1, 2003, the Immigration and Naturalization Service had responsibility for the care, custody and treatment of unaccompanied alien children. Unfortunately, the Immigration and Naturalization Service fell short in
fulfilling these responsibilities. The legislation that I am introducing today builds on Section 462 of Public Law 107-296, the Homeland Security Act of 2002, which provided for the transfer of responsibility for the care and placement of unaccompanied alien children from the now-abolished Immigration and Naturalization Service to the Office of Refugee Resettlement within the Department of Health and Human Services.
Section 462 was based on S. 121, comprehensive legislation relating to unaccompanied alien children that I introduced during the 107th Congress.
With the enactment of the Homeland Security Act of 2002, we set into motion the centralization of responsibility for the care and custody of unaccompanied alien children with the Office of Refugee Resettlement. The first phase of this transfer of responsibility occurred on March 1, 2003. Once the transition was completed, we finally resolved the conflict of interest inherent in the former system which pitted the enforcement side of the Immigration and Naturalization Service against the benefits side of that same agency in the care of unaccompanied alien children.
I am pleased that the provision transferring responsibility for the care and custody of unaccompanied alien children was contained in the Homeland Security Act and that by all accounts the transition in the care of children between the affected agencies has gone well.
But, the transfer of authority to the Office of Refugee Resettlement--by itself--is not enough to ensure that these children are treated fairly and humanely. Congress now has a responsibility to go beyond the simple transfer to actually laying out the process and steps to ensure that unaccompanied alien children are treated fairly and humanely. We must provide the Office of Refugee Resettlement, the Department of Homeland Security and the Department of Justice with the tools they will need to succeed in their missions regarding the care of unaccompanied alien children after the transfer of jurisdiction took place.
First of all, I want to stress that this bill is not about benefits, as it provides no new immigration benefit to unaccompanied alien children. Rather, this bill is about the process of how we treat these children.
The ``Unaccompanied Alien Child Protection Act'' provides guidance and instruction to the Office of Refugee Resettlement, the Department of Homeland Security and the Department of Justice in the following areas:
First, in the custody, release, family reunification and detention of unaccompanied alien children;
Second, it provides access by unaccompanied alien children to guardians ad litem and pro bono counsel;
Third, it streamlines the Special Immigrant Juvenile (SIJ) program and provides guidance on the training of federal government officials and private parties who come into contact with unaccompanied alien children;
Fourth, it requires the issuance of guidelines specific to children's asylum claims;
Fifth, it authorizes appropriations for the care of unaccompanied alien children; and
Sixth, it amends the Homeland Security Act of 2002 to provide additional responsibilities and powers to the Office of Refugee Resettlement with respect to unaccompanied alien children.
Central throughout the ``Unaccompanied Alien Child Protection Act'' are two concepts:
The United States government has a fundamental responsibility to protect unaccompanied children in its custody; and in all proceedings and actions, the government should have as a priority protecting the interests of these children.
I first became involved in this issue in 2000 when I heard about a young 15-year old Chinese girl who stood before a U.S. immigration court facing deportation proceedings with her hands chained to her waist, like a criminal. She had found her way to the United States as a stowaway in a container ship captured off of Guam, hoping to escape the repression she had experienced in her home country.
She had been placed on a boat bound for the United States by her very own parents, fleeing China's rigid family planning laws. Under these laws, she was denied citizenship, education and medical care. She came to this country alone and desperate.
And what did our immigration authorities do when they found her? The Immigration and Naturalization Service detained her in a juvenile jail in Portland, Oregon for eight months before her asylum hearing, and more than seven weeks after she was granted asylum.
At her asylum hearing, the young girl stood before a judge, unrepresented by counsel, confused and unable to understand the proceedings against her. She could not wipe away the tears from her face because her hands were chained to her waist. According to a lawyer who later came to represent her, ``her only crime was that her parents had put her on a boat so she could get a better life over here.''
While the young girl eventually received asylum in our country, she unnecessarily faced an ordeal no child should bear under our immigration system. This young Chinese girl represents only one of the more than 6,000 foreign-born children who, without parents or legal guardians to protect them, are discovered in the United States each year in need of protection.
This is unacceptable treatment and we have a responsibility to do better than this.
Imagine the fear of an unaccompanied alien child, in the United States alone, without a parent or guardian. Imagine that child being thrust into a system he or she does not understand, provided no access to pro bono counsel or guardians ad litem, placed in jail with adults or housed with juveniles with serious criminal convictions. I find it hard to believe that our country would allow children to be treated in such a manner.
That is why I am introducing this legislation today. The ``Unaccompanied Alien Child Protection Act'' will help our country fulfill the special obligation to these children to treat them fairly and humanely.
I am proud to have the support of the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, the Women's Commission on Refugee Women and Children, the Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service, Amnesty International USA and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, and many other organizations with whom I have worked closely to develop this legislation.
I urge my colleagues to join with me by cosponsoring this important measure and ensuring that these reforms are finally enacted.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the legislation be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I offer today private immigration relief legislation to provide lawful permanent residence status to Esidronio Arreola-Saucedo, Maria Elena Cobian Arreola, Nayely Bibiana Arreola and Cindy Jael Arreola, Mexican nationals living in the Fresno area of California.
Mr. and Mrs. Arreola have lived in the United States for almost 20 years. Two of their five children, Nayely, age 18, and Cindy, age 16, also stand to benefit from this legislation. Their other three children, Roberto, age 13, Daniel, age 9, and Saray, age 8, are United States citizens. Today, Mr. and Mrs. Arreola and their two eldest children face deportation.
The story of the Arreola family is compelling and I believe they merit Congress's special consideration for such an extraordinary form of relief as a private bill.
The Arreolas are in this uncertain situation in part because of grievous errors committed by their previous counsel, who has since been disbarred. In fact, the attorney's conduct was so egregious that it compelled an immigration judge to write the Executive Office of Immigration Review seeking his disbarment for the detriment he caused his immigration clients.
Mr. Arreola has lived in the United States since 1986. He was an agricultural migrant worker in the fields of California for several years, and as such would have been eligible for permanent residence through the Seasonal Agricultural Workers, SAW, program had he known about it.
Mrs. Arreola was living in the United States at the time she became pregnant with her daughter Cindy, but returned to Mexico to give birth so as to avoid any problems with the Immigration and Naturalization Service.
Given the length of time that the Arreolas had, and have been, in the United States it is quite likely that they would have qualified for relief from deportation pursuant to the cancellation of removal provisions of the Immigration and Nationality Act, but for the conduct of their previous attorney.
Perhaps one of the most compelling reasons for permitting the family to remain in the United States is the devastating impact their deportation would have on their children--three of whom are U.S. citizens, as I stated earlier, and the other two who have lived in the United States since they were toddlers. For these children, this country is the only country they really know.
Nayely, the oldest, is a freshman at Fresno Pacific University. She was the first in her family to graduate from high school and the first to attend college. She attends Fresno Pacific University, a regionally ranked university, on a full tuition scholarship package and works part-time in the admissions office.
At her young age, Nayely has demonstrated a strong commitment to the ideals of citizenship in her adopted country. She has worked hard to achieve her full potential both in her academic endeavors and through the service she provides her community. As the Associate Dean of Enrollment Services, Cary Templeton, at Fresno Pacific University states in a letter of support, ``[t]he leaders of Fresno Pacific University saw in Nayely, a young person who will become exemplary of all that is good in the American dream.''
In high school, Nayely was a member of Advancement Via Individual Determination, AVID, a college preparatory program in which students commit to determining their own futures through achieving a college degree. Nayely was also president of the Key Club, a community service organization. She helped mentor freshmen and participates in several other student organizations in her school. Perhaps the greatest hardship to this family, if forced to return to Mexico, will be her lost opportunity to realize her dreams and further contribute to her community and to this country.
It is clear to me that Nayely feels a strong sense of responsibility for her community and country. By all indications, this is the case as well for all of the members of her family.
The Arreolas also have other family who are lawful permanent residents of this country or United States citizens. Mrs. Arreola has three brothers who are U.S. citizens and Mr. Arreola has a sister who is a U.S. citizen. It is also my understanding that they have no immediate family in Mexico.
According to immigration authorities, this family has never had any problems with law enforcement. I am told that they have filed their taxes for every year from 1990 to the present. They have always worked hard to support themselves. As I previously mentioned, Mr. Arreola was previously employed as a farm worker, but now has his own business repairing electronics. His business has been successful enough to enable him to purchase a home for his family.
It seems so clear to me that this family has embraced the American dream and their continued presence in our country would do so much to enhance the values we hold dear. Enactment of the legislation I have introduced today will enable the Arreolas to continue to make significant contributions to their community as well as the United States.
I ask my colleagues to support this private bill. I also ask unanimous consent that the text of the legislation be printed in the Record and that the three letters of community support be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I am pleased to introduce legislation cosponsored by Senator Boxer to adjust the boundary of Redwood National Park in the State of California to include the addition of the Mill Creek property. This continues the effort initiated in the last Congress with the leadership of Congressman Mike Thompson, to solidify and expand the co-operative management relationship between the United States Government and the State of California, working together to protect forever the ancient majesty of the redwood forest.
In 2002, the California Department of Parks and Recreation acquired from the Save-the-Redwoods League 25,000 acres of forest land known as the Mill Creek property in Del Norte County, which is contiguous with the Redwood National and State parks boundary. This bill would include within the park boundary the Mill Creek acquisition and about 900 acres of land acquired and added to the State redwood parks since the 1978 expansion of the Redwood National Park boundary. There would be no Federal costs for land acquisition or development resulting from this legislation.
Approval of the expansion of the boundary of Redwood National Park to include the headwaters of Mill Creek will complete the vision of the Redwood Park embraced by Senator Kuchel in S.1370 that he introduced in 1967, a vision dating back to the McLaughlin-Cook report issued by the National Park Service in 1937. Protection of the headwaters of Mill Creek will secure the long term viability of the ancient redwoods already within Redwood National and State Park. It would permanently safeguard the coho salmon who return to spawn in the clear, cold waters of this forest.
These lands will be managed by the same cooperative management agreement between the National Park Service and the California Department of Parks and Recreation. This partnership is viewed as a model of interagency cooperative management efforts and will provide for more efficient and costeffective management of an ecologically significant resource.
This bill enjoys strong support from local and Federal officials, including Del Norte County and the Department of the Interior. Given this support and lack of controversy, I believe this legislation to be of great importance to ensure that our Redwood National Park is further protected.
I have long held a deep interest in protecting California's magnificent Redwoods. The coast redwood, the sequoia sempervirens, is native only to the West Coast where it stands in a narrow band from the tip of the Big Sur Coast to the Chetco River, just north of the California-Oregon border. The redwood stands taller than any other tree in the world and traces its lineage to among the oldest of living things. The cathedrals formed by these ancient trees inspire the best in us as a people. The redwood forests of California are a national and worldwide treasure that is ours to protect and preserve.
In 1966, the Headwaters Agreement was negotiated in part in my offices to protect approximately 7,500 acres of old growth redwoods, which was the largest grove of redwoods held in private ownership at the time. It is my great pleasure today to introduce this legislation to extend our national commitment to collaboration in preservation of the redwoods and the watersheds they anchor.
I applaud Congressman Mike Thompson's commitment to this issue and urge my colleagues to support this legislation.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
I rise today to introduce a bill that combines needed help for small Yosemite schools, and an addition to the beautiful Golden Gate National Recreation Area. Each of these bills individually has passed both the House and Senate in previous Congresses.
The first title of this legislation provides critical funds to three small schools nestled in the heart of Yosemite National Park and authorizes the Yosemite Regional Transportation System to shuttle visitors in and out of the park.
Approximately 130 children of park service employees are taught in the three elementary small schools located in Yosemite National Park-- Wawona, El Portal, and Yosemite Valley elementary schools.
These schools represent a dying breed of education models; they are small schools that teach children who live in remote communities and are taught by one or a group of teachers. At El Portal, three teachers instruct 53 students in seven grades. Wawona has 17 students in 7 grades who are taught by one teacher/principal.
And Yosemite Valley serves 60 students in 8 grades who are taught by two teachers.
The remote location of these schools, their small sizes and California's unique method for funding education, have all contributed to the schools amassing a combined deficit of $290,000. In their efforts to continue to provide basic educational services to students, the schools have had to cut supplemental instruction that would normally be available to students taught outside of the park.
Some have suggested that these schools consolidate into one to pool their limited resources. While this may seem to solve the problem, you must understand that many of these students already travel many miles on treacherous mountainous roads to attend their current schools. If the three schools were to consolidate, this problem would be exacerbated, requiring many students to make a 2 hour commute to their new schools.
I do not believe this is a viable option and that is why I support this legislation.
Last year, Senator Bingaman, Congressman Radanovich and I worked out a compromise on this legislation that would help the schools while protecting the National Park Service's budget. The compromise includes the following terms:
For fiscal year 2006 through 2009, the Secretary of the Interior may provide up to $400,000 in funds to the Bass Lake Union Elementary School District and the Mariposa Unified School District for educational services to students who are dependents of persons engaged in the administration, operation, and maintenance of the Park or students who live at or near the Park; the Secretary can only provide the funds if the State of California and local agencies maintain 2005 per-student funding levels to the schools, and the Secretary also must make sure that the assistance to the schools does not reduce the remaining funding available to Yosemite National Park below fiscal year 2005 levels.
Furthermore, this legislation allows the Park Service to allot federal funds for the continuing operation of a bus service that shuttles visitors through Yosemite National Park--the Yosemite Area Regional Transportation System.
The federally funded demonstration project that allowed YARTS to offer services on a temporary basis expired in May 2002 and since then, YARTS has leveraged local funds to ensure that services were not discontinued.
Both the Park Service and YARTS are supportive of continuing their mutually beneficial agreement. This legislation would do just that by taking the burden off local entities and providing the necessary assistance that this service needs.
I am also pleased to introduce today a second title in this legislation to allow the National Park Service to extend the boundaries of the Golden Gate National Recreation Area, GGNRA, by acquiring critical natural landscapes and scenic vistas.
This bill meets several distinct needs in California and national needs of all National Park System visitors by adding 4,600 acres of pristine natural land to the boundary of the Golden Gate Recreation Area. It will protect four major watersheds, preserve the home of numerous threatened, rare and endangered plant and animal species in the region, allow potential access to valuable future trail links to contiguous State and county parks, and establish a dramatic and logical southern entrance to the park.
A key component of this legislation is its three-way, local-state- federal partnership. Half of the total purchase price of these lands has already been donated by local and State sources. Additionally, this legislation specifically provides that all land transactions involve a willing seller and willing buyer.
Furthermore, this bill has the strong support of local community groups, the former Golden Gate National Recreation Area Advisory Commission, the San Mateo County Board of Supervisors, the National Park Service, and the California State Farm Bureau. It also has the endorsement of the San Francisco Chronicle and the San Jose Mercury News. I know of no opposition to this bill.
Expanding the boundary of the Golden Gate National Recreation Area to include Rancho Corral de Tierra through such a beneficial partnership is an opportunity not to be missed. A vast land within a major metropolitan area that offers extraordinary scenic views of the Pacific coastline and the greater Bay Area, a place with plants found nowhere else on earth find refuge, a home for rare and endangered animals, is available now for protection and enjoyment. We have the chance to enjoy this special land and to leave a lasting legacy for our children and our grandchildren.
California's national parks are truly invaluable and the park that this bill supports offers an opportunity for visitors and residents to enjoy unique national habitats and offers a unique chance for the National Park Service and the community to work together, not only to protect the environment, but also the interests of the nearby communities and national and international visitors.
This bill enjoys strong support from local and State officials and I hope that it will have as much strong bipartisan support this Congress, as it did last Congress. Congressman Tom Lantos plans to introduce companion legislation for this bill in the House and I applaud his leadership on this issue.
I urge my colleagues to support this bill. I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I introduce the United States Military Cancer Institute Research Collaborative Act. This legislation would formally establish the United States Military Cancer Institute (USMCI),…
Mr. President, today I introduce the United States Military Cancer Institute Research Collaborative Act. This legislation would formally establish the United States Military Cancer Institute (USMCI), and support the collaborative augmentation of research efforts in cancer epidemiology, prevention and control. Although the USMCI already exists as an informal collaborative effort, this bill will formally establish the institution with a mission of providing for the maintenance of health in the military by enhancing cancer research and treatment, and studying the epidemiological causes of cancer among various ethnic groups. By formally establishing the USMCI, it will be in a better position to unite military research efforts with other cancer research centers.
Cancer prevention, early detection, and treatment are significant issues for the military population, thus the USMCI was organized to coordinate the existing military cancer assets. The USMCI has a comprehensive database of its beneficiary population of 9 million people. The military's nationwide tumor registry, the Automated Central Tumor Registry, has acquired more than 180,000 cases in the last 14 years, and a serum repository of 30 million specimens from military personnel collected sequentially since 1987. This population is predominantly Caucasian, African-American, and Hispanic.
The Director of the USMCI, Dr. John Potter, is a Professor of Surgery at the Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences (USUHS). A highly talented cancer epidemiologist, Dr. Kangmin Zhu, has also been recruited to lead the USMCI Prevention and Control Programs.
The USMCI currently resides in the Washington, D.C., area, and its components are located at the National Naval Medical Center, the Malcolm Grow Medical Center, the Armed Forces Institute of Pathology, and the Armed Forces Radiobiology Research Institute. There are more than 70 research workers, both active duty and Department of Defense civilian scientists, working in the USMCI.
The USMCI intends to expand its research activities to military medical centers across the Nation. Special emphasis will be placed on the study of genetic and environmental factors in carcinogenesis among the entire population, including Asian, Caucasian, African-American and Hispanic subpopulations.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I introduce the Tsunami Preparedness Act with my friend and distinguished colleague, Senator Ted Stevens, in our new capacities as Co-Chair and Chair of the Commerce Committee. Our bill today provides a scientific and technological response to minimize the threats posed by tsunami to our own shores, and the coastal communities of the world, as exemplified by the appalling scope of the Indian Ocean tragedy. The bill builds on our work to establish a system in the Pacific that is a model for the world, and also provides for its expansion and improvement to repair gaps that have been identified recently.
Protecting human life and property from natural disaster requires the ability to reliably detect and forecast, the capacity to broadcast warnings in a timely and informative manner, and the knowledge in communities of how to respond and evacuate to safety. Above all, however, it requires the willingness to invest resources to prepare for a threat that is largely unseen and unpredictable until the last moment, when a monstrous wave actually strikes.
The people of Alaska and Hawaii have long memories of the threat of tsunami. Perhaps it is because Hawaii sits in a position of terrible vulnerability in the Pacific Ocean, which is the site of 85 percent of the world's tsunami activity, and because Alaska, perched on the northern edge of the Pacific's Ring of Fire, suffers frequent tsunami- generating earthquakes.
In order to protect local communities, Hawaii established in 1949 a tsunami warning center, following a tragic Hilo tsunami. In response to the Good Friday earthquake and tsunami of 1964, which accounted for 90 percent of the deaths in the state that year, Alaska followed suit by establishing an observatory in Palmer, Alaska, in 1967. Collaborations between the two centers and other partners led to a nascent capacity for predicting and warning coastal communities about potential tsunami in Alaska and Hawaii and beyond.
As we came to understand the broader threat that tsunami posed, Ted Stevens and I worked together to pass legislation in 1994 to direct the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) to develop a Tsunami Hazard Mitigation Program.
We are pleased to report that the program has laid the foundation for tsunami preparedness. Through its Pacific Marine Environmental Laboratory (PMEL), NOAA has developed Deep ocean Assessment and Reporting of Tsunami--or ``DART''--buoys, which accurately measure the subtle variations in the ocean's sea level caused by tsunami traveling over open water. With these measurements, as well as readings from coastal gauges, the mathematical models PMEL and others have developed can forecast tsunami direction, speed, and inundation with astonishing accuracy. Although the worldwide network of seismic sensors operated by the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) provides excellent notice of earthquakes with the potential to generate tsunami, the DART buoys represent a next-generation approach to detection and forecasting of tsunami that will form the backbone of our domestic preparedness.
Interpreting these data and issuing warnings are Hawaii's Pacific Tsunami Warning Center, and Alaska's West Coast/Alaska Tsunami Warning Center, which jointly have the capacity to cover our domestic shores, and, at the same time, to reach out to all cooperating nations of the world.
Forecasting and warning networks, however, depend on ears who know how to respond, and so the Tsunami Hazard Mitigation Program has partnered with states and local authorities to produce inundation mapping, develop evacuation routes, and conduct tsunami education. As a result of much hard work, fifteen counties up and down the west coast, and in Alaska and Hawaii have become national and world leaders by becoming ``tsunami ready.''
The appalling scope of the Indian Ocean tragedy illustrates the importance and necessity of our work of the past ten years, and with stark clarity, we can see that despite our best efforts, much remains to be done. Now, as before, Senator Stevens and I have come together to lead the charge toward national and international tsunami preparedness.
Our legislation today formally authorizes NOAA to establish, operate, and maintain a dependable national tsunami warning system that would provide maximum tsunami detection capability for the nation. The system would build on the model established in the Pacific, and provide for its repair, expansion and modernization by the close of calendar year 2007. The system would include four components: an expanded and upgraded detection and warning system, a federal-state tsunami hazard mitigation program, a tsunami research program, and a modernization and upgrade program. In addition, the bill would direct NOAA to provide any necessary technical or other assistance to international efforts to establish regional systems in other parts of the world, including the Indian Ocean.
The detection and warning system established by the bill would cover the Pacific Ocean region, as well as the Atlantic-Caribbean-Gulf of Mexico region, and incorporate a variety of seismic and tsunami detection technologies, including deep ocean buoys, as well as encompass tsunami warning centers charged with collecting and analyzing the data and distributing warnings--including the existing Pacific Tsunami Warning Center in Hawaii and the West Coast/Alaska Tsunami Warning Center in Alaska, as well as any others deemed necessary by the NOAA Administrator.
The bill also formally authorizes NOAA's Tsunami Hazard Mitigation Program and its community-based tsunami hazard mitigation program to improve tsunami preparedness of at-risk areas. The bill directs a Federal-State coordinating committee for the program, consisting (FEMA), the United States Geological Survey (USGS), the National Science Foundation (NSF), and affected coastal states and territories, to work together to improve inundation mapping, community outreach and education, and promote and integrate tsunami warning and mitigation measures, including rescue and recovery guidelines. The program would provide grants to states to ensure the program elements are implemented in coastal communities.
The bill also requires NOAA to establish, along with other agencies and academic institutions, a tsunami research program to continuously improve detection, prediction, communication, and mitigation science and technology to support tsunami forecasts and warnings. This program would also focus on the potential for improved communications systems for tsunami and other hazard warnings, including telephones, wireless and satellite technology, the Internet, television and radio, and any innovative combination of these technologies.
A critical component of the bill requires NOAA to upgrade and modernize the U.S. tsunami detection system by December 2007, as well as provide accountability for the long-term operation of the system. NOAA is required to repair and upgrade the system, ensuring deployment of existing deep ocean detection buoys and related detection equipment, as well as notify Congress upon any equipment or system failures that will impair regional detection, and of significant contractor failures or delays. In addition, the bill calls for the National Academy of Sciences to review the system for further modernization recommendations.
The bill recognizes the need for global coordination on tsunami preparedness, requiring NOAA, and the interagency coordinating committee of the U.S. Tsunami Hazard Mitigation Program, to provide technical assistance and advice to international entities as part of an international effort to develop a fully functional global tsunami warning system.
Finally, the bill authorizes $35 million annually for six years to support these activities. Through this legislation, the work Senator Stevens and I started over ten years ago will step up to the next level, and provide our nation with coverage and protection that it needs, while fulfilling our duties as citizens of the global community.
I ask unanimous consent that the full text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am reintroducing a bill which is of great importance to a group of patriotic Americans. This legislation is designed to extend space-available travel privileges on military aircraft to those who have been totally disabled in the service of our country.
Currently, retired members of the Armed Services are permitted to travel on a space-available basis on non-scheduled military flights within the continental United States, and on scheduled overseas flights operated by the Military Airlift Command. My bill would provide the same benefits for veterans with 100 percent service-connected disabilities.
We owe these heroic men and women who have given so much to our country a debt of gratitude. Of course, we can never repay them for the sacrifices they have made on behalf of our Nation, but we can surely try to make their lives more pleasant and fulfilling. One way in which we can help is to extend military travel privileges to these distinguished American veterans. I have received numerous letters from all over the country attesting to the importance attached to this issue by veterans. Therefore, I ask that my colleagues show their concern and join me in saying ``thank you'' by supporting this legislation.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of my bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am reintroducing legislation to enable those former prisoners of war who have been separated honorably from their respective services and who have been rated as having a 30 percent service-connected disability to have the use of both the military commissary and post exchange privileges. While I realize it is impossible to adequately compensate one who has endured long periods of incarceration at the hands of our Nation's enemies, I do feel this gesture is both meaningful and important to those concerned because it serves as a reminder that our Nation has not forgotten their sacrifices.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of my bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am introducing legislation to amend Title XVIII of the Social Security Act to correct discrepancies in the reimbursement of clinical social workers covered through Medicare, Part B. The three proposed changes contained in this legislation clarify the current payment process for clinical social workers and establish a reimbursement methodology for the profession that is similar to other health care professionals reimbursed through the Medicare program.
First, this legislation sets payment for clinical social worker services according to a fee schedule established by the Secretary. Second, it explicitly states that services and supplies furnished by a clinical social worker are a covered Medicare expense, just as these services are covered for other mental health professionals in Medicare. Third, the bill allows clinical social workers to be reimbursed for services provided to a client who is hospitalized.
Clinical social workers are valued members of our health care provider network. They are legally regulated in every state of the nation and are recognized as independent providers of mental health care throughout the health care system. It is time to correct the disparate reimbursement treatment of this profession under Medicare.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am introducing a private relief bill on behalf of Jim K. Yoshida, to obtain recognition of his service with the U.S. military in Korea so that he may obtain veteran's status.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of my bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I introduce the Nursing School Clinics Act. This measure builds on our concerted efforts to provide access to quality health care for Americans by offering grants and incentives for nursing schools to establish primary care clinics in underserved areas where additional medical services are most needed. In addition, this measure provides the opportunity for nursing schools to enhance the scope of student training and education by providing firsthand clinical experience in primary care facilities.
Primary care clinics administered by nursing schools are university or nonprofit primary care centers developed mainly in collaboration with university schools of nursing and the communities they serve. These centers are staffed by faculty and staff who are nurse practitioners and public health nurses. Students supplement patient care while receiving preceptorships provided by college of nursing faculty and primary care physicians, often associated with academic institutions, who serve as collaborators with nurse practitioners. To date, the comprehensive models of care provided by nursing clinics have yielded excellent results, including significantly fewer emergency room visits, fewer hospital inpatient days, and less use of specialists, as compared to conventional primary health care.
This bill reinforces the principle of combining health care delivery in underserved areas with the education of advanced practice nurses. To accomplish these objectives, Title XIX of the Social Security Act would be amended to designate that the services provided in these nursing school clinics are reimbursable under Medicaid. The combination of grants and the provision of Medicaid reimbursement furnishes the financial incentives for clinic operators to establish the clinics.
In order to meet the increasing challenges of bringing cost-effective and quality health care to all Americans, we must consider a wide range of proposals, both large and small. Most importantly, we must approach the issue of health care with creativity and determination, ensuring that all reasonable avenues are pursued. Nurses have always been an integral part of health care delivery. The Nursing School Clinics Act recognizes the central role nurses can perform as care givers to the medically underserved.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the Rural Preventive Health Care Training Act, a bill that responds to the dire need of our rural communities for quality health care and disease prevention programs. Almost one fourth of Americans live in rural areas and frequently lack access to adequate physical and mental health care. As many as 21 million of the 34 million people living in underserved rural areas are without access to a primary care provider. Even in areas where providers do exist, there are numerous limits to access, such as geography, distance, lack of transportation, and lack of knowledge about available resources. Due to the diversity of rural populations, language and cultural obstacles are often a factor in the access to medical care.
Compound these problems with limited financial resources, and the result is that many Americans living in rural communities go without vital health care, especially preventive care. Children fail to receive immunizations and routine checkups. Preventable illnesses and injuries occur needlessly, and lead to expensive hospitalizations. Early symptoms of emotional problems and substance abuse go undetected, and often develop into full-blown disorders.
An Institute of Medicine IOM report entitled, ``Reducing Risks for Mental Disorders: Frontiers for Preventive Intervention Research,'' highlights the benefits of preventive care for all health problems. The training of health care providers in prevention is crucial in order to meet the demand for care in underserved areas. Currently, rural health care providers lack preventive care training opportunities.
Interdisciplinary preventive training of rural health care providers must be encouraged. Through such training, rural health care providers can build a strong educational foundation from the behavioral, biological, and psychological sciences. Interdisciplinary team prevention training will also facilitate operations at sites with both health and mental health clinics by facilitating routine consultation between groups. Emphasizing the mental health disciplines and their services as part of the health care team will contribute to the overall health of rural communities.
The Rural Preventive Health Care Training Act would implement the
risk-reduction model described in the IOM study. This model is based on the identification of risk factors and targets specific interventions for those risk factors. The human suffering caused by poor health is immeasurable, and places a huge financial burden on communities, families, and individuals. By implementing preventive measures to reduce this suffering, the potential psychological and financial savings are enormous.
Mr. President. I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I introduce the Native Hawaiian Medicaid Coverage Act. This legislation would authorize a Federal Medicaid Assistance Percent (FMAP) of 100 percent for the payment of health care costs of Native Hawaiians who receive health care from Federally Qualified Health Centers or the Native Hawaiian Health Care System.
This bill was originally a provision within the Medicare Prescription Drug Bill, which the Senate passed by an overwhelming majority of 76 to 21, but was dropped from the final Medicare Prescription Drug Conference Report.
This bill is modeled on the Native Alaskan Health Care Act, which provides for a Federal Medicaid Assistance Percent (FMAP) of 100 percent for payment of health care costs for Native Alaskans by the Indian Health Service, an Indian tribe, or a tribal organization.
Community health centers serve as the ``safety net'' for uninsured and medically underserved Native Hawaiians and other United States citizens, providing comprehensive primary and preventive health services to the entire community. Outpatient services offered to the entire family include comprehensive primary care, preventive health maintenance, and education outreach in the local community. Community health centers, with their multidisciplinary approach, offer cost effective integration of health promotion and wellness with chronic disease management and primary care focused on serving vulnerable populations.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am reintroducing a private relief mill on behalf of Donald C. Pence of Stanford, North Carolina, for compensation for the failure of the Department of Veterans Affairs to pay dependency and indemnity compensation to Kathryn E. Box, the now- deceased mother of Donald C. Pence. It is rare that a federal agency admits a mistake. In this case, the Department of Veterans Affairs has admitted that a mistake was made and explored ways to permit payment under the law, including equitable relief, but has found no provision authorizing the Department to release the remaining benefits that were unpaid to Mrs. Box at the time of her death. My bill would correct this injustice, and I urge my colleagues to support this measure.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of my bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I introduce legislation to authorize the autonomous functioning of clinical psychologists and clinical social workers within the Medicare comprehensive outpatient rehabilitation facility program.
In my judgment, it is unfortunate that Medicare requires clinical supervision of the services provided by certain health professionals and does not allow them to function to the full extent of their State practice licenses. Those who need the services of outpatient rehabilitation facilities should have access to a wide range of social and behavioral science expertise. Clinical psychologists and clinical social workers are recognized as independent providers of mental health care services under the Federal Employee Health Benefits Program, the TRICARE Military Health Program of the Uniformed Services, the Medicare (Part B) Program, and numerous private insurance plans. This legislation will ensure that these qualified professionals achieve the same recognition under the Medicare comprehensive outpatient rehabilitation facility program.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I introduce the Registered Nurse Safe Staffing Act. I am introducing this bill on behalf of the American Nurses Association's Chief Executive Officer and President Linda Stierle, MSN, RN, CNAA and Barbara A. Blakeney, MS, APRN, BC, ANP, respectively. For over four decades I have been a committed supporter of nurses and the delivery of safe patient care. While enforceable regulations will help to ensure patient safety, the complexity and variability of today's hospitals require that staffing patterns be determined at the hospital and unit level, with the professional input of registered nurses. More than a decade of research demonstrates that nurse staff levels and the skill mix of nursing staff directly affect the clinical outcomes of hospitalized patients. Studies show that when there are more registered nurses, there are lower mortality rates, shorter lengths of stay, reduced costs, and fewer complications.
A study published in the Journal of the American Medical Association found that the risks of patient mortality rose by 7 percent for every additional patient added to the average nurse's workload. In the midst of a nursing shortage and increasing financial pressures, hospitals often find it difficult to maintain adequate staffing. While nursing research indicates that adequate registered nurse staffing is vital to the health and safety of patients, there is no standardized public reporting mechanism, nor enforcement of adequate staffing plans. The only regulations addressing nursing staff exists vaguely in Medicare Conditions of Participation which states: ``The nursing service must have an adequate number of licensed registered nurses, licensed practice (vocational) nurse, and other personnel to provide nursing care to all patients as needed''.
This bill will require Medicare Participating Hospitals to develop and maintain reliable and valid systems to determine sufficient registered nurse staffing. Given the demands that the healthcare industry faces today, it is our responsibility to ensure that patients have access to adequate nursing care. However, we must ensure that the decisions by which care is provided are made by the clinical experts, the registered nurses caring for these patients. Support of this bill supports our nation's nurses during a critical shortage, but more importantly, works to ensure the safety of their patients.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, all too often we find that our Nation's civilian employees of the Federal Government who have been forcibly detained or interned by a hostile government do not receive the recognition they deserve. My bill would correct this inequity and provide a prisoner of war medal for such citizens.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of my bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I am reintroducing legislation today that would direct the Secretary of the Army to determine whether certain nationals of the Philippine Islands performed military service on behalf of the United States during World War II.
Mr. President, our Filipino veterans fought side by side with Americans and sacrificed their lives on behalf of the United States. This legislation would confirm the validity of their claims and further allow qualified individuals the opportunity to apply for military and veterans benefits that, I believe, they are entitled to. As this population becomes older, it is important for our nation to extend its firm commitment to the Filipino veterans and their families who participated in making us the great nation that we are today.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of my bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, in our effort to accommodate many Americans by making Memorial Day the last Monday in May, we have lost sight of the significance of this day to our nation. My bill would restore Memorial Day to May 30 and authorize our flag to fly at half mast on that day. In addition, this legislation would authorize the President to issue a proclamation designating Memorial Day and Veterans Day as days for prayer and ceremonies. This legislation would help restore the recognition our veterans deserve for the sacrifices they have made on behalf of our Nation.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of my bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I rise to introduce legislation which would amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to allow Cooperative Housing Corporations (co-ops), to convert to condominium forms of ownership.
Under current law, a conversion from cooperative shareholding to condominium ownership is taxable at a corporate level as well as an individual level. The conversion is treated as a corporate liquidation, and therefore taxed accordingly. In addition, a capital gains tax is levied on any increase between the owner's basis in the co-op share pre-conversion and the market value of the condominium interest post- conversion. This double taxation dissuades condominium conversion because the owner is being taxed on the transaction which is nothing more than a change in the form of ownership. While the Internal Revenue Service concedes that there are no discernable advantages to society of the cooperative form of ownership, they do not view federal tax statutes as providing sufficient flexibility with which to address the obstacles of conversion.
Cooperative housing organizes the ownership structure into a corporation, with shares of stock for each apartment unit, which are sold to buyers. The corporation then issues a proprietary lease entitling the owner of the stock to the use of the unit in perpetuity. Because the investment is in the form of a share of stock, investors sometimes lose their entire investment as a result of debt incurred by the corporation in construction and development. In addition, due to the structure of a cooperative housing corporation, a prospective purchaser of shares in the corporation from an existing tenant- stockholders has difficulty obtaining mortgage financing for the purchase. Furthermore, tenant-stockholders of cooperative housing also encounter difficulties in securing bank loans for the full value of their investment.
As a result, owners of cooperative housing are increasingly looking toward conversion to the condominium structure of ownership. Condominium ownership permits the owner of a unit to own the unit itself, eliminating the cooperative housing dilemma of corporate debt that supercedes the investment of cooperative housing share owners, and other financial concerns.
The legislation I introduce today will remove the penalty of double taxation from the conversion of cooperative housing to condominium ownership, and will greatly benefit co-op owners across the nation. The bill does not apply to cooperatives which have been or are now being financed by any federal, state, or local programs for the purpose of assisting in the construction of affordable housing cooperatives or the conversion of rental units to affordable housing cooperatives. I urge my colleagues' consideration and support for this measure.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I rise to introduce a bill that would amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to exempt certain sightseeing flights from the air transportation excise tax. A clarifying amendment to the Tax Code is needed due to a problem that exists in the application of the excise tax.
In 1986, the Internal Revenue Service (IRS), issued a Private Letter Ruling in which it exempted one Hawaii-based air tour operator from paying the air passenger transportation excise tax, but has not applied equal treatment to other similarly situated aerial sightseeing tour operators. It is my belief that the IRS should be consistent in its application of this excise tax.
Under current law, a variety of excise taxes on air transportation are imposed to finance the Airport and Airway Trust funds program that is administered by the Federal Aviation Administration. For example, an air passenger transportation excise tax is imposed on users of our nation's airports and airways. The Congress intended that the tax be levied on passengers traveling on scheduled commercial airlines. In addition, for the most part, the tax is imposed on each flight segment.
The Congress did not intend to have the tax applied to air tour operators, who utilize our system of airways differently. Our national transportation system receives little or no benefit from aerial sightseeing operations. Air tour operations are not scheduled commercial airlines. They are for entertainment purposes and are circular, in that they begin and end at the same destination point.
Hawaii is among a small handful of states where our citizens can enjoy aerial tours of sights that are remote or difficult to reach by land. Aerial sightseeing tours are also enjoyed in Alaska, California, Washington, Arizona, and even New York City. The imposition of the air transportation excise tax on aerial sightseeing flights will significantly raise the consumer price on air tours. Doing so will cause many small aerial sightseeing tour operators, especially in my home state, to lose customers. Many of these small companies have struggled to stay in business after incurring significant losses in the months following September 11, 2001, when our government imposed flight restrictions across the nation. Those flight restrictions prevented many flight operations in all segments of the general aviation industry for many months into early 2002.
Accordingly, I urge my colleagues to support my bill, which would amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to exempt certain sightseeing trips from the air transportation excise tax. Under my bill, air tour operations would still be subject to the aviation fuel excise tax.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of my bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President today I am introducing legislation that would provide a federal charter for the National Academies of Practice. This organization represents outstanding health care professionals who have made significant contributions to the practice of applied psychology, medicine, dentistry, nursing, optometry, osteopathic medicine, pharmacy, podiatry, social work, and veterinary medicine. When fully established, each of the ten academies will possess 150 distinguished practitioners selected by their peers. This umbrella organization will be able to provide the Congress of the United States and the executive branch with considerable health policy expertise, especially from the perspective of those individuals who are in the forefront of actually providing health care.
As we continue to grapple with the many complex issues surrounding the delivery of health care services, it is clearly in our best interest to ensure that the Congress has direct and immediate access to the recommendations of an interdisciplinary body of health care practitioners.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I introduce legislation to amend Title 18 of the United States Code to allow our Nation's clinical social workers to use their mental health expertise on behalf of the federal judiciary by conducting psychological and psychiatric exams.
I feel that the time has come to allow our Nation's judicial system to have access to a wide range of behavioral science and mental health expertise. I am confident that the enactment of this legislation would be very much in our Nation's best interest.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I rise to introduce legislation today to modify Title VII of the Public Health Service Act in order to provide students enrolled in graduate psychology programs with the opportunity to participate in various health professions loan programs.
Providing students enrolled in graduate psychology programs with eligibility for financial assistance in the form of loans, loan guarantees, and scholarships will facilitate a much-needed infusion of behavioral science expertise into our community of public health providers. There is a growing recognition of the valuable contribution being made by psychologists toward solving some of our Nation's most distressing problems.
The participation of students from all backgrounds and clinical disciplines is vital to the success of health care training. The Title VII programs play a significant role in providing financial support for the recruitment of minorities, women, and individuals from economically disadvantaged backgrounds. Minority therapists have an advantage in the provision of critical services to minority populations because often they can communicate with clients in their own language and cultural framework. Minority therapists are more likely to work in community settings where ethnic minority and economically disadvantaged individuals are most likely to seek care. It is critical that continued support be provided for the training of individuals who provide health care services to underserved communities.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce legislation to amend the Public Health Service Act for the establishment of a National Center for Social Work Research. Social workers provide a multitude of health care delivery services throughout America to our children, families, the elderly, and persons suffering from various forms of abuse and neglect. The purpose of this center is to support and disseminate information about basic and clinical social work research, and training, with emphasis on service to underserved and rural populations.
While the Federal Government provides funding for various social work research activities through the National Institutes of Health and other Federal agencies, there presently is no coordination or direction of these critical activities and no overall assessment of needs and opportunities for empirical knowledge development. The establishment of a Center for Social Work Research would result in improved behavioral and mental health care outcomes for our Nation's children, families, the elderly, and others.
In order to meet the increasing challenges of bringing cost- effective, research-based, quality health care to all Americans, we must recognize the important contributions of social work researchers to health care delivery and the central role that the Center for Social Work can provide in facilitating their work.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, on behalf of our Nation's clinical social workers, I am introducing legislation to amend the Public Health Service Act. This legislation would (1) establish a new social work training program, (2) ensure that social work students are eligible for support under the Health Careers Opportunity Program, (3) provide social work schools with eligibility for support under the Minority Centers of Excellence programs, (4) permit schools offering degrees in social work to obtain grants for training projects in geriatrics, and (5) ensure that social work is recognized as a profession under the Public Health Maintenance Organization Act.
Despite the impressive range of services social workers provide to people of this Nation, few Federal programs exist to provide opportunities for social work training in health and mental health care.
Social workers have long provided quality mental health services to our citizens and continue to be at the forefront of establishing innovative programs to serve our disadvantaged populations. I believe it is important to ensure that the special expertise social workers possess continues to be available to the citizens of this Nation. This bill, by providing financial assistance to schools of social work and social work students, acknowledges the long history and critical importance of the services provided by social work professionals. I believe it is time to provide them with the recognition they deserve.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I am introducing legislation today to amend Title VII of the Public Health Service Act to establish a psychology post-doctoral program. Psychologists have made a unique contribution in reaching out to the nation's medically underserved populations. Expertise in behavioral science is useful in addressing grave concerns such as violence, addiction, mental illness, adolescent and child behavioral disorders, and family disruption. Establishment of a psychology post-doctoral program could be an effective way to find solutions to these issues.
Similar programs supporting additional, specialized training in traditionally underserved settings have been successful in retaining participants to serve the same populations. For example, mental health professionals who have participated in these specialized federally funded programs have tended not only to meet their repayment obligations, but have continued to work in the public sector or with the underserved.
While a doctorate in psychology provides broad-based knowledge and mastery in a wide variety of clinical skills, specialized post-doctoral fellowship programs help to develop particular diagnostic and treatment skills required to respond effectively to underserved populations. For example, what appears to be poor academic motivation in a child recently relocated from Southeast Asia might actually reflect a cultural value of reserve rather than a disinterest in academic learning. Specialized assessment skills enable the clinician to initiate effective treatment.
Domestic violence poses a significant public health problem and is not just a problem for the criminal justice system. Violence against women results in thousands of hospitalizations a year. Rates of child and spouse abuse in rural areas are particularly high, as are the rates of alcohol abuse and depression in adolescents. A post-doctoral fellowship program in the psychology of the rural populations could be of special benefit in addressing these problems.
Given the demonstrated success and effectiveness of specialized training programs, it is incumbent upon us to encourage participation in post-doctoral fellowships that respond to the needs of the nation's underserved.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I introduce the Clinical Social Workers' Recognition Act to correct a continuing problem in the Federal Employees Compensation Act. This bill will also provide clinical social workers the recognition they deserve as independent providers of quality mental health care services.
Clinical social workers are authorized to independently diagnose and treat mental illnesses through public and private health insurance plans across the nation. However, Title V of the United States Code, does not permit the use of mental health evaluations conducted by clinical social workers for use as evidence in determining workers' compensation claims brought by federal employees. The bill I am introducing corrects this problem.
It is a sad irony that Federal employees may select a clinical social worker through their health plans to provide mental health services, but may not go to this same professional for workers' compensation evaluations. The failure to recognize the validity of evaluations provided by clinical social workers unnecessarily limits federal employees' selection of a provider to conduct the workers' compensation mental health evaluations. Lack of this recognition may well impose an undue burden on federal employees where clinical social workers are the only available providers of mental health care.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, last Thursday Senator Jeffords and I took some time to thank the members of our committee and many on the outside for cooperation in bringing to the Senate the Water Resources…
Mr. President, last Thursday Senator Jeffords and I took some time to thank the members of our committee and many on the outside for cooperation in bringing to the Senate the Water Resources Development Act. This is a very big bill. It is a very significant bill. It involved the cooperation of quite a number of people. I would say every member of our committee has been very cooperative. I talked a little bit about Senator Feingold and the fact he had some objections. He was very good to work with, along with Senator McCain and others.
We finally are at the point now where, after a lot of negotiation, the Senate is considering today S. 728, the Water Resources Development Act of 2006.
As the world's leading maritime and trading nation, the United States relies on an efficient maritime transportation system to maintain its role as a global power. The bill we debate today is the cornerstone of that system.
The Water Resources Development Act, or WRDA, sets out the Federal policy of procedure for the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers to maintain and build our inland and intracoastal waterway system, which carries one-sixth of the Nation's volume of intercity cargo.
In addition, the Corps is responsible for maintaining approximate channel depths in ports along our coasts and the Great Lakes to handle 95 percent of all foreign trade into and out of the country. In fact, more than 67 percent of all consumer goods pass through harbors maintained by the Corps of Engineers. WRDA also authorizes the Corps to work with communities on flood damage reduction and hurricane and storm damage reduction projects designed to protect human life and property.
Inland and intracoastal waterways, which serve States on the Atlantic seaboard, the gulf coast, and the Pacific Northwest, move about 630 million tons of cargo valued at over $70 billion annually. Furthermore, it is estimated that the average transportation cost savings to users of the system is $10.67 per ton, or $7 billion annually over other modes of transportation.
The nearly 12,000 miles of inland and intracoastal waterways include 192 commercially active lock and dam sites. I might add, a lot of people are surprised these are in my State of Oklahoma. Over 50 percent of the locks and dams operated by the Corps are more than 50 years old and consequently are approaching the end of their design life and are in need of modernization or major rehabilitation. This bill authorizes ongoing work to modernize and rehabilitate our inland and intracoastal waterway system.
In the 1800s, the Corps was first called upon to address flood problems along the Mississippi River. Since then, the Corps has continued to provide flood damage reduction along the Mississippi River and in other regions of the country. These efforts range from small local protection to projects such as levees, or nonstructural measures, to major dams. Today, most of the structures are owned by sponsoring cities, towns, and agricultural districts. Although the Corps cannot prevent all damage from floods, the efforts of the Corps do significantly reduce the cost of the flood events.
To illustrate this point, consider that during the 10 years from 1991 to 2000, the decade of the 1990s, the country suffered $45 billion in property damage from floods. If Corps flood damage reduction measures had not been in place, however, that figure would have been more than $208 billion in damage. Clearly, flood control is a wise investment. According to the American Society of Civil Engineers, the flood control structures on average prevent $22 billion in flood damage each year, a savings of $6 per every $1 spent.
Second, similarly, the Corps also participates in and this bill authorizes hurricane and storm damage reduction projects along our Nation's coast as well as projects to combat shoreline erosion. So we are talking now about three aspects: navigation, the hurricanes, and the erosion problem.
And then the third Corps mission is ecosystems restoration. Working with non-Federal sponsors, the Corps implements single-purpose ecosystems, restoration projects, multipurpose projects with ecosystems restoration components, or projects for flood protection or navigation that incorporate environmental features as good engineering. The Corps has restored, created, and protected over 500,000 acres of wetlands and other habitats between 1988 and 2004. In some cases, existing water resources projects are modified to achieve restoration benefits.
This bill includes authorization of several such projects, including quickly approaching the crisis that, if ignored, would dramatically stunt continued economic growth.
We have to understand right now, with what is happening in this country, the increase in economic activity is what has brought us out of this recession. The deficits people in this Senate like to talk about are being addressed by the fact that, for each additional 1 percent of economic activity, it increases revenues about $45 billion. This bill is going to be very helpful in increasing economic activity.
As one of the most fiscally conservative Members of this Senate, I have long argued that the two most important functions of the Federal Government are to provide for national defense and public infrastructure. A lot of my conservative colleagues are going to be talking about projects and maybe earmarks. That is not in this bill we are talking about. They might be surprised to know that I, with a rating of 100 percent by the American Conservative Union, this year and last year, am proposing this bill, which is a big spending bill, but we are not spending. We are authorizing. We have an orderly procedure to reach those projects which would enjoy the most support.
I say to my conservative friends, I am one who is not for wasteful spending. I have maintained the perfect record in terms of my conservative leanings. In fact, it is exactly what being a fiscal conservative is all about.
The primary purpose of government spending is to provide for the national defense and to provide for critical infrastructure. Think how chaotic the system would be if each individual would build and maintain their own infrastructure system. Society simply would not function. Every first-year political science student learns that the function of the body politic is to provide resources that are used by all. Efficiency and economics require the Government not only plan but construct and maintain public infrastructure. So I am not shy about voting for increased authorization on national defense needs or public infrastructure.
At the same time, we have to spend limited tax dollars wisely, with that in mind, on three major restoration projects in Louisiana, Florida, and the Upper Mississippi River Basin. Unfortunately, as other infrastructure bills, WRDA has been decried in the press perhaps as a pork bill. During the debate in the Senate we may hear from some who will agree with that. It is the popular thing to say. As one of the primary authors of the bill, allow me to explain why this charge, if raised, is not accurate.
First, contrary to public belief, this bill is not just project authorization. It contains also significant policy changes designed to ensure an efficient and effective process for addressing our Nation's water resources needs. Later in this debate, Senators will have an opportunity to consider several amendments on further policy reforms.
The bill does have project authorizations. It is an unfortunate fact of life when infrastructure bills are debated we first have to battle back the charge that all we are doing is funding unneeded projects.
Look at the facts. According to the American Society of Civil Engineers 2005 report cards on America's infrastructure, none of the Nation's primary infrastructure such as roads, airports, drinking water facilities, wastewater management systems, gets above a C, and most receive a D. That is without exception. None. And every project authorization is quickly approaching a crisis that, if ignored, will dramatically stunt continued economic growth. We are at the point now where we need to do something.
With that in mind, the committee established a very firm policy of what types of project requests we would consider. Every project authorization included in this bill is based on a report of the Chief of Engineers verifying that the project is technically feasible, economical, economically justified, and environmentally accepted.
I will talk a little bit about the types of engineering reports that are necessary. We did not include environmental infrastructure projects such as water treatment facilities or riverfront development projects because neither of these are a Corps of Engineers mission. Finally, we did not authorize cost-share waivers on existing or new projects. We have always felt the local community has to have an investment and has to have the support of the State, county, or city in order to come forth with the project.
At the present time, Senator Bond and I will be offering two amendments, one on prioritization of projects, and another establishing a procedure of independent peer review. Both of these issues are important reforms to the program. We agree that Congress needs better analysis so we can more easily compare individual projects, thereby ensuring the most needed projects are addressed in a timely manner. Independent peer review fulfills a critical function to ensure that policymakers are using accurate information to make decisions. Therefore, Senator Bond and I will be offering an amendment to clarify which projects should undergo independent peer review.
Finally, some have expressed a concern about the size of the bill. I understand and appreciate these concerns. However, I point out that it has been 6 years since the last WRDA bill was signed into law. Traditionally, WRDA is done every 2 years. Given the 6-year timelag, what the Senate is being asked to consider represents what would be three WRDAs if we had kept to the 2-year schedule. Given that, I believe the cost is reasonable.
The amount of this bill would be eventually about $7 billion in authorization. However, if we were to follow the pattern set in 2000, for a 2-year bill, it was 5.07, so it is considerably less than if we had been doing it every 2 years as we did in the year 2000.
For the benefit of those who may not be familiar with the Army Corps of Engineers program, let me explain. The program does include planning, design, construction, maintenance, and operation of water projects that give improved flood damage reduction, hurricane and storm damage reduction, shore protection, navigation, ecosystems restoration, hydroelectric power, recreation, and other various water resources needed. Virtually all water resources projects are cost shared with a local sponsor. The statutory cost share varies depending on the size of the project. Generally speaking, the local share is about 35 percent; the Federal share is about 65 percent.
Projects generally originate with a request for assistance from a community or local government entity with the water resource need that is beyond its capability to alleviate. A study authority allows the Corps to investigate a problem and determine if there is a Federal interest in proceeding further.
If the Corps has performed a study in the geographic area before this time--in other words, if it has already done it--a new study can be authorized by a resolution of either the Senate Committee on Environment and Public Works, the committee I chair, or the House Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure. If the Corps has not previously investigated the area, the study needs to be authorized by an act of Congress, typically through what we are considering today, a WRDA bill.
Army Corps studies are usually conducted in two stages: the first, called a reconnaissance study, or the recon study, is a general investigation, including an overview of the problem, identification of potential local sponsors--that could be State, tribal, county, or local agencies or governments or nonprofit organizations--and an initial determination of a Federal interest. A recon study is done at full Federal expense and usually costs $100,000 to $200,000 and usually can be completed in about a year.
The second stage is a feasibility study, which is the detailed analysis of alternatives, costs, benefits, and environmental and other impacts. A feasibility study is cost-shared 50-50 with a local sponsor, usually costing upwards of $1 million and takes up to several years to complete.
Congress must provide authorization for the Corps to begin the recon study, but the Corps can move from the recon to feasibility stage without further authorization. Based on the results of the study, the chief of engineers may--this is the significant part--may sign a final recommendation on the project, known as the Chief's Report. Accordingly, the committee has used a favorable Chief's Report as the basis for authorizing projects.
I am going through this process so people will understand this has been thoughtfully considered in each one of these, and the Corps has gone into them and actually come out with a final Chief's Report. I have to say, individuals who sometimes complain about the way the Corps is working might remember in the late 1990s when we had the Everglades Restoration Act. I happen to be the only Member who voted against it. It was 99 to 1, I say to the Presiding Officer. The reason I voted against it is because it did not have a Chief's Report. We have to stay with this system.
Before I yield the floor to my colleagues, I want to point out some other provisions in the managers' substitute amendment that were added to the committee-reported bill. The primary changes were made in response to the devastating hurricanes that hit the gulf coast last year.
We are proposing a new National Levee Safety Program designed after the National Dam Safety Program. The new Levee Safety Program requires that a national inventory be made of all levees and that those levees that protect human life and public safety be inspected. As with the Dam Safety Program, the provision establishes a State grant program to encourage States to establish their own safety program, as
these activities are best handled at the local level.
We also made some changes to language already in the bill to authorize a project for coastal wetlands restoration in Louisiana. These changes are intended to address the two main suggestions for process improvements that the Environment and Public Works Committee heard from a broad range of stakeholders following Hurricane Katrina.
First, we try to do a better job of addressing our water resources needs in a comprehensive, integrated manner, rather than in the traditional stovepipe manner of separate missions areas.
Secondly, the time it takes between identifying a water resources need to completing a solution is significantly longer than it should be. Our substitute amendment addresses the time from identification of need to solution.
So we are going to proceed with this bill. I have a request from a well-respected Senator, but I am going to ask if the Senator could withhold until we have the opening statements done.
Let me say, in closing, I have a special interest in this bill because--a lot of people do not realize it, and I am sure the Chair does because he is aware of these things--my State of Oklahoma is in that way navigable. We have a navigation way that comes all the way to the Port of Catoosa. That is in Tulsa, OK. It was put together by a State authorization in legislation that was passed by my father-in-law, the late Arthur Patrick, in the early 1930s. And you might have heard of the McClellan-Kerr Dam. That is the one that is there. So we have that history, and I have that bias that I bring to this floor with my opening remarks.
With that, let me thank the ranking minority member, Senator Jeffords, who has been so cooperative throughout the development of this legislation.
Mr. President, I thank the minority leader of our committee who has done such a good job.
Let me announce what I would like to do and see if there is any objection. I will not pose this as a UC, but I will mention we have some people who do have to leave. We had announced earlier we would go straight to the Boxer amendment. I am in support of the Boxer amendment, and that is not going to take a long time. However, she has graciously agreed to let the Senator from Michigan go in advance of her for 10 minutes.
The question I would like to ask the Senator from Michigan is, would it be permissible, and not counted against the time of the Senator from California, if Senator Santorum went for 3 minutes prior to you? This is at the conclusion of the remarks of the Senator from Missouri. Would that be all right? It would put you off only 3 minutes.
How much time?
After the conclusion of his remarks---
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senator from Missouri be first recognized for 15 to 18 minutes, immediately followed by Senator Santorum for not to exceed 4 minutes, and then Senator Stabenow for not to exceed 10 minutes. And then we will proceed on to the Boxer amendment.
For whatever time she wants to use.
Mr. President, in my opening statement, I talked about the rather difficult process we go through in this WRDA process and the Corps of Engineers starting off with a reconnaissance or a recon setting and then going to a feasibility study. I would like to say the project, as discussed by the Senator from California, has already gone through all this. It has already been authorized twice. So I join her in wanting to get this done.
I would like to make the comment, though, that at the conclusion of this voice vote, I think we are going to be going to the Specter amendment. It is the intention of the chairman, anyway, to go ahead and have that as a recorded vote this evening.
I support the Boxer amendment.
I move to lay that motion on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
Mr. President, at this time I will not give my full statement in opposition. I will say I would like, at this point, to have printed in the Record a couple of letters, one from the Transportation Institute and the other from the Seafarers International Union of North America, AFL-CIO, both saying essentially the same thing; that is, $165 million has been spent for
hoppers to be able to have modern dredges work in the same areas. The capacity is there to bring the McFarland up to date. It would be, according to the Corps of Engineers, a cost of about $20 million. For all these reasons, they oppose it.
I ask unanimous consent that these two letters be printed in the Record.
I reserve the remainder of my time.
Could I interrupt just for a moment? I would like at this point to yield a few minutes, whatever time is necessary off of our time, to the Senator from Missouri who has another committee hearing and would like to take his time now. Would that be acceptable?
Mr. President, it doesn't need the $20 million to bring it up to standard for it to compete. The Corps of Engineers has stated that its operational costs are almost double that of the private sector dredging that has been taking place. This has been agreed to by the Seafarers International Union of North America. So it is the Corps of Engineers that is making that assertion, and it is agreed to by both the Seafarers International Union and the Transportation Institute.
Mr. President, let me comment.
I was asked the question by the Senator from Pennsylvania as to clarification on this Army Corps of Engineers report. It was the Energy and Water appropriations that made a request of the Corps of Engineers on June 3, 2005. The Corps report states:
From the above discussion, the most reasonable option would
be to retire the McFarland.
It goes on to state:
It is expected that sufficient industry hopper dredging
capability exists to perform the requirements that may occur
on the Delaware River.
Finally, it states:
McFarland would have to be rehabilitated and repowered at
the cost of approximately $20 million.
It says that on page 22 of the report.
I will go ahead.
I ask the Senator from Delaware to take his time and I will elaborate a little bit more on this on my time.
Mr. President, I know no Senator on this floor would misrepresent the facts in a case like this. We have an opportunity with an agreed-to provision of our bill, which I thought we all agreed to, that we are able to save a lot of money and finally put this thing to rest.
Every year we go through this same exercise. Everyone wants to keep this old relic called the McFarland. I cannot figure out for the life of me why they want to do it other than the fact maybe this is some kind of an emotional institution that exists that we want to hold on to. If that is the case, maybe we should let the Historical Society have that and they can see what dredging used to be like in the old days.
The McFarland is the oldest and most expensive hopper dredge owned and operated by the Corps. The Corps did a study in the hopper fleet and concluded that the McFarland should be retired. The WRDA bill does that. The pending amendment would prevent the retirement of the McFarland.
The Corps found the McFarland operates at almost double the daily cost of a private-sector dredge, and there is sufficient private dredge capacity to cover the work of the McFarland.
Proponents of keeping the McFarland in service argue that it is necessary for two main reasons. No. 1, to keep the Delaware River free from navigational hazards and to be ready for emergency dredging. Both are incorrect.
The Corps found they have more than enough capacity to handle dredge for
the Delaware River. Private dredges currently do over 80 percent of the dredging in the McFarland service area and still have idle capacity. The McFarland is the wrong type of dredge for much of the work on the Delaware.
The Corps and private industry have an agreement whereby the Corps can pull any private dredge off of any Corps project to send to an emergency. Since this agreement, the McFarland has not done any emergency work on the Delaware. Not only is the McFarland dramatically more expensive to operate than the private dredges, its age necessitates a rehabilitation that would cost over $20 million to remain in service. Even after updating, it would still be far more expensive to operate than those private dredges.
Since 1978, Corps policy has been to use industry first. This policy has been very successful. We need to retire this inefficient dredge. It will save the taxpayers a lot of dollars and get the Government out of the business of competing with the private sector.
I retain the remainder of my time.
Mr. President, I have listened to these arguments. We keep going back and refuting the arguments. We have it documented. There is no question about that.
As far as the national security ramifications are concerned, I tell my good friend from Pennsylvania I have served for 20 years either on the House or the Senate Committee on Armed Services and I have watched these things very carefully.
The Senator has mentioned San Diego and San Francisco, all these areas for national security purposes.
I suggest to my good friend from Pennsylvania that these do not use the Corps dredges. They use private-sector dredges in these areas, in all of them you mentioned.
Again, going back to the arguments, as I quoted from institutions such as the Transportation Institute and the Seafarers International Union of North America, AFL-CIO, they all say the same thing, which I could repeat as many times as we need to tonight--and I have quite a bit of time left, so I guess I could do it several times--that it would take $20 million or so to refurbish this thing, to get it so it can operate.
The report that was quoted by the Senator from Pennsylvania of the American Bureau of Shipping, that was, as I understand it, only referring to the hull, that the hull has some problems and that the hull is not cracked. So again, I just repeat these arguments, as I have done before.
Mr. President, it is my understanding that his time has expired. Is that correct?
Mr. President, I will just take a couple minutes.
Let me say, if the argument is that it is the industry influencing these reports, I think it is rather strange that the Seafarers International Union of North America, the AFL-CIO, are the ones that agree with this report and strongly recommend that we vote against this amendment to keep us from retiring this--as I referred to several times--this relic.
Now, the Senator has a couple of arguments I had not responded to. One was he states that it went down and performed some type of a function in Katrina. It is my information they took it down to Katrina, but it would not work, so they used it as an office.
As far as the ``flimsy'' report is concerned, I do not think I have actually
read from the report, but this says this is in response to the Energy and Water appropriations bill. They requested the Corps of Engineers to clear this up so once and for all we can get rid of this relic. This was June 3 of 2005. They said, reading from that report:
[I]t is expected that sufficient industry hopper dredge
capability exists to perform the requirements. . . .
It further says:
Even if the scheduled work for the McFarland were
maximized, the reduction in daily rate would still be almost
double the daily rate of a comparable industry hopper dredge.
. . .the McFarland is the oldest dredge in the fleet, and
operates at a daily rate that substantially exceeds
comparable industry medium class hopper dredges. If the
McFarland were to be kept in the Minimum Fleet it would have
to be rehabilitated and repowered at a cost of approximately
$20 million.
So what you are saying is, you want to spend public funds of $20 million more to get something to compete with the private sector, that costs twice as much to operate as the private sector. I think this is absurd. I think we have been trying to do this for a number of years.
Now, we have the labor unions joining other interests in saying that we need to get rid of this thing and start saving money in our dredging. I urge my colleagues to oppose the amendment by the Senator from Pennsylvania.
Mr. President, it's an honor to join our Democratic Leader and so many of our colleagues in introducing the Affordable Health Care Act. This legislation states our strong commitment as Democrats to…
Mr. President, it's an honor to join our Democratic Leader and so many of our colleagues in introducing the Affordable Health Care Act.
This legislation states our strong commitment as Democrats to end the crisis in health care that affects every family. It's a down payment on our commitment to quality, affordable health care for every American, and we
will not rest until that goal is achieved.
The worsening crisis in health care is caused by skyrocketing costs, declining insurance coverage, and less security for every family. Businesses--especially small businesses--find it increasingly difficult to provide decent coverage for their employees. Companies struggling with foreign competition are at an every-larger competitive disadvantage because of their constantly rising costs.
Last year, the percentage of the Nation's gross domestic product devoted to health was 15.5%, the highest in our history. Since 2000, annual spending on health care has risen from $1.3 trillion to $1.7 trillion, an increase of almost half a trillion dollars in just four years.
Even worse, insurance premiums have soared by 59 percent during those four years. The cost of insurance for a family has risen by almost $3,000. Last year, the cost of the premiums for family coverage averaged $10,000, and was much higher for many families.
Drug costs are also out of control. According to current data, they rose 47 percent in the first three years of the Bush Administration. Too many patients are cutting the pills their doctors prescribe in half or going without them altogether, because they can't afford the drugs they need to treat or prevent disease.
Even Medicare premiums are out of control. The largest premium increase in Medicare's history went into effect just three weeks ago. Since President Bush took office, Medicare premiums have climbed by 72 percent. Senior citizens, with an average income of $15,000, now have to pay almost $1,000 a year for their Part B premiums under Medicare. The recent report of the Medicare trustees included the stunning revelation that Medicare cost sharing and premiums will soon eat up more than 40 percent of the total Social Security benefit of the typical 85 year old.
As a proportion of Gross Domestic Product spent on health care, America is first in the world by a large margin. We spend 30 percent more than the Swiss who are number two, a third more than the Germans, fifty percent more than the French and the Canadians, and seventy-eight percent more than the Japanese.
These extraordinarily high levels of health spending might be justified if they produced dramatically better health care for the American people. But they don't. Among the world's leading industrialized countries, the United States ranks 22nd in average life expectancy and 25th in infant mortality.
We also face a worsening crisis of the uninsured. Since President Bush took office, the number of uninsured Americans has increased by a shameful million a year. Today, 45 million Americans have no coverage. Between 2001 and 2004, five million jobs offering health insurance were lost.
Even these figures understate the problem. Over a two-year period, 82 million Americans--one out of every three non-elderly Americans--will be uninsured for a significant period of time.
Tragically, eight and a half million children are uninsured and may well be denied the opportunity for a healthy start in life that should be the birthright of every child. Even people who have health insurance today cannot count on it being there for them tomorrow. No American family is more than one pink slip or one employer decision away from being uninsured.
The uninsured are vulnerable not only to unaffordable costs, but to substandard or health care or no care at all. In any given year, one- third of the uninsured go without needed medical care. Two hundred seventy thousand children suffering from asthma never see a doctor. Three hundred fifty thousand children with recurrent earaches never see a doctor. Three hundred fifty thousand children with severe sore throats never see a doctor.
Twenty-seven thousand uninsured women are diagnosed with breast cancer each year. They are twice as likely as insured women not to receive medical treatment until their cancer has spread too far, and they are 50 percent more likely to die of the disease.
Thirty-two thousand Americans with heart disease go without life- saving and life-enhancing bypass surgery or angioplasty--because they are uninsured.
The bottom line is that whether the disease is AIDS or mental illness or cancer or heart disease or diabetes, the uninsured are left out and left behind. In hospital and out, young or old, black or brown or white, they receive less care, suffer more, and are 25 percent more likely to die prematurely than those who have insurance.
Even for those with insurance, the quality of health care is often needlessly compromised. Recent events cast serious doubt on the FDA's ability to respond promptly when drugs it has approved turn out to have dangerous side effects. By some estimates, tens of thousands of unnecessary deaths have resulted.
The lack of coordination in our system results in duplicative, costly, and often counterproductive tests and procedures. The Midwest Business Group on Health estimates that the cost of poor quality care to employers providing health insurance coverage is $2,000 per worker, and it's paid in the form of higher insurance premiums. A recent study found that for many serious illnesses, patients are as likely to receive substandard care as they are to receive care meeting accepted professional standards.
In the face of this massive crisis in health care, the Administration and Congress have been missing in action for too long. The Bush Administration and the Republican leadership in Congress defend the special interests that profit from the status quo and ignore the suffering of the millions of families victimized by their neglect.
Reports suggest in fact that the Administration's new budget will propose to cut Medicaid, which provides health care for more than 50 million of the poorest of the poor. The deficit must be addressed--but it was created by the Administration's tax breaks for the wealthy, and the poor and the sick should not have to bear the burden of reducing it. That's the wrong priority and the wrong values.
The legislation we are offering today will not solve all these problems, but it is a good start, and we are committed to finishing the job.
The Affordable Health Care Act guarantees that every child in America will have quality health care coverage.
It reduces health costs substantially, by making FDA-approved drugs available at the same fair prices available to Canadians and Europeans, rather than the inflated prices charged to U.S. patients.
It takes a giant step toward adoption of modern information technology in health care, which has the potential to dramatically improve the quality of care and dramatically reduce its cost--by as much as $140 billion a year. It also improves quality by giving the FDA additional authority to monitor the safety of approved drugs.
It addresses the special burden faced by small businesses by offering tax credits to reduce the premiums they pay to cover their employees. It also establishes a demonstration program in 25 cities to see if a successful program in Michigan to expand insurance coverage for small businesses can be replicated elsewhere. Finally, our bill includes a sense of the Senate resolution to put Congress firmly on record against destructive cuts in Medicaid.
Affordable health care is a high priority for every family, and it should be an equally high priority for this Congress. We face a crisis, and it is time to act. Senate Democrats are committed to guaranteeing the basic right to health care for all Americans, and when we say ``all'', we mean ``all''.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, the Bush Administration and the Republican Congress are no friend of America's seniors. In 2003, they enacted legislation to dismantle Medicare, even though Medicare has helped a generation of seniors live their golden years with health and dignity.
Now their target is Social Security. They want to privatize this trusted program for the benefit of Wall Street bankers. They even want to cut benefits for women because--in the Republican view--they live too long. It's time to end these shameful attacks on our senior citizens, restore Medicare and protect Social Security.
I commend the leadership of my colleague from Minnesota, Senator Dayton, and our Democratic Leader, Senator Reid, in introducing this urgently needed legislation today to enable Medicare to keep its promise to the elderly.
Forty years ago, Congress enacted the landmark legislation that established Medicare. We would do well today to remember President Lyndon Johnson's words on signing that historic bill in 1965: ``No longer will older Americans be denied the healing miracle of modern medicine. No longer will illness crush and destroy the savings they have so carefully put away over a lifetime so that they might enjoy dignity in their later years.''
The ruinous Medicare legislation that the Republican Congress enacted in 2003 breaks that solemn promise.
Before Medicare was created, millions of seniors could obtain health care coverage only at the whim of the insurance industry. If they were too sick or too poor to be profitable to an insurance company, they would be denied health care coverage. Their savings--and their children's savings--were in jeopardy when illness struck. Before Medicare, senior citizens were among the poorest Americans, with almost three in ten living in poverty. Bankruptcies from overwhelming medical bills were common.
Medicare changed all that, and 40 years later, President Bush and the Republican Congress are wrong to try to turn back the clock.
Some of my colleagues attempt to portray Medicare as a failure. But the facts show that it is one of the most successful endeavors the Nation has ever undertaken. In 1963, before Medicare was enacted, almost half of America's seniors were uninsured. Today that number is one in a hundred.
Before Medicare was enacted, Americans turning 65 could expect to live another 14 years. Today, they can expect almost 18 more years.
Seniors understand that Medicare works. They don't want to return to the days when they had to gamble their health, their savings and their lives on risky private insurance.
The 2003 Republican bill was sold to the American people as a way to help seniors with the high cost of prescription drugs, so you might think it does something about the high cost of drugs. But it doesn't.
It not only fails to help Medicare lower the cost of drugs--it actually makes it illegal for Medicare to try. Republicans were so worried about protecting drug company profits that they made it illegal for Medicare to do what
the Veterans Administration does for veterans--negotiate discounts on drug prices. The Bush Administration and the GOP Congress wouldn't dare to prohibit the VA from doing that for the veterans, and they shouldn't do it for senior citizens either.
The discounts on drug prices for veterans are substantial. On average, the price paid by the VA is 45 percent of the retail price, but often, the savings are even more dramatic. The retail price for Mevacor is $4 a pill, but the VA pays only 23 cents. The undiscounted price of Zantac is $1.83, but the VA pays two cents.
Senator Dayton's legislation abolishes the unconscionable provision that bars Medicare from negotiating discounts on drug prices for America's seniors. That's not price control--it's common sense.
Republicans also claim that their new drug benefit is ``voluntary.'' Not exactly. If seniors don't sign up the first year, they have to pay more and more to join in subsequent years. When they need the coverage, they may not be able to afford it.
Senator Dayton's legislation reverses this flagrant system of fines and makes the Medicare drug program truly voluntary. When Congress enacts it, seniors will be able to sign up for the drug program without facing ruinous fines.
Good prescription drug coverage for senior citizens is a priority for Democrats. For the Administration and the Republicans in Congress, however, tax cuts for billionaires are more important than health care for senior citizens.
In addition, the 2003 Medicare law leaves too many elderly citizens with unaffordable costs. Seniors with moderate incomes and high drug expenses still face high drug costs. The benefits under the GOP law-- with its $250 deductible, 25 percent cost-sharing, an out-of-pocket limit of $3,600 on costs, but continued co-payment obligations even after the limit is reached--are far less generous than those enjoyed by most younger Americans, even though the elderly's need for prescription drugs is much greater.
Senior citizens with an income of $15,000 and drug expenses of $4,000 would have to pay more than $2,900, including premiums, out of their own pocket. That's too heavy a burden.
If they fall into the so-called doughnut hole, their situation is much worse. Under the 2003 law, the government makes no contribution to any drug costs between $2,250 in expenditures and $5,100 in expenditures. Patients who need $5,200 worth of prescriptions could be forced to pay $2,850 in drug expenses without any help at all from Medicare. That's too much for an elderly person to pay and still meet other essential medical needs, pay the rent or mortgage, and buy food and other necessities of life.
Senator Dayton's proposal begins to fill in that doughnut hole by not allowing the cap on total out of pocket expenditures to rise year after year, as it does under the GOP act. Under Senator Dayton's proposal, seniors will have the certainty of knowing where that limit is from one year to the next. As drug expenses rise, more seniors will gain the benefit of the assistance from Medicare at these high spending levels, and ultimately, the doughnut hole will close.
The Republican Medicare law is a raw deal for seniors, but it's a bonanza for the drug industry and the insurance industry.
It gives massive subsidies to HMOs. Most Americans probably think it's the job of insurance companies to guarantee the health of their beneficiaries, but according to the Republican view that's wrong. They make America's seniors guarantee the health and wealth of HMOs.
The government already pays private insurance plans 104 percent of what it costs Medicare to provide seniors with the same health care. Republicans claim to be in favor of competition, but the playing field is tilted toward HMOs, and their 2003 Act tilted it further. You might think HMOs need that overpayment because they serve sicker or needier beneficiaries. Not true. Enrollees in private plans are actually healthier than those in Medicare, resulting in a further bonus of 8.7 percent to the private plans.
Senator Dayton's legislation requires realistic risk adjustment for private plans that provide services to seniors under Medicare. It removes the artificial calculations that inflate payments to HMOs and other private insurance carriers.
Another problem with the 2003 Act is that if the subsidies don't provide enough profits, the Republican bill provides cash handouts for the insurance industry. If an HMO doesn't think it can make enough money in some area of the country, the Bush Administration can simply ladle out the cash--up to $12 billion a year--until the bribe is high enough to get the company to participate.
Senator Dayton's legislation reverses this outrageous giveaway and ensures that the dollars devoted to this slush fund are used instead to provide better health care for seniors.
The Republican law stacks the deck against seniors in other ways. It allows a region to be served by only one prescription drug plan, along with a PPO. That gives the drug plan a monopoly in that region for seniors who want to remain in Medicare. If the only available drug plan is tailored to the healthiest and youngest seniors, it might be acceptable for a senior whose prescription needs are limited. But it gives no help to seniors who take medications for multiple chronic conditions every day. Seniors have no real recourse if they can't afford the monopoly drug plan. The only way they can get prescription drug coverage is to enroll in the PPO.
Senator Dayton's legislation provides an effective guarantee that seniors who wish to remain in traditional Medicare will have a genuine choice of prescription-only plans. If a choice between at least two private drug-only plans is not available in any region, the Federal Government will provide a plan. This proposal ensures that any senior who wishes to remain in Medicare will have access to high-quality affordable prescription drug coverage.
The Republican Medicare law also dealt a harsh blow to the employer plans that millions of retirees depend on. The Congressional Budget Office estimates that almost three million retirees will lose their current drug coverage, because employers will drop the coverage when retirees become eligible for the new federal benefit, which is not as comprehensive.
Democrats fought to include provisions in that flawed legislation to help employers maintain the good coverage that so many Americans depend on to meet their needs in retirement. Sadly, some employers could abuse these subsidies by failing to use them to assist their employees--and the Bush Administration is letting them get away with it. Toothless enforcement and weak regulation allow some unscrupulous employers to pocket the subsidy and weaken the coverage.
Senator Dayton's legislation will put an end to this scandalous practice by requiring employers to account for the funds they receive in subsidies. No longer will employers be able to hide that they are accepting subsidies to maintain retiree health coverage and still cut back the coverage. The Dayton bill also requires new research on ways to help employers maintain retiree coverage.
One of the most troubling aspects of the 2003 Act is that it victimizes six million senior citizens and disabled people on Medicaid--the poorest of the poor. Their out-of-pocket payments for drugs will be raised, even though they do not even have coverage for the drugs they need the most.
Today, under Federal law, people with drug coverage under Medicaid may be charged only nominal amounts for the drugs they need. The vast majority of states charge nothing.
For every other Medicare benefit, Medicaid wraps around Medicare coverage and picks up the out-of-pocket costs that Medicare does not pay. Not under this legislation. States are prohibited from wrapping around the Medicare benefits with their Medicaid program. Instead, a uniform Federal co-payment is imposed. It is indexed, so that it increases every year. If low income seniors need a drug that is not in the insurance company formulary, they have to go through a burdensome appeals process. Most will simply go without the drug they need.
The people we are talking about are truly the poorest of the poor. In most cases, their incomes are well below poverty. And the impact of even small
co-payments is devastating. Study after study finds that when the poor have to pay more for drugs, they end up hospitalized, in nursing homes, or dead.
Senator Dayton's legislation reverses this cruel provision and allows States to delay implementing the requirement that the new Medicare provisions must immediately supplant State Medicaid programs for the poorest of the poor.
Congress should be helping seniors with the burden of high drug costs, not allowing a right wing agenda to destroy the guarantee of affordable health care that America's seniors deserve and expect.
That's why Senator Dayton and Senator Reid have introduced this needed legislation, and I urge my colleagues to support it.
Mr. President, I'm honored to join my friend and colleague, Senator Kerry, in introducing this legislation to guarantee affordable health insurance for every child. We made a good start toward this goal in the 1990s, by enacting the Children's Health Insurance Program to cover more low-income children. Now it is time to finish the job.
Twelve million Americans who are twenty-one years old or younger have no health insurance today. Seven million are already eligible for Medicaid or CHIP, but five million are not eligible for these current programs.
Every uninsured child represents a national failure. Every uninsured child is at risk for losing the healthy start in life that should be birthright of every American. Every uninsured child is a potential source of heartbreak for parents and other loved ones. Every uninsured child is an American tragedy waiting to happen.
This year, three hundred eighty thousand children suffering from asthma will never see a doctor. Five hundred thousand children with recurrent earaches will never see a doctor. Five hundred thousand children with severe sore throats will never see a doctor.
Uninsured children pay for their lack of coverage in human suffering, unnecessary disability, and even death, and our society pays too. Sick children cannot learn. Every child whose education is limited or whose future potential is lost because of avoidable illness is a loss to America, because America's children are America's future.
The legislation we are introducing today will guarantee coverage for every child twenty-one years of age or younger. It makes health insurance affordable for every family, but it also asks families to share the responsibility of covering their children, when they are able to do so.
The bill expands Medicaid and CHIP up to 300 percent of poverty. Families of moderate means will be able to obtain subsidized coverage for their children. Families with incomes above 300 percent of poverty will be able to buy into Medicaid or CHIP for their children, and they will be guaranteed that the cost will not exceed 5 percent of their family income.
The bill also lifts the cap on CHIP funding that has caused some States to limit enrollment. It assists States financially by shifting current State spending for children under 100 percent of poverty to the Federal government. It requires all States to adopt the proven methods that encourage families to enroll and stay enrolled--methods such as presumptive eligibility, the ability to apply on-line or by telephone for the coverage, and coverage for at least twelve months without eligibility redeterminations.
This legislation is vitally important to all children. It is a pledge that they will have access to good health care without regard to their family's wealth. It is a commitment to a healthy start in life for every child.
As important as those objectives are, the significance of this legislation goes beyond coverage of all children. It is a major step toward the day when the basic right to health care will be a reality for every American, whatever their age or income. We will not rest until that goal is achieved, and I commend Senator Kerry for leading this essential effort.
Mr. President, I am, regretfully, limited by having to be at a markup in a subcommittee I chair, and I will limit my remarks to about 15 to 18 minutes. Mr. President, I thank the Chair and I…
Mr. President, I am, regretfully, limited by having to be at a markup in a subcommittee I chair, and I will limit my remarks to about 15 to 18 minutes.
Mr. President, I thank the Chair and I particularly thank our leader, Senator Frist, and the minority leader, Senator Reid, for bringing WRDA to the floor. This is a long and arduous process, and we are grateful they were able to bring together this tremendously important bill.
I pay special thanks to the chairman of the committee, Senator Inhofe, and his staff, and the ranking member, Senator Jeffords, and his staff. This has been a truly bipartisan process--a lot longer process than we intended because this was supposed to have been the 2002 WRDA bill. Nevertheless, we have the much needed Water Resources Development Act before us, authorizing projects under the jurisdiction of the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers.
These projects are of tremendous value to the entire Nation. They provide drinking water, electric power production, river transportation, recreation, flood protection, environmental protection and restoration, and emergency response.
Few agencies in the Federal Government touch as many citizens as the Corps does. The Corps provides one-quarter of our Nation's total hydropower output, operates 463 lake recreation areas, moves 630 million tons of cargo valued at over $73 billion annually through our inland system, manages over 12 million acres of land and
water, provides 3 trillion gallons of water for use by local communities and businesses, and has prevented an estimated $706 billion in flood damage within the past 25 years with an investment of less than one-seventh that value.
During the 1993 flood, which we experienced in Missouri with great devastation, an estimated $19.1 billion in flood damage was prevented by flood control facilities in place at the time.
WRDA, as I indicated, is a bipartisan bill, traditionally produced by Congress every 2 years, making possible America's major flood control projects, coastal protection, environmental protection and restoration, transportation, and recreation on our major waterways.
Despite its importance, we have not passed a bill since 2000. The longer we wait, the more unmet needs pile up and the more complicated the demands upon the bill become, making it harder and harder to win approval.
The public voice is loud, clear, and spoken often regarding how they feel about the need for our long-overdue and much needed WRDA legislation.
We believe the bill before the Senate is a good one that balances the needs of States for environmental restoration of key waterways and for navigation projects that create economic growth.
The bill before us will create jobs, spur economic development and trade competitiveness, and improve the environment. And it is financially responsible.
To say it is widely supported is an understatement. It passed the EPW Committee by voice vote. Eighty of our colleagues signed a letter to leadership urging floor action--80 out of 100. It is tough for us to get 80 together on anything, but they said: We want this bill. The House cleared it with an overwhelming vote of 406 for it.
Environmental restoration, in the last 20 years, has become a primary Corps mission.
Our water resources perform a variety of functions simultaneously. They can provide transportation and protection from floods and habitats for many species. Similarly, when it comes to Corps projects, navigational and flood control projects can and should be environmentally sound. Environmental restoration can help prevent or minimize flooding during the next major storm, and many other benefits.
The Corps is leading some of the world's largest ecosystem restoration projects. And the commanding feature of this bill is its landmark environmental and ecosystem restoration authorities. More than half of the cost of the bill consists of authorization for environmental restoration projects.
Think of all the major waterways that are important to America--to our environmental heritage, to recreation, and to commerce. This bill affects all of them.
Among the projects in this bill are those that will restore wetlands in the Upper Connecticut River Basin in Vermont and New Hampshire; restore oyster habitat in the Chesapeake Bay; restore fisheries in the Great Lakes; implement an environmental management program for the Rio Grande River; continue restoration of the Everglades; restore areas of coastal Louisiana damaged by Hurricanes Katrina and Rita; restore habitat on the Upper Mississippi and Illinois waterways; restore oyster habitat on Long Island Sound.
Flood control is also important. If we have learned anything from Mother Nature in the last 15 years, it is that we frequently need protection from her storms. Hurricanes Katrina and Rita are just two of the latest devastating examples.
As I said, the good news is Corps projects had an estimated $706 billion in flood damage within the past 25 years with an investment one-seventh that value. This legislation authorizes flood control projects in California, Louisiana, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, West Virginia, Minnesota, Kentucky, South Carolina, Idaho, Washington, and Missouri, to name a few.
While the majority of this legislation is for environmental protection and restoration, a key bipartisan economic initiative included provides transportation efficiency and environmental sustainability on the Mississippi and Illinois Rivers.
As the world becomes more competitive, America must also become more competitive. Between 1970 and 2003, the value of U.S. trade increased 24-fold and 70 percent since 1994. That is an average annual growth of 10.2 percent--nearly double the pace of the GDP growth for the same period. We can expect demand for U.S. exports to continue increasing dramatically over many years.
We have to ask ourselves where the growth in transportation will occur in the next 20 to 50 years to accommodate the growth in demand for commercial shipping. The Department of Transportation suggests that congestion on our roads and rails will double in the next quarter century.
Now, those who drive on the highways know how crowded they are. How would you like to see all of the transportation that we now put on water go on the roads? Ask any farmer who has found difficulty getting rail availability to ship product, commodities, because there is heavy demand. Water transportation is a great untapped capacity.
One medium-sized barge tow carries the freight of 870 trucks. On the road are 2.25 100-car unit trains, 250-car unit trains, and 1 barge carries the equivalent of 15 jumbo hopper cars. Now, how does that translate into the use of energy? We ought to be concerned about energy conservation. Well, the good news is that water transportation conserves fuel and protects the air and environment. How? How far will one gallon of fuel move one ton of freight? If you are going by truck, one gallon of fuel can move a ton of freight 59 miles. If you are going by rail, it can move it 386 miles. But if you are going by water, it can move it 522 miles. That is almost 10-to-1 more efficient than trucks and 1.5 times as efficient as rail. The rail just isn't there. The rail system is overcrowded already.
Over the past 35 years, waterborne commerce on the Upper Mississippi River has more than tripled. The system currently carries 60 percent of our Nation's corn exports and 45 percent of our Nation's soybean exports, and it does so at two-thirds the cost of rail--when rail is available.
In Missouri alone, we ship 34.7 million tons of commodities with a combined value of more than $4 billion. That is not just farm products. It includes coal, petroleum, aggregates, grain, chemicals, iron, steel, minerals, and other commodities, and, yes, the corn, soybean, and wheat that we export overseas.
Our navigable waterways are in environmental and economic decline. Jobs and markets and the availability of habitat for fish and wildlife are at stake. The American Society for Civil Engineers grades navigable waterways infrastructure D- with over 50 percent of the locks ``functionally obsolete'' despite increased demand.
So we have developed a plan that gets the Corps back in the business of building the future, rather than just haggling about predicting the future.
This legislation contains authorization for funding to improve navigation on a number of our major waterways in several States, including Louisiana, Texas, Alaska, Virginia, Delaware, and Maine.
A key piece of the bill modernizes locks and dams on the Upper Mississippi and Illinois Rivers. We authorize capacity expansion on locks 20 to 25 on the Mississippi River and Peoria and LaGrange on the Illinois.
New 1,200-foot locks on the Mississippi River will provide equal capacity in the bottleneck region. Upstream from the Keokuk, there is a lock 19 which is 1,200 feet, and below them at St. Louis are locks 26 and 27. They are also 1,200 feet. These 600-foot locks serve as major water roadblocks to transportation of our products to the world markets and inputs to users upstream.
One-half of the cost of the new locks will be paid for by private users who pay into the Inland Waterways Trust Fund. Additional funds will be provided for mitigation and small scale and nonstructural measurements to improve efficiency.
If you are for increased trade, commercial growth, and job creation, you cannot get there without supporting the basic transportation infrastructure, as our chairman has so eloquently pointed out. New efficiency helps give our producers an edge that can make or break opportunities in the international marketplace.
As we look 50 years into the future, we have to ask ourselves a fundamental question: Should we have a system that promotes growth or should we be confined to a transportation straitjacket designed not for 2050 but for 1950 with paddle wheel boats?
We must ask ourselves if dramatic investments should be made to address environmental problems and opportunities that exist on these great waterways?
In both cases, the answer, to me, is simple. Of course we should improve and modernize. The choice is a very important one today as we have a global economy. Our farmers are the most efficient in the world, but transportation costs can knock them out of the world market. We know our competitors are modernizing their water transportation.
Here is a very troubling picture. This is one of our foremost exports right now. You know what they are exporting? Not renewable crops that come from our fields. These are 2 towboats and 30 barges headed for Argentina. Argentina and Brazil and other Latin American countries are taking imports from our water transportation system because they have the waterways to use them and we don't. Do you want to make a one-time sale of the barges or towboats, or do you want to have sales every year on the goods and commodities these can produce?
Seventy years ago, some argued that a transportation system on the Mississippi River was not justified. Congress, fortunately, decided that its role was not to try to predict the future but to shape it and decided to invest in a system despite the naysayers. Over 84 million tons per year later, it is clear that the decision was wise.
The veteran chief economist at USDA testified that transportation efficiency and the ability of farmers to win markets and higher prices are ``fundamentally related.'' He predicts that corn exports over the next 10 years will rise 45 percent, 70 percent of which will travel down the Mississippi River--if the river has the capacity to carry it.
The decision to improve these waterways has not been taken lightly. As has already been pointed out, all decisions and procedures have been documented and coordinated with an interagency Federal Principals Group, independent technical reviews and stakeholders, and have been made available for public review and comment.
The Corps of Engineers spent $70 million completing a study that was anticipated to take 6 years and cost $12 million, but it actually took 14 years to complete. During that period, there have been 35 meetings of the Governors Liaison Committee, 28 meetings on the Economic Coordinating Committee, among the States along the Upper Mississippi and Illinois waterways, 44 meetings of the Navigation and Environmental Coordination Committee; and there have been 3,879 public involvement activities concerning the Upper Mississippi River alone.
Additionally, there have been 130 briefings for special interest groups and 24 newsletters. There have been 6 sets of public meetings in 46 locations, with over 4,000 people in attendance. To say the least, this has been a very long, very transparent, and very representative process.
While we have been studying, our competitors have been building. Given the extraordinary delay so far, and given the reality that large- scale construction takes decades, further delay is no longer an option.
That is why I am pleased to join the bipartisan group of Senators who agree that we must improve the efficiency and the environmental sustainability of our great resources.
The transportation efficiency provisions are supported by a broad- based group of the States, farm groups, shippers, labor, and those who pay taxes into the trust fund for improvements.
Of particular note, I appreciate the strong support from the carpenters, laborers, operating engineers, Iron Workers, Teamsters, the Nature Conservancy, the Audubon Group, and the construction and energy and agriculture people.
Also, I mention specifically the good efforts of Senators Talent, Durbin, Obama, Grassley, and Harkin, who have given strong bipartisan support.
For some, the bill is too small; for others, it is too big. It is important to understand the budget implications in the real world. We are contending with difficult budget realities. It is critical to be mindful of those realities as we make investments in the infrastructure that support those who make and grow and buy and sell things so that we can expand our economy, create jobs, and, yes, pay taxes and secure our future.
This is an authorization bill that doesn't spend a single dollar, not one. Like other authorization bills, it makes projects eligible for funding under constraints administered by Congress. The Appropriations Committee and the President will have final say. Those who don't make it won't be funded.
The WRDA process simply allows for projects to be considered during the process of appropriations. I hear some suggest we should not authorize anything new until everything previously authorized has been funded. That is nonsense because it falsely assumes that all projects authorized 5, 10, 15 years ago are higher priority than those we have now. That is not true.
In fact, we have eliminated the authorization for 56 projects totaling over $500 million in savings. The remaining projects will be subject to the appropriations process.
People have talked about Corps reform. I want to make sure we reform it and don't kill it. I agree that we need to be sure every project is authorized, is needed, and is economically justifiable.
The Corps continues to make agency-wide planning improvements that are responsive to stakeholders' needs and responsible to taxpayers.
The Corps includes independent review in all project studies and review by outside independent experts for larger, higher risk and complex projects. Peer review is integrated into project development.
The Corps is developing new tools to examine regional and watershed issues that will allow a broader view of complex water resource issues.
The bill contains provisions that will further improve the reliability of Corps analyses of projects.
Now, there are many--particularly community leaders around the country--who believe there is already too much redtape, delay, cost, and uncertainty. There are those who want less redtape. I strongly agree with them. Others want more redtape. But I think we strike a necessary balance in the bill.
We have embraced a commonsense, bipartisan proposal by Senators Landrieu and Cochran that requires major projects to be subject to independent review.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent for 3 more minutes.
Mr. President, the Landrieu-Cochran proposal requires that necessary mitigation for projects be completed at the same time the project is completed or no longer than 1 year afterward. This will impose a cost on communities, particularly smaller ones, but it is not as onerous as regulations proposed 2 years ago which ultimately prevented a final agreement between the House and Senate. For some, the new regulations are too onerous; for others, not enough. As I said, I believe we strike a balance.
This legislation is supported by over 250 organizations representing the environment, agriculture, labor, and chambers of commerce. I ask unanimous consent that the letter from the National Waterways Alliance listing these groups be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, anybody who wants to know if this is broadly based can look at the list of all of these groups. As I said, they include environmental, labor, agriculture, chambers of commerce, construction, energy, local entities. MARC 2000 in my State has been a very strong supporter.
I thank all of these people who support the bill. I thank my colleagues and their staffs for the hard work devoted to this bill and the difficult issues it presents. I particularly thank Chairman Inhofe for his forbearance. I look forward to the debate on this bill and final passage.
I hope my colleagues listen carefully to the debate because we have included significant Corps reform that will achieve all the benefits that legitimate requests for Corps reform entail, but it will not subject the process to unending, wasteful delays and further redtape that sank the bill the last time we tried to send it to the House.
I thank the Chair and yield the floor.
Mr. President, I thank our chairman and manager of the bill for yielding time. I join him in urging that my colleagues oppose the amendment to strike the provision to decommission the Hopper Dredge McFarland.
As has already been stated, the McFarland is an expensive, 39-year- old hopper dredge which costs $79,000 a day to operate, more than double what a more technologically capable commercial dredge would cost. The McFarland imposes a wasteful expenditure of scarce resources on Corps dredging projects.
The Energy and Water bill will provide money for removing asbestos from the McFarland, another expense we don't need. In addition, it needs between $20 million and $40 million in upgrades to bring its safety and operational efficiency to minimal levels of acceptability in comparison with state-of-the-art private sector dredges.
Since 1978 the dredging industry has developed the capability to perform the majority of the Corps' dredging work.
This came as a result of Public Law 95-269, which directed the Secretary of the Army to dredge by contract, if he determines private industry has the capability to do such work and it can be done at reasonable prices and in a timely manner.
Under the law the Secretary ``shall retain only the minimum federally owned fleet'' to ``carry out emergency and national defense work'' and may set aside ``such amount of work as he determines to be reasonably necessary to keep such fleet fully operational . . . for as long as he determines necessary.''
During the last decade the Corps has successfully followed a ``use industry first'' policy.
Today's facts: industry is more capable; has provided more than reasonable prices; and responds routinely in a timely manner and successfully to emergencies.
All four government dredges, including the ready reserve dredge Wheeler, are fully operational.
The data does not support the continued operation of the 39-year-old McFarland or spending an additional $20-40 million on its modernization. The vision provided by Congress and implemented by the Corps has resulted in a vibrant and competitive marketplace.
As the Corps' November 2005 Hopper Dredge Report to Congress points out, generally, the combined industry/Corps hopper fleet has been able to meet demand.
With the January 2006 launching of the hopper dredge Glenn Edwards, industry has added 18 percent additional hopper capacity to the combined Federal/private hopper dredge fleet.
With a hopper capacity in excess of 13,000 CY, the Glenn Edwards is configured to dredge in all deep draft commercial ports in a highly effective manner. Therefore, ability to meet the Nation's hopper dredging needs has been greatly enhanced since the Corps' Hopper Dredge Report to Congress was released.
Industry by and large does most of its work for the Corps under contract.
Therefore, if an emergency arises and industry dredges are all working, the Corps has the ability to reassign a private dredge working elsewhere under Corps contract to do an emergency dredging job.
Most of the dredging requirements on the Delaware River, particularly in the upper reaches near Philadelphia and Wilmington, can be accomplished through the use of nonhopper dredges. In fact, it is more efficient to dredge with a nonhopper dredge in the case of the McFarland because material must be pumped out of the hopper by private pumping equipment in the upper reaches of the Delaware River.
The Corps hopper dredge Wheeler was placed in ``Ready Reserve'' by the Congress in WRDA in 1996 as insurance that a hopper dredge would be available to respond to urgent and emergency dredging needs in the gulf, on the Mississippi River, and on the east coast.
The Wheeler has actually been used on the east coast to respond to emergencies when a private hopper dredge is not available. Therefore, the Wheeler is working exactly as Congress intended--as insurance for use during emergencies.
We should be looking for ways to make the operation of our major activities more efficient by using private sector facilities where they can be done more reasonably and more effectively rather than spending large amounts of Federal dollars just to keep the dredge in operational capability. Paying a very high charge for it every day when there are better rates available warrants the recommendation in the WRDA bill that we decommission the Hopper Dredge McFarland.
I urge my colleagues not to support the striking motion.
I thank the Chair. I yield the floor.
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Mr. President, today I am joining my good friend the Senator from Texas, (Mrs. Hutchison), and the Senator from Tennessee, the Majority Leader, Mr. Frist, in legislation to permanently extend the…
Mr. President, today I am joining my good friend the Senator from Texas, (Mrs. Hutchison), and the Senator from Tennessee, the Majority Leader, Mr. Frist, in legislation to permanently extend the State sales tax deduction. This bill aims to make permanent legislation that the Congress passed and the President signed into law last year on October 22, 2004 as a provision of the JOBS Act. It is a change to the tax code that I have worked to see enacted since coming to the U.S. Senate, and one I want to maintain.
The JOBS Act reinstituted, for a period of 2 years, the ability of taxpayers to deduct State and local sales taxes just as they would State and local income taxes. Residents of States such as Washington that do not have income
taxes, but have State sales taxes, had not been able to do this since the 1986.
Make no mistake about it: permanently extending the sales tax deduction is a tax cut for Washington State taxpayers. Such a cut will strengthen our economy and fundamentally restore basic tax fairness.
When the Federal income tax was first imposed in 1913, Congress allowed taxpayers to deduct State and local sales so they would not be taxed on once at the State level and then, again, at the Federal level in the same calendar year.
In 1986, after 74 years of precedent, this tax equity abruptly ended. Taxpayers from States without income taxes were given a raw deal when Congress made a budgetary squeeze play and ended the tax deduction for State sales taxes.
For States like Washington, where sales tax revenues are nearly 60 percent of the State budget, the impact is immense. The loss to Washington State taxpayers in 2004 alone, is estimated to be $500 million.
Washington taxpayers waited 18 years to for the Federal government to correct the unique burden on them that amounts to requiring them to pay taxes twice on the same money. Now that the burden has been lifted for 2 years, with thanks to this body and the President, Washington taxpayers are now looking for--and must have--permanence in the tax code with regard to their ability to deduct State and local sales taxes from their Federal income tax.
As I mentioned, this issue has been a primary one for me on behalf of the people I serve. In fact, when I became a member of this body in the 107th Congress, one of my first legislative acts was to cosponsor sales tax deduction legislation that at the time was introduced by the former Senator from Tennessee, Mr. Thompson. In the 108th Congress, Senator Hutchison and I carried the banner as the lead sponsors of similar legislation, the core of which we saw enacted into law for a 2-year period.
I am here once again in the 109th Congress with the Senator from Texas, Mrs. Hutchison, on the heels of a victory for a two-year reprieve for our constituents, looking, now, for permanent equity in the tax code. I look forward to continuing to work with Senator Hutchison, as well as Senator Frist and others, in moving this sales tax deduction legislation forward in the coming months.
Only by making the two-year law permanent will we be able to see to it that taxpayers from Washington State, or any other State, are not unfairly singled out to pay higher taxes.
I urge prompt action on this measure.
Mr. President, today I am introducing the Electricity Needs Rules and Oversight Now, or ENRON, Act.
This legislation does two simple--yet critical--things. The ENRON Act would amend the Federal Power Act to put in place a broad prohibition on all manipulative practices in electricity markets--rather than just round-trip trading, as included in last year's comprehensive energy bill; and it would specify that electricity rates resulting from manipulative practices are not just and reasonable under the Federal Power Act.
Many of my colleagues are, by now, familiar with the provisions of this legislation, as I have often described the circumstances that led me to propose it. While the Senate has been considering comprehensive energy legislation over the past few years, various investigations have unearthed Enron's ``smoking gun'' memos--detailing the company's schemes to drive up electricity prices--and other evidence leading the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) to conclude that market manipulation was ``epidemic'' in western markets during 2000-2001. Recently, even more information--including audio files detailing Enron traders' conversations--has come to light. Meanwhile, the energy crisis continues to take a serious toll on American consumers and businesses: it's been estimated that, as a result, the West has lost $35 billion in domestic economic product--in other words, a 1.5 percent decline in productivity and a total loss of 589,000 jobs. Adding insult to injury, Enron has now sued a number of utilities throughout the country--for almost a $1 billion--attempting to collect penalty charges on inflated contracts, cancelled when the company went bankrupt. In essence, Enron is asking the same consumers it gouged to pay yet again.
As I have discussed on the Senate floor many times, the Western market meltdown of 2000-2001 has had a profound impact on my state's economy, the pocketbooks and economic well-being of my constituents-- too many of whom have had to make the choice between keeping their heat and lights on and buying food, paying rent, and purchasing prescription drugs. In some parts of Washington state, utility disconnection rates have risen more than 40 percent. People just can't pay their utility bills.
As my colleagues can imagine, what we have seen and heard since the height of the crisis--as we have learned about the market manipulation and fraud that took place in the Western market, while Enron energy traders laughed about the plight of ``Grandma Millie''--has added tremendous insult to substantial economic injury. Moreover, the Western crisis has brought to the forefront a number of very important policy questions about the kind of behavior that will be tolerated in our Nation's electricity markets, as the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission has continued to pursue its ``restructuring'' agenda.
I believe we need strong leadership that will condemn the types of schemes
used by Enron traders--manipulation tactics with infamous nicknames like Get Shorty, Death Star and Ricochet. We need to send a strong and unanimous message that these practices will not be tolerated in our nation's electricity markets. Next, we need to agree--as a matter of policy--that the victims of these schemes should not have to pay the inflated power prices resulting from market manipulation. The ENRON Act will make these commonsense principles the law of the land.
I would like to thank the original cosponsors of this legislation, the Senator from New Mexico, Mr. Bingaman, the Senator from California, Mrs. Feinstein, the senior Senator from Washington, Mrs. Murray, and the junior Senator from Wisconsin, Mr. Feingold, for joining me today. It is our hope that the Senate will move toward swift passage of the ENRON Act.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that a copy of the legislation be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am introducing the Animal Feed Protection Act of 2005. It is similar to legislation that I introduced in the 108th Congress.
Last week, during the Senate's consideration of the nomination of Governor Mike Johanns to be the Secretary of Agriculture, I spoke in favor of exercising caution with respect to re-opening the U.S.- Canadian border to imports of live animals and processed beef products until the Animal Protective Health Inspection Service fully investigates the most recent case of Mad Cow in that country. This legislation is important to our ongoing efforts to eradicate the possibility that Mad Cow disease will infect U.S. cattle herds.
My legislation provides necessary enhancements to current Federal feed regulations. It reduces the chance that the riskiest materials, those most likely to transmit Mad Cow disease, cross-contaminate cattle feed or are accidentally fed to cattle.
Specifically, my legislation would ban the inclusion of specified risk materials, or SRM, in all animal feed. Currently these materials are only banned from ruminant feed.
As we continue to negotiate the reopening of export markets to U.S. beef, a comprehensive SRM ban is a prudent step. It is necessary to assure our trading partners that we have secured our domestic feed, and eliminated the risk of spreading Mad Cow disease through feed.
As our domestic beef producers continue to suffer from the closure of our largest export markets, I encourage my colleagues to join me by cosponsoring this legislation--a measure that will strengthen our Mad Cow firewalls and our assurances to foreign beef consumers. I also hope that as the Senate Agriculture Committee conducts hearings next month into the appropriate Federal response to the most recent Canadian Mad Cow case, the committee will consider examining this legislation as well. The Senate should move toward its swift passage. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that a copy of the legislation be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am introducing the White Salmon Wild and Scenic Rivers Act. I am pleased to be joined by the Senior Senator from Washington (Mrs. Murray), who has been a strong supporter of this legislation.
This bill would designate some 20 miles of the main stem of the upper White Salmon River Salmon and one of its tributaries, Cascade Creek, all within the Gifford Pinchot National Forest, as components of the National Wild and Scenic Rivers System. By designating this upper third of the White Salmon, we can permanently protect this special river as a premiere recreational destination, a Southwest Washington economic resource, and an important wildlife habitat.
I am happy to note that my delegation colleague, Congressman Baird, recently offered identical legislation in the House.
The White Salmon River's remarkable beauty and pristine condition are not in question. In fact, the lower eight miles of the river received protection when Congress granted that stretch of the river Wild and Scenic status in 1986. As we saw then, its protected status hasn't prevented residents and visitors from taking advantage of the unique recreational opportunities the White Salmon River offers. Extending Wild and Scenic protection to the river's upper reaches today is an important step forward in protecting even more of its wild character for fishing, boating, and other recreational activities.
As one of the best whitewater rivers in the Pacific Northwest, the White Salmon already supports a number of whitewater rafting companies. About 12,000 whitewater boaters visit the river each year. So I see this designation as not just protecting a pristine river, but also its beneficial impact on the local economy downstream.
Protecting the White Salmon River will help increase opportunities for other outdoor sports, as well. This is an important sector of our state's economy. According to the Washington Department of Fish and Wildlife, fish and wildlife related recreation pumps nearly $2.2 billion per year into our economy. And we rank first in the Northwest and eighth in the nation in spending by sport fishers.
Safeguarding the White Salmon through this designation will also be an important step toward restoring wildlife habitat. Once the Condit Dam is removed from the lower reach of the river, the White Salmon will again become valuable spawning habitat for salmon and steelhead.
I am proud that identical legislation to the measure I introduce today passed the Senate unanimously on October 10, 2004. While the bill narrowly missed clearing the House of Representatives, I am confident that because this bill has a broad range of support, and is a true win- win proposal for local interests, that it will become law during the 109th Congress.
Mr. President, I look forward to working with my colleagues in the Senate, as well as other members of the Washington state congressional delegation, to ensure swift passage of this important legislation. I ask unanimous consent that a copy of the legislation be printed in the Record at the conclusion of my remarks.
Mr. President, today I am introducing two pieces of legislation to help families save for their children's education.
In today's global marketplace, ensuring access to high-quality education--starting in early childhood and grade school, moving on to college and beyond--is central in maintaining America's competitive edge. To make paying for school easier, I am introducing two pieces of legislation that would expand Coverdell Education Savings Accounts or ESAs: The Education Savings for Students Act and College Savings Act.
Coverdell ESAs are trusts created solely for the educational benefit of any child under the age of 18. Contributions to a Coverdell Education Savings account can be used toward a child's education from kindergarten through 12th grade, college, and even graduate school. All earnings in the account grow tax-free and can be withdrawn on a tax- deferred basis, if used for educational expenses. Currently, annual contributions to each Coverdell ESA cannot exceed $2,000. But this particular provision will sunset on 12/31/2010 unless Congress takes action to extend it, otherwise the maximum contribution will drop back to a previously set stipulation of $500.
My bill, the Education for Students Act would expand the existing Coverdell ESA by permanently increasing the maximum annual contribution from $2,000 to $5,000. This bill keeps the current Coverdell ESA provision that investment earnings accumulate tax-free and withdrawals from the account are tax-exempt when the child uses the funds for school.
My other bill, the College Savings Act would also permanently increase the maximum annual contribution to a Coverdell ESA to $5,000. Instead of anticipating future earnings, families would be able to deduct the amount they contribute to their education savings account from income.
Rather than putting away money ad-hoc, both bills provide a financial incentive to save for college or other educational expenses. And since there is no limit on the number of Coverdell ESAs that may be opened for a child under age 18, parents have the flexibility to set aside money now through deductible contributions or bank on projected savings through tax-deferred earnings and withdrawals, or even take on both options. The College Savings and Education Savings for Students Acts will help families plan for future educational expenses, paving a path to financial self-sufficiency.
I understand that all families are different. Saving for college may be the last thing on a parent's mind, especially when their child is young and their family has significant financial needs. But just as fast as our children
grow, so does the cost of tuition. Mounting prices for books and materials, plus room and board have made colleges and universities less affordable for most families.
College is expensive. There are many parents whose children aim to go to college, but soon discover they can't afford it because the price of pursuing a higher education costs too much. If the College Savings and Education for Students Acts became law, families would have another powerful tool to help their children realize their educational dreams.
By saving money early and often, families won't feel as hard hit by skyrocketing college prices because you'll know what's coming in and what's going out of these accounts.
In 2002, the National Center for Public Policy and Higher Education reported on the national trends of rising college prices. The Center determined that if educational costs are unaddressed there will be adverse consequences for expanding students' opportunities to pursue a higher education and future career.
This report found that over the last two decades, the cost of attending two- and four-year public and private colleges have not only grown more rapidly than inflation, but faster than family incomes, increasing the share of family income that is needed to pay for tuition and other college expenses. From 1991 through 2001, tuition at four- year public colleges and universities rose faster than family income in 41 states, including my home state of Washington.
The Washington State Higher Education Coordinating Board reports that, over the last ten years, tuition and fees have far outpaced family income, increasing 89 percent compared to 51 percent in per capita personal income in my state. In comparison, the cost of most consumer goods increased an average of 20 percent during the same time. Per capita personal income in Washington increased 51 percent during this same period.
As a result, more students and families at all income levels are borrowing more money than ever before to pay for college. According to a recent study by the College Board, nonfederal borrowing reached $11.3 billion in 2003-04, up 39 percent over the previous year, and jumping nearly 150 percent in three years. Over $10 billion of these loans are private. Over the past five years, borrowing through banks and other private lenders has increased from 7 percent to 16 percent of education loan volume.
Although borrowing is an acceptable way to pay for college, the financial consequences of high debt can still ensue, and students spend years paying back loans, undermining their ability to purchase a home or save for retirement. Additionally, college students on average graduate with about $3,300 in credit card debit alone. Concern about the increase in educational loan debt may cause students to spend more time working than attending class or to opt out of enrolling in college altogether.
Moreover, the steepest increases in college and university tuition have been imposed during times of greatest economic hardship. Just in the past three years, our economy has experienced a loss of 1.8 million private sector jobs and 2.7 million manufacturing jobs. Preparing America's workforce and keeping up with the demand for skilled workers across all sectors of the 21st century economy is my priority. If we want to maintain our economic competitiveness, it is imperative that there are opportunities for individuals to fully take advantage of educational opportunities.
The Bureau of Labor Statistics reports that six of the ten fastest- growing occupations in the U.S. economy require an associate's degree or bachelor's degree, and that all ten of these careers will require some type of skills training. By 2010, 40 percent of all job growth will require some form of post-secondary education.
On average, a college graduate earns nearly 73 percent more than a typical high school graduate. In 2003, the average worker in the U.S. with a four-year college degree earned just under $50,000, over 60 percent more than the $30,800 earned by the average worker with a high school diploma, reports the College Board. Those with advanced degrees earn two to three times as much as high school graduates. In addition, society reaps the benefits of an educated workforce by improving quality of life and overall, the well-being of our communities.
Affordability is key to expanding opportunities to go to college. Saving for college early and often will help lift the pressures off of parents who are feeling the financial squeeze of increased tuition and fees.
Because my family qualified for financial aid, I was able to work my way through college using Pell grant funding. But there are many families who do not qualify for Pell or other sources of financial aid.
For these families, Coverdell Education Savings plans provide necessary relief for the middle class. The purpose of education savings plans are to increase saving by increasing net returns. Today, parents can put up to $2,000 a year into a Coverdell Education Savings account. The actual contribution is not tax deductible, but all earnings in this account are free from taxes when they are withdrawn to pay for school.
However, the current $2,000 annual limit on Coverdell contributions will be repealed in 2010 unless Congress acts to extend it. If we don't extend the contribution level, the maximum contribution will drop to $500.
While the current tax benefit makes it easier to save for college, the Education Savings for Students Act would increase the annual contributions from $2,000 to $5,000; making this change permanent ensures greater savings for families. By increasing the amount parents can put aside for their children's college savings, middle-income parents will be able to save more easily for their child's college education.
Say, for example, parents start saving when their child turns eight years old. If they put away just $100.00 a month--at an interest rate of savings of four percent--by the time their kid turns 18, their account would have earned more than $12,400 in interest. Parents will save over $3,100 in taxes when that child is old enough to go to school.
In addition to projected savings, parents also have the option to save now. The College Savings Act would allow families to deduct Coverdell ESA contributions from their taxes each year.
Mr. President, both of these bills, the College Savings Act and the Education Savings for Students Act are financial incentives for people to save by allowing families to deduct the amount they contribute and take tax-free earnings when their child is ready to go to school. These bills would further lessen the financial burden that parents bear by saving money early and often.
Permanently expanding the Coverdell maximum contribution from its current threshold of $2,000 to $5,000 a year and allowing this contribution to be tax deductible is a common-sense savings vehicle that keeps future college costs from spinning out of control. Increasing contribution caps will make school more affordable at a time when a college education and advanced job training is becoming more and more important for economic success.
I urge my colleagues to support these measures and I ask unanimous consent that the full text of these bills be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, this is an historic day. In the quietness of the moment, on the floor of the Senate, we are talking about a major piece of legislation that is basic to the fabric of what America is…
Mr. President, this is an historic day. In the quietness of the moment, on the floor of the Senate, we are talking about a major piece of legislation that is basic to the fabric of what America is all about. But the quietness does not belie the fact that this is a momentous piece of legislation that marks the continuation of this Nation as a true democracy.
I want, at the outset, to commend my friends and leaders on the Judiciary Committee, Senator Specter and Senator Leahy. I can remember talking with both of them early on about putting this on the Senate agenda, putting it on the Judiciary Committee agenda. There are not two Members of this body who are more committed to this legislation than Chairman Specter and Senator Leahy.
We are here today because of their leadership and their strong commitment to the concept of making sure that America is going to be America by insisting on the extension of this voting rights legislation. They have both been tireless during the course of the series of hearings that we have held. They have been meticulous in terms of determining the witnesses that we would have and in building the legislative record, which is so important and of such great consequence in terms of maintaining the constitutionality of this legislation, which is, of course, so important. So I thank both of them for their leadership and their generous references earlier during their statements.
Mr. President, the Constitution of the United States is an extraordinary document, the greatest charter that has ever been written in terms of preserving the rights and liberties of the people. Still, slavery was enshrined in the Constitution. And this country has had a challenging time freeing itself from the legacy of slavery. We had a difficult time in fighting the great Civil War. And we have had a challenging time freeing ourselves from discrimination--all forms of discrimination--but particularly racial discrimination. And we had a difficult time, particularly in the early 1960s, in passing legislation--legislation which could be enormously valuable in freeing a country from the stains of discrimination. But it takes much more than just legislation to achieve that.
I was fortunate enough to be here at the time we passed the 1964 civil rights bill that dealt with what we call public accommodations. It is difficult to believe that people were denied access to public accommodations--the ability to go to hotels, restaurants, and other places because of the color of their skin--in the United States of America. Mr. President, this legislation was debated for 10 months. Not just 1 day, as we all have today on voting rights, but for 10 months, the Senate was in session as we faced a filibuster on that legislation.
Then, finally, Senator Everett Dirksen responded to the very eloquent pleas of President Johnson at that time and indicated that he was prepared to move the legislation forward and make some adjustments in the legislation. We were able to come to an agreement, and the law went into effect.
In 1965, we had hours and hours and hours and hours during the course of the markup of the Voting Rights Act, and hours and hours and hours on the floor of the Senate to pass that legislation, with amendment after amendment after amendment. We were ultimately successful. And just off the Senate Chamber, in the President's Room--just a few yards from where I am standing today--President Johnson signed that legislation.
Now, we continue the process. It has not always been easy during the continuation and the reauthorization of the Act. Rarely have we been as fortunate as we are today with the time agreement and an understanding that we will consider this and finalize it this evening, in a way that will avoid a contentious conference with the House of Representatives that could have gone on for weeks and even months, as we've seen in the past. This legislation will go to the President's desk, and he will sign it.
There is no subject matter that brings out emotions like the issue of civil rights. That is, perhaps, understandable. But it is still very true. No issue that we debate--health care, education, increasing the minimum wage, age discrimination, environmental questions--whatever those matters are, nothing brings out the emotions like civil rights legislation.
But here we have a very important piece of civil rights legislation that is going to be favorably considered, and I will speak about that in just a few moments. We have to understand, as important as this legislation is, it really is not worth the paper it is printed on unless it is going to be enforced. That is enormously important. As we pass this legislation and we talk about its importance, and the importance of its various provisions, we have to make sure we have an administration and a Justice Department that is going to enforce it. That has not always been the case.
Secondly, it is enormously important that we have judges who interpret the legislation the way we intended for it to be interpreted.
We have, in this situation, a bipartisan interpretation. We have a bicameral interpretation. There should be no reason that any court in this country--particularly a Supreme Court that is looking over its provisions--should not understand very clearly what we intended, the constitutional basis for it. We need judges who are going to interpret this in good faith. That has not always been the case, and I will reference that in terms of my comments.
Then, we have to make sure we have a process and system so that, even if we have the legislation, and even if we have a Justice Department correctly interpret it, and even if we have judges correctly interpret it, we have to make sure there are not going to be other interferences with any individuals' ability to vote. That is another subject for another time, but enormously important.
We need all of those factors, at least, to make sure that this basic and fundamental right, which is so important, and which we are addressing today, is actually going to be achieved and accomplished for our fellow citizens.
Mr. President, we are, as I mentioned, poised to take another historic step in America's journey toward becoming the land of its ideals. As we all know, the battle for racial equality in America is far from over. The landmark civil rights laws that we have passed in the past four decades have provided a legal foundation, but the full promise of these laws has yet to be fulfilled.
Literacy tests may no longer block access to the ballot box, but we cannot ignore the fact that discrimination is sometimes as plain as ever, and that more subtle forms of discrimination are plotted in back rooms, to be imposed by manipulating redistricting boundaries to dilute minority voting strength, or by systematic strategies on election day to discourage minority voting.
The persistence of overt and more subtle discrimination makes it mandatory that we reauthorize the expiring provisions of the Voting Rights Act. This act is perhaps Congress's greatest contribution to the march toward equality in our society. As Martin Luther King, Jr., said, voting is ``civil right number one.'' It is the right in our democracy that preserves all others. So long as the vote is available and freely exercised by our entire citizenry, this Nation will remain strong and our other rights will be protected.
For nearly a century, the 15th amendment guaranteed that ``the right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude,'' but it took the Voting Rights Act of 1965 to breathe life into that basic guarantee. And it took the actions of many brave men and women, such as those who gathered at the Edmund Pettis Bridge and faced the shameful violence of those who would deny them the right to vote, before the Nation finally acted.
I'm honored to have fought in the Senate for the Voting Rights Act each time it was before Congress--from its historic passage in 1965 to the votes to extend the act in 1970, 1975, and 1982
and to strengthen it along the way. I recall watching President Lyndon Baines Johnson sign the 1965 act just off this chamber in the President's Room. We knew that day that we had changed the country forever. And indeed we had. In 1965, there were only three African American and three Latino Members of Congress. Today, there are 41 African-American Members in the House of Representatives, one African- American Senator, 22 Latino House Members, and two Latino Senators. These gains would not have been possible without the Voting Rights Act.
I recall extending the expiring provisions of the act in 1970. I remember extending it again in 1975, and adding protections for citizens who needed language assistance. We recognized that those voters warranted assistance because unequal education resulted in high rates of illiteracy and low rates of voter participation in those populations.
And I recall well extending the act again in 1982. That time, we extended the expiring provisions of the act for 25 years and strengthened it by overturning the Supreme Court's decision in Mobile v. Bolden. That decision weakened the act by imposing an intent standard pursuant to section 2 of the act, but despite the opposition of President Reagan and his Department of Justice, we were able to restore the act's vitality by replacing that standard with a results test that provides greater protection for victims of discriminatory treatment.
Finally, in 1992, we revisited the act to extend and broaden its coverage of individuals whose English language ability is insufficient to allow them to participate fully in our democratic system.
In memory of Fannie Lou Hamer, Rosa Parks, Martin Luther King, Jr. and Coretta Scott King, and Cesar Chavez, I feel privileged to have the opportunity to support extension of the act once again for another 25 years.
Some have questioned whether there is still a need for the act's expiring provisions. They even argue that discrimination in voting is a thing of the past, and that we are relying on decades-old discrimination to stigmatize certain areas of the country today.
I have heard the evidence presented over the past several months of hearings, and I can tell you that they are just plain wrong. Yes, we have made progress that was almost unimaginable in 1965. But the goal of the Voting Rights Act was to have full and equal access for every American regardless of race. We have not achieved that goal.
In considering this bill, the Senate Judiciary Committee has held nine hearings and heard from some 46 witnesses. In addition, we have received numerous written statements and have voluminous reports from a variety of groups that have examined the state of voting rights in our Nation. We have explored every aspect of the expiring provisions of the act, and have all come to one inescapable conclusion: continuing discrimination requires that we pass this bill and reauthorize the Voting Rights Act. The evidence demonstrates that far too many Americans still face barriers because of their race, their ethnic background or their language minority status.
Section 5 is the centerpiece of the expiring provisions of the act. It requires that covered jurisdictions preclear voting changes with the Department of Justice or the District Court in the District of Columbia by proving that the changes do not have a retrogressive purpose or effect. The act would reverse the second Bossier Parish decision and restore the section 5 standard to its original meaning by making it clear that a discriminatory purpose will prevent section 5 preclearance. Even under the weaker standard that has governed since the Bossier decision, the Department of Justice has had to object to egregious discriminatory practices.
The act as reauthorized also overturns the Supreme Court's decision in Georgia v. Ashcroft, restoring section 5's protection of voting districts where minority voters have an ability to elect their preferred candidates. This revision would preclude jurisdictions from replacing districts in which minority voters have the voting power to elect their preferred candidates with districts in which minority voters merely exercise influence.
The number of objections under section 5 has remained large since we last reauthorized the act in 1982. Astonishingly, Professor Anita Earls of the University of North Carolina Law School testified that between 1982 and 2004, the Department of Justice lodged 682 section 5 objections in covered jurisdictions compared with only 481 objections prior to 1982. In Mississippi alone, the Department of Justice objected to 120 voting changes since 1982. This number is roughly double the number of objections made before 1982.
Behind these statistics are stories of the voters who were able to participate in the political process because the Voting Rights Act protects their fundamental right to do so. For example, in 2001, the town of Kilmichael, MS, cancelled its elections just three weeks before election day. The Justice Department objected to the cancellation, finding that the town failed to establish that its actions were not motivated by the discriminatory purpose of preventing African-American voters from electing candidates of their choice. The town had recently become majority African-American and, for the first time in its history, several African-American candidates had a good chance of winning elected office. Section 5 prevented this discriminatory change from being implemented, and as a result, three African-American candidates were elected to the board of aldermen and an African- American was elected mayor for the first time.
Consider the Dinwiddie County Board of Supervisors in Virginia. It moved a polling place from a club with a large African-American membership to a white church on the other side of town, under the pretext that the church was more centrally located. We saw this tactic when we renewed the act in 1970. We didn't expect to see it again in on the eve of the 21st century, but we did.
Some have argued that there has been a drop in the number of objections in recent years. As the record shows, that decline is explained by a number of reasons. First, of course, was the Supreme Court's restrictive interpretation of the purpose standard, which we will correct today. In addition, the numbers do not account for proposed changes that are rejected by the district court or proposed changes that are withdrawn once the Department of Justice asks for more information or litigation begins in the District Court. Equally as important are the discriminatory changes the act has deterred covered jurisdictions from ever enacting, and the dialog the act promotes between local election officials and minority community leaders to ensure consideration of minority communities' concerns in the legislative process.
And, of course, there are matters that merit objection, but have been precleared by the Bush Department of Justice because the Department's political leadership refused to follow the recommendations of career experts.
The Department twice precleared Georgia's effort to impose a photo identification requirement for voting. The first time, the district court threw it out as an unconstitutional poll tax. That's right, a poll tax in 2006. In 1965, we fought the poll tax during the debate of the original Voting Rights Act. After the Supreme Court ultimately held it unconstitutional, we thought this shameful practice had ended. But the court found that the Georgia law was just a 21st century version of this old evil.
Georgia reenacted the law without the poll tax, and the Court still found that it unlawfully disadvantaged poor and minority voters, who are less likely to have the required identification.
Recently, the Supreme Court held that the Texas Legislature had violated the Voting Rights Act by shifting 100,000 Latino voters out of a district just as they were about to defeat an incumbent and finally elect a candidate of their choice. Once again, section 5 would have blocked this practice, but the leadership of the Department of Justice overruled career experts who recommended an objection.
The fact that the number of section 5 objections is a small percentage of the total number of submissions shouldn't be surprising. Jurisdictions take section 5 into consideration when adopting voting changes and many day-to-day changes are noncontroversial. What should surprise and concern us is
the fact that there continue to be objections and voting changes like the ones that I have described.
It has also been argued that the section 5 coverage formula is both over and under-inclusive. The act addresses that problem by permitting jurisdictions where Federal oversight is no longer warranted to ``bail out'' from coverage under section 5. We have letters from two of the jurisdictions that have taken advantage of the bailout process explaining that they did not find that process to be onerous. So far, every jurisdiction that has sought a bailout has succeeded. For jurisdictions that should be covered but aren't, the act contains a mechanism by which a court may order a non-covered jurisdiction found to have violated the 14th or 15th amendments to obtain section 5 preclearance for its voting changes. As a result, the act's preclearance requirement applies only to jurisdiction where there is a need for such oversight.
The act will also reauthorize the provisions of the act that mandate the provision of election assistance in minority languages. In the course of our consideration of this bill, we heard substantial evidence demonstrating that these provisions are still necessary. The original rationale for enactment of these provisions was twofold. First, there are many Americans who speak languages other than English, many of whom are United States citizens by birth--including Native Americans, Alaska Natives, and Puerto Ricans. These Americans should not be denied the opportunity to be full participants in our democracy because of the languages they speak. They know they need to learn English to succeed in this country. That's why classes to learn English are oversubscribed all over the country.
Additionally, Congress concluded that many Americans--including Native Americans, Alaska Natives, Asian Americans, and Hispanic Americans--suffer from inadequate educational opportunities that deny them the opportunity to master English at a sufficient level to fully understand electoral issues and cast meaningful ballots. The nationwide statistics illustrate the problem. Only 75 percent of Alaska Natives complete high school, compared to 90 percent of non-Natives, and only 52 percent of all Hispanic Americans have a high school diploma, compared to over 80 percent of all Americans. We heard testimony that while many of these people may speak conversational English, they have been denied the educational instruction--often as a result of intentional discrimination--that would allow them to understand complex electoral issues and technical voting terminology in English alone.
Finally, it is crucial that we extend the guarantees of all of the temporary provisions of the act for 25 years. Twenty-five years is not a long time when compared to the centuries of oppression that the law is intended to overcome. While we have made enormous progress, it takes time to overcome the deep-seated patterns of behavior that have denied minorities full access to the ballot. Indeed, the worst thing we could do would be to allow that progress to slip away because we ended the cure too soon. We know that the act is having an impact. We know that it is deterring discrimination. And we know that despite the act, racial bloc voting and other forms of discrimination continue to tilt the playing field for minority voters and candidates. We need to ensure that jurisdictions know that the act will be in force for a sufficiently long period that they cannot simply wait for its expiration, but must eliminate discrimination root and branch.
The time has come to renew the Voting Rights Act. This historic piece of legislation renews our commitment to the fundamental values of America. It ensures that all of our citizens will have the right to play an effective role in our governance. It continues us down the path toward a democracy free of the blight of discrimination based on race, ethnicity and language. As Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. said: ``The time is always right to do what is right.'' The right thing to do is to pass this bill and the time to do it is now.
I yield the floor.
Mr. President, I am honored to introduce the Standing with Our Troops Act of 2005. This bill addresses the needs of the Soldiers, Sailors, Airmen, and Marines who have responded so bravely to the…
Mr. President, I am honored to introduce the Standing with Our Troops Act of 2005. This bill addresses the needs of the Soldiers, Sailors, Airmen, and Marines who have responded so bravely to the call of our Nation. We owe it to them and their families to ensure that they are properly trained and equipped for the hazardous duties they are performing, that they are fairly compensated for their service, and that they receive their pay in the correct amount, on time.
We start with the recognition that we have cut our troop strength too far to sustain current military operations. This bill would authorize increases of up to 40,000 additional active duty Soldiers and Marines over the next two years. The bill authorizes an increase in the active duty Army end strength by up to 20,000 Soldiers in 2006 and an additional 10,000 in 2007, and it authorizes an increase in the Marine Corps' active duty end strength by up to 5,000 Marines in 2006 and an additional 5,000 Marines in 2007.
The Department of Defense currently reports numbers of service members killed or seriously wounded in action in our ongoing combat operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. This bill would require a formal monthly report that includes the numbers of Soldiers, Sailors, Airmen and Marines who are killed in action; killed as a result of non-combat injuries incurred during combat operations; killed as a result of self- inflicted wounds or suicide; wounded in action, when the injuries prevent the service member from returning to duty within 72 hours; wounded in action when the service member returns to duty within 72 hours, insofar as this data is currently maintained; and the total number of service personnel evacuated from theater for medical reasons.
To ensure that awards and decorations are expeditiously and fairly awarded to deserving military personnel, this bill would establish an Advisory Panel on Military Awards and Decorations to review the policies and practices of each of the Services for awarding medals and decorations and to report to Congress. This Panel would compare the different Service policies and practices for decorating its military personnel, and make a recommendation as to whether individual service practices should be continued or a single standard adopted that applies to all Services; recommend measures that can be taken to ensure that service members serving in combat are at least as likely to receive medals as those not exposed to combat, and enlisted personnel are just as likely as officers to be decorated for their service.
This bill would create an Office of Mobilization Planning and Preparedness within the National Security Council to ensure that all of our national resources are assembled and organized to respond to a national security emergency. National resources include our military, labor, transportation, industry and financial resources.
We know that current military operations are wearing out military equipment faster than we are replacing it. To address this, this bill would require the Secretary of Defense to report to Congress on the needs of our military forces for reconstituting stocks of equipment and material damaged, destroyed, and worn out in Operation Iraqi Freedom and Operation Enduring Freedom. The report will include the needs of each military service, including the reserve components, for repair and replacement of equipment; and authorize appropriation of $8.5 billion for the Army and $2.1 billion for the Marine Corps for repair, refurbishment, and replacement of equipment used in OIF and OEF.
The Government Accountability Office (GAO) found, and I agree, that the Department of Defense's mobilization and deployment policies were implemented in a piecemeal fashion not linked to a strategic framework. We owe it to our service men and women to have clear policies regarding lengths of deployments. The Department of Defense must clearly communicate these policies and other deployment related information to service members and their families. This bill would require the Secretary of Defense to report to Congress on DoD policies on lengths of mobilization and deployment periods and on the use of stop-loss to keep military personnel in the service beyond their service commitments.
In two separate reports, the GAO has found that more than 90 percent mobilized reserve component personnel experienced pay problems. The GAO found that ``These pay problems often had a profound adverse impact on individual soldiers and their families.'' This bill would require the designation of a senior official to ensure implementation of GAO recommendations to correct these pay problems.
Representation of our reserve component personnel at the highest levels in the Department of Defense has not kept pace with the increased role of our Guard and Reserve personnel. Accordingly, this bill creates a new position, a Deputy Under Secretary of Defense for Reserve Affairs, to speak for the Reserve Components.
This bill would give tax relief to mobilized service members and employers who make up for pay lost to service members who are ordered to active duty. It would amend the Internal Revenue Code to authorize activated National Guard and Reserve personnel to make penalty free withdrawals from qualified retirement plans; allow employers a tax deduction for making up the difference between military pay and civilian income of mobilized reservists; and authorize a tax credit to small business employers who continue to compensate members of the Ready Reserve ordered to active duty and for costs of hiring a replacement employee.
We know that the military pay of about a third of our mobilized National Guard and Reserve personnel is less than the pay they received from their civilian jobs. Many private employers already pay a wage differential to those who lose money, and we will encourage more to do so with the tax incentives I have just described. The biggest employer of our Guard and Reserve personnel is the Federal Government, and the Federal Government should do as much as the private employers do for those who lose money while serving our Nation. This bill would require Federal Agencies to make up the pay differences for Federal employees who are ordered to active duty.
Studies have shown that 40 percent of our junior enlisted members in the reserve components have no health insurance except when they are on active duty. This bill would provide access to the military's TRICARE health care program for all members of the Selected Reserve and their families. They would pay a subsidized premium similar to the premium charged Federal Employees for health care. This will help to ensure that members of the National Guard and Reserves are medically ready when called to serve in the military.
When a Soldier, Sailor, Airmen or Marine dies on active duty, his survivors currently receive a death gratuity of just over $12,000. This is simply not enough. This bill would raise the death gratuity to $100,000, and would allow survivors to receive Dependency and Indemnity Compensation from the VA as well as a Survivor Benefit Plan annuity from the Department of Defense.
United States taxpayers have borne a disproportionate share of the cost for the reconstruction of Iraq. The support of the international community for this reconstruction is critical. This bill would require the President to report to Congress on U.S., Iraqi, and foreign contributions to Iraq's reconstruction before any new U.S. reconstruction funds are appropriated. The bill would also require any U.S. funds for reconstruction in Iraq be in the form of a collateralized loan which the U.S. would guarantee unless the President reports to Congress that it is in the U.S. national security interest to provide the funds other than in the form of a loan.
I again want to compliment the service of the young men and women serving in our military forces for their magnificent and unselfish service to our Nation. I trust that the measures included in this bill will serve as a token of the Nation's sincere appreciation for their great sacrifices and service.
Mr. President, the legislation I am introducing today along with my colleagues Senator Hatch and Senator Biden, addresses an unintended effect of a provision in the original Drug Abuse and Treatment Act of 2000 (DATA) that hinders access to a revolutionary new treatment for thousands of individuals who seek it.
When Congress passed DATA as Title XXXV of the Children's Health Act of 2000, it allowed for the dispensing and prescribing of Schedule III drugs, like buprenorphine/naloxone, in an office-based setting, for the treatment of heroin addiction. As a result of DATA, access to treatment is significantly expanded; patients no longer are restricted to receiving treatment in a large public clinic, usually at a great distance, but now may receive such care in the private, nearby office of qualified physicians.
DATA limits individual physicians to treating no more than 30- patients at a time. Unfortunately, the law results in the same 30- patient limit on physician group practices. The difficulties that have arisen, including the dashed hopes for treatment of many, have resulted in the underutilization of this proven therapy all across this country, including my home state of Michigan.
One of the authors of DATA, I can tell you that it clearly was not our intention that individuals seeking this new treatment have less access simply because they receive care from a physician practicing in a group, or from a group-based or mixed-model health plan. Nevertheless, this is the effect and it is having a severe effect.
The problem is addressed by removing the 30-patient aggregate limit on medical groups. This is achieved in the bill we are introducing today. Our bill simply removes the statutory limit on physician group practices, while maintaining the 30-patient limit on each physician. I am pleased that the Senate has already gone on record in support of this modification to DATA. On October 11, 2004, the Senate Passed S. 2976, to remove the 30-patient limit on the group practices. However, the House adjourned before acting on the legislation. It is our hope that the bill we are introducing today will receive speedy action in both the Senate and House in the very near future.
Mr. President, I would like to share some of the sentiments that have been expressed in support of the group practice modification, as well as some first hand accounts of individuals who are being successfully treated with buprenorphine/naloxone. Dr. Charles Schuster, a former director of the National Institute on Drug Abuse who currently heads the Addiction Research Institute at Wayne State University, writes:
We have three physicians in a group, all of whom have been
trained and granted waivers by the U.S. Department of Health
and Human Services to prescribe Suboxone and Subutex for the
treatment of opiate addiction. All are specialists in the
treatment of addictive disorders. Rather than being able to
bring this potentially life saving therapy to 90 members of
our community, they are restricted to a total of thirty.
This situation is particularly heart breaking in places
where there are a few or only one provider. This situation
will only get worse as physicians and practice plans reach
their 30-patient limitation.
I have been involved in the development of Suboxone and
Subutex for the treatment of opiate addiction for many years.
It is a safer medication with less abuse potential than
methadone. It allows people who fear public knowledge of
their addictive disease to more discreetly seek help from a
private physician. It is a medication that can be used for a
short period with adolescents who have become addicted to
opiates because it is easier to taper them off of this drug
than methadone. In short, office-based practice with Suboxone
and Subutex is a major addition to our country's treatment
system for opiate addiction. It is essential that we remove
the impediment of limiting Physician Practice Plans to 30
patients so that each of the physicians in such Practice
Plans who are trained to use this medication can bring their
services to those in need.
Peter DeMarco, in an article in the May 30, 2004 Boston Globe, writes:
When buprenorphine became available as a treatment for
OxyContin and heroin addiction 18 months ago, many medical
professionals and addicts hailed it as a miracle drug,
bringing addicts back from the brink and helping them lead
normal lives when all else had failed. But for many addicts,
buprenorphine remains one of the hardest drugs to obtain. . .
. (B)prenorphine doesn't cloud the minds of patients,
allowing them to work or study as if they're not on any drug
at all. Nearly all who take buprenorphine, meanwhile, say
they lose all physical cravings for street drugs.
But a combination of federal limits on the distribution of
buprenorphine . . . has kept thousands of opiate addicts from
receiving the drug in Massachusetts and across the country.
At the heart of the issue is federal legislation passed in
2000--two years before the drug was approved by the FDA--that
restricts individual clinical practices from treating more
than 30 patients with buprenorphine at a time.
While many substance-abuse experts say the 30-patient
figure is too low for some practices, their main quarrel with
the Drug Addiction Treatment Act of 2000 is its failure to
differentiate single-physician practices, hospitals, and
health care organizations. For example, all the doctors who
work for Tufts Health Plan can treat a combined 30 patients--
the same total as can be seen by a physician practicing
alone.
Boston health officials, along with their counterparts in
the State and Federal governments, say the Federal
legislation erred on the side of caution, and needs to be
changed to allow wider access to buprenorphine.
``Boston Medical Center's main practice has 200 or more
general internal-medicine doctors, and within that practice,
we can only treat 30 people. It's the craziest loophole,''
said Colleen Labelle, nurse-manager of the hospital's Office-
Based Opioid Treatment Program. ``We get 20 calls a day from
across the state. People are begging, desperate to get
treated, who we can't treat.''
The Federal Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services
Administration has begun an internal process to increase the
30-patient cap. But because any proposed change would be
subject to the public-review process, approval could take as
long as two years, said Nick Reuter, a senior public health
analyst with the agency.
Timothy Tigges says his addiction began after he wrenched
his back and bummed a few Percocet pills, a prescription
analgesic, from a friend to dull the pain. Before he knew it,
he was hooked on opiates, alternating between OxyContin and
shooting up heroin as his life went to pieces.
In October, Tigges, a 27-year-old East Boston carpet
installer, began taking buprenorphine, placing an orange pill
the size of a dime under his tongue until it dissolves, four
times daily. He hasn't touched an illegal drug since the day
he started the program, has put on 80 pounds from lifting
weights at the gym, and has yet to miss a day of work. For
the first time in three years, Tigges hopes to see his 5-
year-old daughter, whose mother has refused to let him visit.
``I've had clean urines, 100 percent, for nine months now.
There's nothing I'm prouder of than that,'' he said, choking
back emotion. ``What I read on the front page of the paper
every day is 18- and 20-year-old kids dying of garbage drugs.
There's just no need for it. I would take every ounce of
heroin off the street and give them this stuff. You watch the
crime rate go down.''
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the legislation be included at the end of my remarks.
Mr. President, today I introduce with my colleague, Senator Lugar, a bill to grant normal trade treatment to the products of Ukraine. My brother, Congressman Sander Levin and other members are introducing a similar bill in the House. It is our hope that enactment of this legislation will help to build stronger economic ties between the United States and Ukraine.
The Cold War era Jackson-Vanik trade restrictions that deny most favored nation trade status to imports from former Soviet-Bloc countries are outdated and, when applied to Ukraine, inappropriate. Those restrictions were established as a tool to pressure Communist nations to allow their people to freely emigrate in exchange for favorable trade treatment by the United States.
Ukraine does allow its citizens the right and opportunity to emigrate. It has met the Jackson-Vanik test. In fact, Ukraine has been found to be in full compliance with the freedom of emigration requirements under the Jackson-Vanik law. Ukraine has been certified as meeting the Jackson-Vanik requirements on an annual basis since 1992 when a bilateral trade agreement went into effect.
It is time the United States recognizes this reality by eliminating the Jackson-Vanik restrictions and granting Ukraine normal trading status on a permanent basis. Our bill does this as well as addressing traditional Jackson-Vanik issues such as emigration, religious freedom, restoration of property, and human rights. It also deals with the important trade issues that must be considered when granting a country permanent normal trade relations (PNTR), such as making progress toward World Trade Organization (WTO), accession and tariff and excise tax reductions.
Since reestablishing independence in 1991, Ukraine has taken important steps toward the creation of democratic institutions and a free-market economy. As a member state of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), Ukraine is committed to developing a system of governance in accordance with the principles regarding human rights that are set forth in the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, the Helsinki Final Act.
On December 26, 2004, Ukraine took another historic step in its pursuit of democracy with the legitimate election of its new President Viktor Yuschenko. This election showed the world that Ukraine has joined the family of democracies. The United States can help advance this young democracy by repealing our Cold War-era laws that should no longer apply to them and welcoming them to the international economic community as a full partner. This bill will accomplish these goals.
In addition to welcoming the Ukrainian government to the family of democracies, we must also take a moment to honor the Ukranian people for their commitment to democratic institutions in civil society through peaceful demonstrations. Free and fair elections were conducted only because of the courage and hard work of the Ukranian people. Without their persistence Ukraine was in danger of moving forward with an illegitimately elected president.
By drawing Ukraine into normal trade relations, the international community will be helping Ukraine to achieve greater market reform and continue its commitment to safeguarding religious liberty and enforcing laws to combat discrimination. PNTR status will hopefully do more than increase bilateral trade between the United States and Ukraine and encourage increased international investment in Ukraine. Hopefully it will also stimulate the reform we all want and the Ukrainian people deserve on their way to achieving a more mature and stable democracy.
It's time we recognize Ukraine's accomplishments and status as an emerging democracy and market economy by lifting the Jackson-Vanik restrictions. I hope my colleagues will support this important bill.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I am pleased to reintroduce legislation that would put an end to automatic cost-of-living adjustments for congressional pay. As I have noted when I raised this issue in past years, it…
Mr. President, I am pleased to reintroduce legislation that would put an end to automatic cost-of-living adjustments for congressional pay.
As I have noted when I raised this issue in past years, it is an unusual thing to have the power to raise our own pay. Most of our constituents do not have that power. And that this power is so unusual is good reason for the Congress to exercise that power openly, and to exercise it subject to regular procedures that include debate, amendment, and a vote on the record.
I regret to say, that current law permits Congress to avoid that public debate and vote. All that is necessary for Congress to get a pay raise is that
nothing be done to stop it. The annual pay raise takes effect unless Congress acts.
This stealth pay raise mechanism began with a change Congress enacted in the Ethics Reform Act of 1989. In section 704 of that act, Members of Congress voted to make themselves entitled to an annual raise equal to half a percentage point less than the employment cost index, one measure of inflation.
It is true, that on occasion Congress has voted to deny itself the raise, and the traditional vehicle for the pay raise vote is the Treasury appropriations bill. But that vehicle is not always made available to those who want a public debate and vote on the matter. Just last year, for example, the Treasury appropriations bill was slipped into the massive Omnibus Appropriations conference report, and thus it was completely shielded from amendment. Senators were effectively prevented from offering an amendment to force an up or down vote on the annual pay raise. And that situation was not unique.
Getting a vote on the annual congressional pay raise is a haphazard affair at best, and it should not be that way. The burden should not be on those who seek a public debate and recorded vote on the Member pay raise. On the contrary, Congress should have to act if it decides to award itself a hike in pay. This process of pay raises without accountability must end.
This issue is not a new question. It was something that our Founders considered from the beginning of our Nation. In August 1789, as part of the package of 12 amendments advocated by James Madison that included what has become our Bill of Rights, the House of Representatives passed an amendment to the Constitution providing that Congress could not raise its pay without an intervening election. On September 9, 1789, the Senate passed that amendment. In late September 1789, Congress submitted the amendments to the States.
Although the amendment on pay raises languished for two centuries, in the 1980s, a campaign began to ratify it. While I was a member of the Wisconsin State Senate, I was proud to help ratify the amendment. Its approval by the Michigan Legislature on May 7, 1992, gave it the needed approval by three-fourths of the States.
The 27th amendment to the Constitution now states: ``No law, varying the compensation for the services of the senators and representatives, shall take effect, until an election of representatives shall have intervened.''
I try to honor that limitation in my own practices. In my own case, throughout my 6-year term, I accept only the rate of pay that Senators receive on the date on which I was sworn in as a Senator. And I return to the Treasury any additional income Senators get, whether from a cost-of-living adjustment or a pay raise we vote for ourselves. I don't take a raise until my bosses, the people of Wisconsin, give me one at the ballot box. That is the spirit of the 27th amendment. The stealth pay raises like the one that Congress allowed last year, at a minimum, certainly violate the spirit of that amendment.
This practice must end. This bill will end it. Senators and Congressmen should have to vote up-or-down to raise congressional pay. My bill would simply require us to vote in the open. We owe our constituents nothing less.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I introduce the Federal Death Penalty Abolition Act of 2005. This bill would abolish the death penalty at the Federal level. It would put an immediate halt to executions and forbid the imposition of the death penalty as a sentence for violations of Federal law.
Since 1976, when the death penalty was reinstated by the Supreme Court, there have been almost 1,000 executions across the country, including three at the Federal level. At the same time, over 100 people on death row were later found innocent and released from death row. Exonerated inmates are not only removed from death row, but they are usually released from prison altogether. Apparently, these people never should have been convicted in the first place. While death penalty proponents claim that the death penalty is fair, efficient, and a deterrent, the fact remains that our criminal justice system has failed and has resulted in at least 117 very grave mistakes.
Nine hundred and forty-four executions, and 117 exonerations in the modern death penalty era. That is an embarrassing statistic, one that should have us all questioning the use of capital punishment in this country. And we continue to learn about more cases in which our justice system has failed. Since I first introduced this bill in November of 1999, 36 death row inmates have been exonerated throughout the country, 12 since I introduced this bill in the last Congress in February 2003. Since I last introduced this bill, 115 people have been executed nationwide. How many innocents are among them? We may never know.
While executions continue and the death row population grows, the national debate on the death penalty intensifies and has become even more vigorous. The number of voices joining in to express doubt about the use of capital punishment in America is growing. As evidence of the flaws in our system mounts, it has created an awareness that has not escaped the attention of the American people. Layer after layer of confidence in the death penalty system has been gradually peeling away, and the voices of those questioning its fairness are growing louder and louder. Now they can be heard from college campuses and courtrooms and podiums across the Nation, to the Senate Judiciary Committee hearing room, to the Supreme Court. We must not ignore them.
That our modern society relies on killing as punishment is disturbing enough. Even more disturbing, however, is that our States' and Federal Government's use of the death penalty is often not consistent with principles of due process, fairness, and justice. These principles are the foundation of our criminal justice system. It is clearer than ever before that we have put innocent people on death row. In addition, statistics show that those States that have the death penalty are more likely to put people to death for killing white victims than for killing black victims.
After the death penalty was reinstated by the Supreme Court in 1976, the Federal Government first resumed death penalty prosecutions after enactment of a 1988 Federal law that provided for the death penalty for murder in the course of a drug-kingpin conspiracy. The Federal death penalty was then expanded significantly in 1994, when the omnibus crime bill allowed its use to apply to a total of some 60 Federal offenses. Since 1994, Federal prosecutions seeking the death penalty have now accelerated.
A survey on the Federal death penalty system from 1988 to early 2000 was released by the U.S. Department of Justice in September 2000. That report showed troubling racial and geographic disparities in the Federal Government's administration of the death penalty. In other words, who lives and who dies in the Federal system appears to relate to the color of the defendant's skin or the region of the country where the defendant is prosecuted. Attorney General Janet Reno was so disturbed by the results of that report that she ordered a further, in- depth study of the results. Attorney General John Ashcroft pledged to continue that study, but we still await the results of that further study. The Federal Government must do all that it can to ensure that no person is ever subject to harsher penalties because of the color of the defendant's skin.
I am certain that not one of my colleagues here in the Senate, not a single one, would defend racial discrimination in this ultimate punishment. The most fundamental guarantee of our Constitution is equal justice under law, and equal protection of the laws. Yet we have a system in place today that raises grave questions about whether that guarantee is being met.
While the Federal death penalty system is clearly plagued by flaws, there are 38 States across our Nation that also authorize the use of capital punishment. And like the Federal system, those systems are not free from error.
Five years ago, Governor George Ryan took the historic step of placing a moratorium on executions in Illinois and creating an independent, blue ribbon commission to review the State's death penalty system. The Commission conducted an extensive study of the death penalty in Illinois and released a report with 85 recommendations for reform of the death penalty system. The Commission concluded that the death penalty system is not fair, and that the risk of executing the innocent is alarmingly real. Governor Ryan later pardoned four death row inmates and commuted the sentences of all remaining Illinois death row inmates to life in prison before he left office in January 2003:
Illinois is not alone. Four years ago, then Governor Parris Glendening learned of suspected racial disparities in the administration of the death penalty in Maryland. Governor Glendening did not look the other way. He commissioned the University of Maryland to conduct the most exhaustive study of Maryland's application of the death penalty in history. Then faced with the rapid approach of a scheduled execution, Governor Glendening acknowledged that it was unacceptable to allow executions to take place while the study he had ordered was not yet complete. So, in May 2002, he placed a moratorium on executions. Unfortunately, Governor Bob Ehrlich later lifted that moratorium and executions have resumed in Maryland.
The Maryland study was released in January 2003, and the findings should startle us all. The study found that blacks accused of killing whites are
simply more likely to receive a death sentence than blacks who kill blacks, or than white killers. According to the report, black offenders who kill whites are four times as likely to be sentenced to death as blacks who kill blacks, and twice as likely to get a death sentence as whites who kill whites.
Maryland and Illinois are not exceptions to a rule, nor anomalies in an otherwise perfect system. In fact, since reinstatement of the modern death penalty, 81 percent of capital cases across the country have involved white victims, even though only 50 percent of murder victims are white. Nationwide, more than half of the death row inmates are African Americans or Hispanic Americans.
There is evidence of racial disparities, inadequate counsel, prosecutorial misconduct, and false scientific evidence in death penalty systems across the country. While the research done in Maryland and Illinois has yielded shocking results, there are 36 other States that authorize the use of the death penalty, most of them far more frequently. Twenty of the 38 States that authorize capital punishment have executed more inmates than Maryland, and 14 of those States have carried out more executions than Illinois. So while we are closer to uncovering the unthinkable truth about the flaws in the Maryland and Illinois death penalty systems, there are 36 other States with systems that are most likely plagued with the same flaws. And yet, the killing continues.
At the beginning of 2005, I cannot help but believe that our progress has been tarnished by our Nation's not only continuing, but increasing use of the death penalty. We are a Nation that prides itself on the fundamental principles of justice, liberty, equality and due process. We are a Nation that scrutinizes the human rights records of other nations. Historically, we are one of the first nations to speak out against torture and killings by foreign governments. We should hold our own system of justice to the highest standard.
Over the last few years, some prominent voices in our country have done just that. And they are not just voices of liberals, or of the faith community. They are the voices of Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, Reverend Pat Robertson, George Will, former FBI Director William Sessions, Republican Governor George Ryan, and Democratic Governor Parris Glendening. The voices of those questioning our application of the death penalty are growing in number, and they are growing louder.
And while we examine the flaws in our death penalty system, we cannot help but note that our use of the death penalty stands in stark contrast to the majority of nations, which have abolished the death penalty in law or practice. There are now 117 countries that have abolished the death penalty in law or in practice. The European Union denies membership in the alliance to those nations that use the death penalty. In fact, it passed a resolution calling for the immediate and unconditional global abolition of the death penalty, and it specifically called on all States within the United States to abolish the death penalty. This is significant because it reflects the unanimous view of a group of nations with which the United States enjoys the closest of relationships and shares the deepest common values.
What is even more troubling in the international context is that the United States is now one of only five countries that imposes the death penalty for crimes committed by juveniles. So, while a May 2002 Gallup poll found that 69 percent of Americans oppose the death penalty for those under the age of 18, we are one of only five nations on this earth that puts to death people who were under 18 years of age when they committed their crimes. The others are Iran, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nigeria, and Saudi Arabia. In the last decade, the United States has executed more juvenile offenders than all other nations combined.
These are countries that we often criticize for human rights abuses. We should remove any basis for charges that human rights violations are taking place on our own soil by halting the execution of people who were not even adults when they committed the crimes for which they were sentenced to die. No one can reasonably argue that executing child offenders is a normal or acceptable practice in the world community. And I do not think that we should be proud that the United States is the world leader in the execution of child offenders.
As we begin a new year and another Congress, our society is still far from fully just. The continued use of the death penalty shames us. The penalty is at odds with our best traditions. It is wrong and it is immoral. The adage ``two wrongs do not make a right,'' applies here in the most fundamental way. Our Nation has long ago done away with other barbaric punishments like whipping and cutting off the ears of criminals. Just as our Nation did away with these punishments as contrary to our humanity and ideals, it is time to abolish the death penalty as we seek justice in this new century. And it is not just a matter of morality. The continued viability of our justice system as a truly just system that deserves the respect of our own people and the world requires that we do so. Our Nation's striving to remain the leading defender of freedom, liberty and equality demands that we do so.
Abolishing the death penalty will not be an easy task. It will take patience, persistence, and courage. As we work to move forward in a rapidly changing world, let us leave this archaic practice behind.
I ask my colleagues to join me in taking the first step in abolishing the death penalty in our great Nation. I also call on each State that authorizes the use of the death penalty to cease this practice. Let us step away from the culture of violence and restore fairness and integrity to our criminal justice system.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am introducing a bill that will fix one of the fundamental flaws of the Medicare prescription drug benefit signed into law last Congress. The ``Efficiency in Government Health Care Spending Act'' will remove language included in the Medicare Modernization Act that prohibits the Medicare program from negotiating prescription drug prices with manufacturers. I believe that the Medicare prescription drug benefit does far too little to bring down the prices of prescription drugs, and that there are not enough measures to keep the skyrocketing cost of the program in check. In fact, it actually takes away one of the best tools the Medicare program could use in bringing down prescription drug prices by denying the government the ability to negotiate price discounts on behalf of Medicare beneficiaries.
My bill will allow the Federal Government to take advantage of the purchasing power of the Medicare program, saving taxpayers' dollars while reducing the costs of prescription drugs for Medicare beneficiaries. We need to act now to fix the flaws included in the Medicare prescription drug benefit, before the benefit begins next year.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am introducing a bill that will remove the multi-billion dollar ``stabilization fund'' from the new Medicare prescription drug benefit. This stabilization fund is in essence a slush fund that gives billions of dollars to private insurance companies. This is not an efficient use of taxpayers' dollars. In fact, it's not clear why it's even necessary. If private managed care plans are successful in bringing costs down, as backers of the new Medicare bill expect, and if seniors supposedly want to choose private plans, as backers of the new Medicare bill believe, then why should American taxpayers pay private companies more money to get more people to enroll in them?
We should not be subsidizing private health insurance companies in the name of Medicare reform. It is fiscally irresponsible, in a time of record deficits, to use taxpayers' dollars as a giveaway to private insurance companies. By removing this multi-billion slush fund, my bill will save the American taxpayers $10 billion. Many analysts, including the Administration's analysts, predict that the new Medicare prescription drug benefit will far surpass the $400 billion budgeted for it. We need to look carefully at how we spend Medicare dollars, so that we can ensure that the program remains solvent for future generations.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, as Ranking Member of the Small Business and Entrepreneurship Committee, today I am introducing a package of bills that will help small business owners with access to loans, business…
Mr. President, as Ranking Member of the Small Business and Entrepreneurship Committee, today I am introducing a package of bills that will help small business owners with access to loans, business counseling and Federal procurement opportunities. Each of the bills was previously introduced on its own or as part of the Committee's extensive Small Business Administration reauthorization proposal that passed the Senate unanimously last Congress. These are provisions that are necessary for enabling our nation's small businesses to continue to have the resources and tools they need to compete with larger companies. They will help America's budding entrepreneurs continue to seek out business opportunities and continue to start businesses. Enactment of this assistance will show that the Federal government is not there to make the road to success more difficult for small businesses, but to help them where the private sector will not.
Mr. President, the first bill of this package is the Small Business Federal Contractor Safeguard Act. It includes essential contractor protections that were a part of the Small Business Administration reauthorization package that passed the Senate unanimously last Congress but was stalled during negotiations in the House of Representatives. These much-needed protections will help level the playing field for small firms and create a procurement atmosphere that fosters competition, fair access and equal opportunity for smaller entities.
With Federal agencies awarding larger, more complex and more costly contracts, and with less staff at the Small Business Administration and within Agency contracting offices performing oversight, this nation's small businesses and its taxpayers are the ones shouldering the burden when small business goals continue to be unmet. In addition to helping small businesses obtain access to procurement opportunities, these goals are meant to help the government benefit from the cost-savings and innovations small business contractors can often provide.
Significant steps were made during the last Congress to address the challenges of contract bundling; however, it is my belief that passing and implementing binding statutory requirements is the only long-term solution to the on-going problem of contract bundling, also called contract consolidation. The first section of the bill creates a two- tiered approach to preventing unnecessary contract consolidation. Civilian agencies will be required to meet specific standards if they attempt to consolidate contracts above $2 million and additional requirements for those contracts above $5 million. The Department of Defense is required to meet two types of similar requirements for contracts above $5 million and $7 million. The bill also eliminates the use of the term ``contract bundling'' and expands the definition of ``contract consolidation,'' closing a loophole that has been widely used to the detriment of many small businesses.
In addition to increasing opportunities for prime contracts by eliminating unnecessary contract consolidation, this bill addresses another serious problem: the dishonest treatment of small business subcontractors by large business prime contractors. Small businesses have been severely hamstrung by the dishonest practices of some large business prime contracts that delay paying their subcontractors, falsely report their subcontracting plans and use ``bait and switch'' tactics.
This bill holds prime contractors responsible for the validity of subcontracting data, requiring the CEO to certify to the accuracy of the subcontracting report under penalty of law. It also makes the penalties for falsifying data included in subcontracting reports match the current $500,000 penalty for businesses that falsify their status as a small and disadvantaged business. Under this bill, if one intentionally falsifies data as a part of a subcontracting report to a federal Agency, he is defrauding the United States government and will be punished to the full extent of the law.
Finally, the bill requires contracting officers to maintain a database of contract performance that is made available to the small business subcontractor upon completion of the contract. This report can then be used as a record of past performance, building a history that will help successful small firms bid on future Federal prime contracts or subcontracts. Each contracting officer will be empowered to withhold a portion of the payment to the prime contractor until he also receives the completed and accurate performance report. Any material breach of contract that is found will be immediately reported to the Inspector General of that Agency for a complete investigation.
The second bill of this small business legislative package is the SBA Microenterprise Improvements Act. It was also included as part of the Small Business Administration reauthorization package and passed by the Senate unanimously last Congress. I am reintroducing these provisions because they are vital to the microenterprise programs administered by the SBA: the Microloan Program and the Program for Investment in Microentrepreneurs (PRIME).
As I have stated on numerous occasions, I disagree with the Administration's proposals to cut back funding for microloans and training assistance intended to encourage entrepreneurship and foster America's smallest small businesses. And I wholeheartedly disagree with the Administration's ill-
founded argument that these borrowers are being, or will be, served through the SBA's 7(a) loan guarantee program. SBA's loan programs are not one-size fits all. The small borrower in the Microloan program is different, and therefore has different needs, than the small business borrower being served through the 7(a) loan program. Both lending vehicles are important, but they are different, and one is not a substitute for the other.
Who are these borrowers being served through the microloan program? Thirty percent are African American; 11 percent are Hispanic; 37 percent are women; and, anywhere from 30 percent to 40 percent go to small businesses in rural areas. Because of their size, the size of the loan they need and their relative inexperience, small businesses borrowers are turned away by banks, and yet the Administration proposed cutting the Microloan program by 36 percent in its fiscal year 2004 budget, and cut all funding in its fiscal year 2005 budget. The SBA needs to fully fund these programs and put more resources into the office that manages the program. Four people are not enough to manage 1,400 loans and 180 grants. To make matters worse, the SBA's long-time manager of micro-enterprise programs, Jody Raskind, is leaving the Agency. All those who support the good work of fostering SBA's Microloan program are sorry to see her go, not only because of her dedication and hard work, but also because they are concerned that the Administration will never really fill the job, letting the programs languish. I urge the Administration to move quickly to fill that position, just as the private sector would, by working with the Microloan community to identify someone who is competent, resourceful and dedicated to monitoring integrity of these programs and fostering their success.
In addition, we need to finally enact some changes to the Microloan program that have passed the Senate several times over the last four years but have yet to pass the full Congress because of unrelated political fights. I urge my colleagues to let us move forward with making these provisions law, once and for all. The first part of the SBA Microenterprise Improvements Act includes many of the provisions passed as part of S. 174, a bill which Senator Snowe and I introduced in 2001 and the Committee and the full Senate voted to pass by unanimous consent in 2002. As I mentioned earlier, these provisions were also included as part of S.1375, the SBA reauthorization bill that passed the Senate unanimously in 2003. The updates and changes to the Microloan program included in this bill will improve the program in several ways.
First, it will allow intermediaries to make revolving-term loans or longer fixed term loans to small businesses. Currently, intermediaries may only make ``short-term'' loans with fixed terms, which restrict the ability of microlenders to structure loans that meet the needs of certain small enterprises. This will benefit small businesses, the lenders, and the SBA because it will eliminate repeated paperwork and unnecessary administrative burdens. It will help small businesses, such as carpenters, who need revolving loans to finance the jobs as they come in, rather than taking multiple little, fixed-term loans. Second, this bill also contains a change to the Microlenders eligibility. Rather than tying eligibility to the expertise of the entity, this bill makes it possible for new entities to qualify as the SBA microlending intermediaries if they have staffs who are experienced in this unique or specialized lending and technical assistance. This bill also adjusts, reflecting changes in the market, the average smaller size of microloans from $7,500 to $10,000, to make it consistent with similar changes enacted in December 2000. This is important because microloan intermediaries that have a microloan portfolio with an average loan size of not more than $10,000 will now be eligible to receive an interest rate lower than the normal rate extended by the SBA to intermediaries. This bill also changes, from 25 percent to 30 percent, the amount of technical assistance (TA) funds an intermediary can contract with an outside expert and the amount of grants a lender can use to counsel prospective borrowers. In addition, the legislation requires the SBA to report annually on the requirement that states that Agency must contract out 7 percent of its loan dollars for intermediary training.
Last, the SBA Microenterprise Improvements Act, like S.1375, requires the SBA to develop an improved subsidy rate model to determine the cost of microloans. The one the Agency has used since the program's inception does not reflect the performance of the program. For example, in Fiscal Year 2003, the administration's budget doubled the subsidy rate (which is the government's cost of the program) from 6.78 percent to 13.05 percent, even though the program had not experienced any loss of federal funds since the first loan was made in 1992. This broken method of calculating the cost of these loans is a waste of taxpayer money because Congress has to appropriate unnecessary funds to run the program. Now is the time to fix it.
The second part of the SBA Microenterprise Improvements Act also comes from S.1375, but was not included in the small business reauthorization bill that passed Congress last session. It begins by reauthorizing the PRIME program through 2007 and transfers its legislative language from the Riegle Community Development and Regulatory Improvement Act of 1994 to section 37 of the Small Business Act. Additionally, it includes a provision that Senator Bingaman and I worked closely to develop that will expand PRIME with a separate $2 million authorization to provide direct, in-depth technical assistance and counseling to disadvantaged Native American small business owners. The rationale for amending the PRIME Act, rather than creating a separate program, is that PRIME is currently operational and simply needs additional targeted efforts and funding so it can better address the needs of the Native American entrepreneurial community. The Bingaman-Kerry approach uses an existing program structure to help find a solution to the long-term economic handicap existing in Native American communities nationwide. There are a number of microenterprise organizations in states across the country that are willing and prepared to take on the additional challenge of assisting disadvantaged Native American entrepreneurs, and there are a number of Native American communities that are eager to explore a different path to economic development. However, there are currently a limited amount of funds to allow that to happen. Again, I commend Senator Bingaman for his continued attention to these needs, for his continued support of small business legislation to address them, and for his foresight and vision for Native Americans in New Mexico and across the country. The Native American communities of our nation will be better off with the assistance that this provision makes possible.
Again, it is time to move forward. Out of 66 pages of Small Business Administration reauthorizations and improvements that were slipped into the Omnibus Appropriations bill that passed at the end of the 108th Congress, these non-controversial provisions were included. They should have been.
The third part of the package that I'm introducing today is a reintroduction of the Vocational and Technical Entrepreneurship Development Act. Last Congress, I introduced this important piece of legislation as a companion to H.R. 1387, which bears the same name and was introduced in the House, in the 107th and 108th Congresses, by Congressman Robert Brady of Pennsylvania.
Let me begin by reminding my colleagues that the Small Business Administration's Office of Advocacy states that only half of all small businesses survive past four years and that management and education remain two of the most important ingredients to small business success. We often think that small businesses only need money to succeed, but while adequate financing is vital, so too is careful planning and competent management. Often Americans who work in the trade sector-- construction, plumbing, electrical work, etc.--enter these professions with the goal of one day starting their own business; however many of these aspiring entrepreneurs who participate in career training or vocational training in certain trades, unfortunately, fail to obtain the necessary education and ``back room'' management skills to grow and develop their fledgling business. This initiative would develop a
program that allows workers within the trades industry to move toward starting a new business by giving them the entrepreneurial skills to successfully manage a small business. Many small businesses fail not because they don't know the industry or make low-quality products or have poor service, but because they don't know the ins and outs of running a successful business.
The purpose of the Vocational and Technical Entrepreneurship Development Act is to assist in the development of curricula that will encourage the successful growth of small businesses. This legislation passed the House in each of the last Congresses, but was not taken up by the full Senate. I hope that the committee and full Senate will act quickly on it now.
The bill, in a business-education partnership, establishes a ``vocational entrepreneurship development demonstration program,'' under which the SBA would provide grants, through the Small Business Development Center network, to provide technical assistance to high school and technical career institutes, vo-tech schools, to promote small business ownership in their curriculum.
The SBDC program is designed to deliver such up-to-date counseling, training and technical assistance in all aspects of small business management and is the ideal vehicle to provide such a program. Each grant awarded under this program will be worth at least $200,000-- which, in today's environment where vo-tech programs get shortchanged in government education budgets, can do a great deal to help rebuild a worker-strapped trades industry.
There has been some concern that this legislation will duplicate programs such as those at the Department of Education's Office of Vocational and Adult Education, OVAE, which does provide valuable vocational education. The OVAE, and other such government programs, however, focus on helping workers gain new and updated skills so that they may find employment. In contrast, this legislation is targeted toward turning workers, not into better employees, but into potential employers. Traditional vocational education programs do not provide entrepreneurial training. This is a fundamental difference between this legislation's objective and that of the traditional vocation education provided by the Department of Education. Giving our trades industry professionals the skills to be successful business owners creates better employers and better, long-lasting businesses. This, in turn, will go a long way toward creating additional trade jobs across the country.
I again want to commend Representative Brady for his years of hard work on behalf of entrepreneurs not just from his home State but on behalf of every trades industry worker who has ever thought of becoming his or her own boss by starting a business.
Mr. President, I urge all of my colleagues to cosponsor and support these three bills.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bills be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am introducing the International Remittance Consumer Protection Act of 2005. This legislation extends basic consumer protection rights to those who send remittances, and it…
Mr. President, today I am introducing the International Remittance Consumer Protection Act of 2005. This legislation extends basic consumer protection rights to those who send remittances, and it creates new avenues and incentives for federally insured financial institutions to provide remittance and basic banking services to those who currently do not use such institutions to send remittances.
The practice of sending remittances is not new. Immigrants to the United States traditionally have used remittances to provide financial assistance to family members who remained in their country of origin, but the practice has been largely overlooked; it has not been systematically studied and its implications have not been fully understood. The 2000 census shows that 30 million people in this country are foreign-born--the largest number in our Nation's history-- and the vast majority of them--22 million are citizens or legal residents. More than 40 percent of our Nation's foreign-born population immigrated to the United States in the 1990s, and some 15.4 million, or more than half the immigrant community, have come from Latin American countries. Immigrants make a vital contribution to the economic and social life of our Nation.
In a recent study, Sending Money Home: Remittances to Latin America from the U.S., 2004, the Inter-American Development Bank, IADB, found that nationwide over 60 percent of Latin American immigrants send remittances. On average, each immigrant sends $240 at a time, 12 times per year. Although these individual transactions are not large, they have constituted an aggregate amount of over $30 billion from America to our Latin American neighbors in this year alone.
In my State of Maryland, we have 175,000 immigrants from Latin America and the vast majority send remittances back home. According to the IADB's study 80 percent of Maryland's immigrants from Latin America send remittances. The typical sender remits an average of $245, 14 times per year--in other words, remittances are a monthly matter, with special gifts for Christmas and Mother's Day.
The subject of remittances has been a major interest of mine for some time. As chairman of the Banking Committee, in February, 2002, during the 107th Congress, I chaired what I understand was the first Congressional hearing devoted exclusively to the subject. Dr. Manuel Orozco, a leading researcher on remittances at the Inter-American Dialogue, told the Committee that remittances from the U.S. to Latin America had grown substantially--at that point to an estimated $20 billion in 2001--and that between 15 to 20 percent--$3-$4 billion--was being lost in fees and other transaction costs. Since Dr. Orozco testified, remittances to Latin America have grown by $10 billion, or 50 percent, in just three years, and continued growth is expected.
That an estimated 15 percent to 20 percent of the money sent in remittances is diverted to fees and other transaction costs, often hidden from the remittance sender, is evidence of the abusive practices that exist in the remittance market. There are two primary factors that account for this abuse. First, studies have shown that people who send remittances tend to be relatively low-wage earners, with modest formal education and relatively little experience in dealing with this country's complex system of financial institutions. As a result they are susceptible to unscrupulous actors who can take advantage of them by charging all sorts of exorbitant fees, which are often hidden or misrepresented. The exchange rate conversion is often the mechanism for this abusive practice.
Second, remittances are currently not subject to the requirements set by Federal consumer protection law, including the disclosure of fees. There is no requirement that a remittance transfer provider disclose to the consumer the exchange rate fee that will be applied in the transaction. Without knowing the exchange rate fee that the company is charging, a consumer has little ability to gauge accurately the full cost of sending a remittance. As Sergio Bendixen, a leading researcher of public opinion and behavior, with a specialty among Hispanic consumers, testified before the Banking Committee: ``an overwhelming majority of Hispanic immigrants are unaware that their families in Latin America receive less money than what they send from the United States.'' Further, a remittance sender cannot effectively shop between remittance transfer providers. The lack of basic information limits the amount of competition in this market.
The legislation I am introducing today extends basic consumer rights to those who send remittances. Further, by requiring clear and understandable disclosures to the remittance sender of the cost of the remittance, thus presenting to the consumer the full cost of sending money, the legislation will enhance competition, which in turn should lead to an overall decrease in the cost of sending remittances. As Sergio Bendixen testified to the Banking Committee, ``Full disclosure should unleash market forces that, hopefully, will result in a significant reduction in the cost of sending cash remittances.''
This legislation amends the Electronic Fund Transfer Act, EFTA, which is the primary vehicle for providing basic protections to most persons who engage in electronic transactions, to cover remittances, and to provide the basic rights associated with EFTA to remittance transactions. The two most important components of EFTA are the requirement of full disclosure of fees and the establishment of a process for the resolution of transactional errors. These rights have been an integral part of the regulations that govern our banking infrastructure since EFTA's enactment in 1978. The new legislation will build upon the success of EFTA by extending these basic rights to remittance senders.
The cornerstone of this legislation is the requirement that remittance transfer providers make three key disclosures to their consumers: One, the total cost of the remittance, represented in a single dollar amount; two, the total amount of currency that will be sent to the designated recipient; and three, the promised date of delivery for the remittance. These disclosures follow the core recommendations of the Inter-American Development Bank, which in its publication, Remittances to Latin America and the Caribbean: Goals and Recommendations,
states: ``Remittance institutions should disclose in a fully transparent manner, complete information on total costs and transfer conditions, including all commissions and fees, foreign exchange rates applied and execution time.''
The total cost disclosure will include the cost of the exchange rate conversion as well as all up-front fees. This single item will both give consumers a more accurate representation of the cost of the remittance transaction and allow consumers to more effectively compare costs between remittance transfer providers.
In order to calculate the cost of the exchange rate conversion, which is part of the total cost, the legislation requires that the Treasury Department post on its website, on a daily basis, the exchange rate for all currencies. At present the Treasury receives this information on a daily basis, but posts it only on a quarterly basis on the Treasury website. By posting the information daily, the Treasury could create a uniform and credible source for exchange rate information.
To calculate the cost to the consumer of the exchange rate differential, remittance transfer providers will use the difference between the previous business day's exchange rate, as posted on the Treasury website, and the exchange rate that the remittance transfer provider offers. Using the exchange rate posted by the Treasury will ensure that the exchange rate cost is calculated on a uniform base. When the exchange rate cost is disclosed to the consumer as part of the total cost of the remittance transfer, the consumer will be better able to understand the full cost of the transaction and to shop between different remittance transfer providers.
In addition to fee disclosure requirements, this legislation establishes an error resolution mechanism so that consumers whose remittance transactions experience an error have a fair, open, and expedient process through which they may resolve those errors with the institution that conducted the flawed transaction. This basic right is already afforded to consumers who are protected by EFTA, and now this right will be extended to cover consumers who send remittances as well. Further, the legislation establishes an error resolution mechanism for remittance transfer errors that is responsive to the different types of errors that can occur in a remittance transaction and is reflective of the unique characteristics of the remittance market and its participants.
Under this legislation, a consumer has one year from the date that the remittance transfer company promised to deliver the money to notify the company that an error has occurred. The company is then required to resolve the error within 90 days. To resolve the error, the company must either 1. refund the full amount of the remittance that was not properly transferred, 2. resend that amount at no additional cost to the consumer or the designated recipient, or 3. demonstrate to the consumer that there was no error. The Federal Reserve Board is also granted the authority to establish additional remedies for specific situations that cannot be addressed by the three specific remedies that are described in the legislation.
It is urgent that we continue to encourage efforts to bring those who send remittances into the financial mainstream. In his testimony to the Banking Committee, Dr. Orozco pointed out that, ``About two-thirds of immigrants cash their salary checks in check cashing stores that charge exorbitant fees. Many of these same immigrants then use what remains of their income to send remittances back home. In this common scenario, immigrants are penalized in both receiving and sending their earnings.'' In order to further bank those who are currently unbanked, the legislation that I am introducing today requires that the Federal banking agencies and the National Credit Union Administration provide guidelines to financial institutions regarding the offering of low-cost remittance transfers and no-cost or low-cost basic consumer accounts. This legislation also amends the Federal Credit Union Act to allow credit unions to offer remittances and to cash checks for persons who are in their field of membership but are not credit union members. The guidelines set out in the legislation will help educate the financial services industry about the importance and potential profitability of providing these services.
The sending of remittances in a fair and scrupulous manner is likely to be profitable for the institution that provides the remittance service, and indeed we have begun to see aggressive moves into the remittance market by many of the largest banking institutions. Individuals who send remittances but are currently unbanked represent an expanded and profitable customer base for financial institutions.
By its very nature, the issues involved in sending remittances affect both the United States and other nations. As Professor Susan Martin of Georgetown University, who also testified at our hearing, told the Banking Committee: ``Until relatively recently, researchers and policy makers tended to dismiss the importance of remittances or emphasize only their negative aspects . . . but recent work on remittances show a far more complex and promising picture. . . . Experts now recognize that remittances have far greater positive impact on communities in developing countries than previously acknowledged.'' In fact, the size of the remittance market is such that for six Central American and Caribbean nations--Nicaragua, Haiti, El Salvador, Honduras, Guyana and Jamaica--remittances constitute more than 10 percent of GDP; Haiti and Jamaica receive more in remittances than in revenues from trade. The World Bank estimates that Mexico receives more in remittances than it does in foreign direct investment. Reducing the costs of remittances is in the interest of both the United States and the countries that receive them.
Given the growing importance of annual remittance flows, we must work to increase their efficiency. One mechanism for accomplishing this objective, and for increasing the ability of financial institutions to offer remittances, is linking our banking infrastructure with the banking infrastructures of other nations. The Federal Reserve operates an international automated clearing house system, ACHi, that is currently linked to seven countries, of which the vast majority are highly developed trading partners that receive relatively low levels of remittances. The ACHi was recently connected to Mexico, however, which will allow financial institutions throughout the United States, especially those institutions of smaller size, to provide remittance services more easily and cheaply to Mexico. This legislation directs the Fed to take into account the importance of remittance flows to other countries as it continues to expand the ACHi system. Linking the ACHi to countries that receive significant remittances has the potential to result in great benefits to consumers who send remittances from America as well as to those who receive the remittances around the world.
Finally, I am acutely aware of the need for better and more broadly available financial literacy and education for all Americans. I am pleased to report that in the last Congress, as part of the reauthorization of the Fair Credit Reporting Act, we established a Presidential Financial Literacy and Education Commission, which is charged with developing a national strategy to promote financial literacy and education. The Act addresses the issue of remittances by including in the Commission's work a focus on increasing the ``awareness of the particular financial needs and financial transactions, such as the sending of remittances, of consumers who are targeted in multilingual financial literacy and education programs.'' The legislation that I am introducing today builds on that framework by instructing the bank and credit union regulators to work with the Commission to specifically increase the financial education efforts that target those persons who send remittances.
Millions of Americans send remittances to family members around the world, for a total far exceeding the $30 billion that goes to Latin America alone. Yet almost all of these transactions take place without the basic consumer rights and protections that apply to other electronic transfers. Consumers who send remittances are often immigrants and workers who earn modest wages, who are not aware of the full costs of each remittance,
and as a practical matter have no way of finding out, and, as a consequence, in the aggregate pay billions of dollars in costs and hidden fees. They do not have available to them an established procedure for resolving transactional errors. This legislation rectifies this situation by extending to remittances the basic consumer rights established in EFTA. The bill also contains provisions that, when implemented, will allow more insured financial institutions to provide remittance services--and potentially at lower costs to consumers. The bill contains important provisions to help bring the unbanked--men and women without an account at a bank or credit union into the financial mainstream. Taken together, these measures will increase transparency, competition and efficiency in the remittance market, while helping to bring more Americans into the financial mainstream.
A broad range of community, civil rights, and consumer groups have endorsed this legislation including the National Council of La Raza, the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund, the League of United Latin American Citizens, the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights, United Farm Workers of America, the Farmworker Justice Fund, the NAACP, Casa de Maryland, the National Federation of Filipino American Associations, the Asian Pacific American Labor Alliance, National Asian Pacific American Legal Consortium, Consumers Union, Consumer Federation of America, the National Consumer Law Center, the National Community Reinvestment Coalition, the Center for Responsible Lending, U.S. PIRG, ACORN, Woodstock Institute, and the National Association of Consumer Advocates. The Credit Union National Association and the World Council of Credit Unions, both of whom provide remittance services, have also endorsed this legislation.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of International Remittance Consumer Protection Act be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I rise today, as an experienced pilot over age 60, along with my colleagues, Senator Stevens and Senator Burns, to introduce a bill that will help end age discrimination among airline…
Mr. President, I rise today, as an experienced pilot over age 60, along with my colleagues, Senator Stevens and Senator Burns, to introduce a bill that will help end age discrimination among airline pilots. I also want to thank my colleague in the other chamber, Congressman Jim Gibbons, for his leadership on this issue and for introducing the companion version of this bill.
This bill will abolish the Federal Aviation Administration's Age 60 Rule-the regulation that for more than 40 years has forced the retirement of airline pilots the day they turn 60 and replace it with a rational plan that ties the commercial pilot retirement age to the Social Security retirement age currently 65.
Most nations have abolished mandatory age 60 retirement rules. The United States is one of only two countries in the Joint Aviation Authority that requires its commercial pilots to retire at the age of 60. Some countries, including Canada, Australia, and New Zealand have no upper age limit at all.
The Age 60 Rule has no basis in science or safety and never did. FAA data shows that pilots over age 60 are as safe as, and in some cases safer than, their younger colleagues. There have been numerous studies and statements in support of abolishing the Age 60 Rule.
In 1981, the National Institute of Aging stated that ``the Age 60 Rule appears indefensible on medical grounds'' and ``there is no convincing medical evidence to support age 60, or any other specific age, for mandatory pilot retirement.''
The FAA released the Hilton Study in 1993, which stated ``the data for all groups of pilots were remarkably consistent in showing a modest decrease in accident rate with age no hint of an increase in accident rates as pilots near age 60.''
Furthermore, in May 1999, the Senate Appropriations Committee asked the FAA to report on why the US should not cautiously increase the age to 63, ``like other countries have for commercial aviation.''
Airline Pilots magazine stated in a September 2003 article, ``If a permanent replacement for the 30 year Treasury bond rate is also applied to the calculation of lump-sum payments, we recommend a long transition period, similar to that proposed in H.R. 1776, the pension legislation introduced by Rep. Bob Portman. For pilots who must retire at age 60, this is particularly important. It would be unfair to pull the rug out from under employees who have carefully planned their retirement finances, especially pilots who can't fly longer to make up for the amounts lost because of a change in the basis used to calculate lump-sum payments.''
As recently as September 14, 2004, in a hearing before the Senate Special Committee on Aging, Captain Joseph ``Ike'' Eichelkraut, President of Southwest Airlines Pilots' Association, testified:
``The 4400 plus pilots of the Southwest Airlines Pilots' Association, oppose the Age 60 Rule.
``Flying a commercial airliner is not the physically demanding environment I encountered 15 years ago in the 7 9 ``G'' world of the F- 16 I flew in the Air Force. Commercial piloting is, however, a job requiring key management skills and sound judgment. These are talents that I have found typically come with age and experience.
``The facts are that plain. The FAA has the ideal mechanisms for ensuring safe pilots at any age are already in place. To retain my license and fly as a pilot for Southwest Airlines, I must pass semi- annual flight physicals administered by a qualified (FAA licensed) Aero-Medical Examiner (AME). When a pilot turns 40 years of age, he must undergo an EKG every other flight physical, which is electronically transmitted by the AME directly to FAA headquarters where a computer program alerts if parameters dictate.
``Pilots must also successfully pass semiannual simulator training and flight checks designed to evaluate the crewmember's ability to respond to various aircraft emergencies and/or competently handle advances in flight technology and the Air Traffic Control (ATC) environment. Captains must demonstrate, twice yearly, complete knowledge of systems and procedures, safe piloting skills and multi- tasking by managing emergency and normal flight situations, typically in instrument flight conditions conducted in advanced simulators. There is no greater test of cognitive ability and mental dexterity than these simulator rides. Flight crews are also administered random inflight check rides by FAA inspectors and Southwest check airmen. Further, we are subject to random alcohol and drug testing at any time while on duty. There is no other profession examined to this level. The 59 year old Captain arrives at this point in his career having demonstrated successful performance following years of this kind of scrutiny. FAA studies have verified the superior level of safety exhibited by this senior Captain.
``At Southwest, our pilots are trained to fly the aircraft on instruments down to 50 above the ground in poor visibility conditions before acquiring the intended runway and landing visually. In simulators, both pilots must demonstrate the ability to immediately determine whether a safe landing can be made at this point and then either execute a ``go-around'' or land. The First Officer is trained to assume control of the aircraft and execute a ``go-around'' if the Captain fails to respond to procedures at this critical decision point. If either pilot should become incapacitated, even at touchdown, the other pilot is capable of assuming control in order to fly the airplane to a safe landing. The passengers would probably remain unaware that a pilot had become ill until the aircraft is met at the gate by Emergency Medical Technicians (EMT).
``Simulator failure rates among SWA pilots are low. Last year there were only 31 out of 4,200 simulator checkrides. But as pilots approach age 60 the failure numbers are at their lowest. The graph attached shows this and I believe that experience is the key. As pilots get older, they know how to better handle the extreme situations they may have encountered in simulator checks. The mean failure rate declines at an even rate from a pilot's thirties through his fifties. Of course, because of the Age 60 rule, I don't have data to
show that this trend would continue throughout a pilot's sixties, but I suspect it would.''
I urge the Commerce Committee to hold hearings along these lines.
Furthermore, on September 29, 2004, thousands of people watched as 63-year-old Michael Melvill made history by becoming the first civilian to pilot a craft into space. In doing so, he helped Paul Allen, the owner of Mojave Aerospace Ventures, which owns SpaceShipOne technology, along with the designer of SpaceShipOne, Burt Rutan, win the coveted $10 million Ansari X-Prize.
Melvill took SpaceShipOne above the 62-mile altitude point, ultimately soaring to 337,500 feet. Despite rolling nearly 30 times, Melvill was able to gain control of the vehicle, re-enter the atmosphere, and glide to a landing. I attribute this recovery and subsequent landing to Melvill's years of extensive experience as a test pilot.
This bill will allow our most experienced pilots, those like Michael Melvill demonstrably healthy, and fit for duty-to retain their jobs, a step that will benefit pilots, the financially burdened airlines, and most importantly, passengers. Now, more than ever before, we need to keep our best pilots flying.
Again, there is no scientific justification for requiring pilots to retire at age 60. Our pilots, our airlines, and our passengers deserve our consideration. I urge the rest of my colleagues to support this important legislation.
Mr. President, I have long been dedicated to quality healthcare for my constituents in Oklahoma and across America. I supported the Medicare bill of 2003 to give a voluntary prescription drug benefit to seniors. I have championed the rural health care providers, who received some of the greatest benefits of the Medicare bill. In 1997, I was one of few Republican to vote against the Balanced Budget Act because of its lack of support for rural hospitals. Back then, I made a commitment to not allow our rural hospitals to be closed, and I am pleased we finally addressed that important issue in the Medicare legislation. I also co-sponsored S. 816, the Health Care Access and Rural Equity Act, to protect and preserve access of Medicare beneficiaries to health care in rural regions.
I am a strong advocate of medical liability reform and am an original cosponsor of S. 11, the Patients First Act, to protect patients' access to quality and affordable health care by reducing the effects of excessive liability costs. There are solutions to alleviate the burden placed on physicians and patients by excessive medical malpractice lawsuits, and I am committed to this vital reform.
I have also worked with officials from the Center for Medicare and Medicaid Services to expand access to life-saving Implantable Cardiac Defibrillators. I supported legislation to increase the supply of pancreatic islet cells for research and co-sponsored a bill to take the abortion pill RU-486 off the market in the United States.
The Federal Government invests in improving hospitals and healthcare initiatives, and I have fought hard to ensure that Oklahoma gets its fair share. Specifically, over the past three years, I have helped to secure $5.2 million in funding for the Oklahoma Medical Research Foundation, the Oklahoma State Department of Health planning initiative for a rural telemedicine system, the INTEGRIS Healthcare System, the University of Oklahoma Health Sciences Center, the Oklahoma Center for the Advancement of Science and Technology, St. Anthony's Heart Hospital, the Hillcrest Healthcare System, and the Morton Health Center.
Mr. President, the unexpected influenza (flu) vaccine shortage beginning last month highlights the need to encourage the production of flu vaccine in America. As you know, on October 5, 2004, Chiron, a California-based biotechnology company, notified U.S. health officials that its plant in Liverpool, England had been shut down due to vaccine contamination. Almost 50,000 doses of flu vaccine were thrown away, which created a severe shortage for Americans just as the flu season began.
In light of the current shortage, I have examined why America found itself unable to accommodate the public demand for the flu vaccine. As we have seen, once a vaccine shortage strikes, a rapid response is difficult and often impossible. Thirty years ago, more than a dozen American companies were in the flu vaccine business. Today, only two companies make the vaccine for America, and only one is an America- based company. This is no coincidence. High liability costs, tedious production, price caps, and the complicated United States tax code have kept the market bare.
In October, President Bush signed the JOBS bill, which curbed the billion-dollar lawsuits that have crippled the flu vaccination industry. By adding flu vaccine to the list of vaccines protected by the National Vaccine Injury Compensation Program (VICP), a no-fault alternative must be used for resolving vaccine injury claims. I am encouraged with this progress, but more can be done to prevent a shortage in the future.
The FY2005 Omnibus bill provides $100 million to the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) to ensure a year-round flu vaccine production capacity and for the development of rapidly expandable flu vaccine production technologies. The Omnibus language also permits HHS to purchase flu vaccine with these funds, if deemed necessary. Such costly purchasing is a waste of federal dollars that could otherwise be used for research through the National Institutes of Health to develop faster and safer vaccine production technology. My bill strikes the language that allows government purchasing of the flu vaccine with these funds.
Optimizing the flu vaccine production process is imperative. The ever-changing nature of the flu virus results in a complicated production process. The dominant strain of the flu virus mutates each year, requiring a different vaccine for every flu season. Because harvesting the flu vaccine currently takes at least six months and requires tens of thousands of fertilized eggs susceptible to contamination, this process must begin nearly a year before the flu season begins.
Research should be focused on developing new technologies to allow us to produce more vaccine--in the same season--when we encounter a shortage. For example, a company in Connecticut is developing a flu vaccine relying on cell lines from silk moths. Reverse genetics technology also holds potential that researchers should explore. These types of innovative research promise to shave at least one month off of production time and significantly reduce cost.
Rather than temporarily masking problems through wasted spending on vaccine surpluses, my bill would ensure that the federal government invests in lasting solutions to the challenges of flu vaccine production. The encouragement of safer and faster flu vaccine production technology is a prudent use of federal research dollars through the National Institutes of Health.
To invest in these new technologies, flu vaccine manufacturers will have to renovate existing facilities or construct new ones. My bill gives a tax
credit to companies, new and old, to assist them in this important venture.
Currently, ten American companies produce the forty-seven FDA- approved vaccines. An investment tax credit will encourage these existing companies to expand their production to cover the flu vaccine and will invite start-up companies to join the industry. This will better equip the United States market to prevent and deal with a shortage in the future.
Furthermore, my bill removes the suffocating price controls that have discouraged companies from producing the flu vaccine. The Vaccines For Children program (VFC), enacted under the Clinton Administration, imposed a price cap on all vaccines purchased through federal contracts. From a shortsighted perspective, these regulated prices may expand access to vaccines. However, in the long run this policy devastates the vaccine production industry and decreases the availability of vaccines. This occurred in 1998 when manufacturers of Tetanus Diphtheria vaccine refused to bid on government contracts. Consequently, this vaccine is no longer available to children through the VFC program.
Similarly, the CDC purchased nearly 12 percent of the flu vaccine this season, and significant quantities were purchased through the Department of Defense, the Veteran's Administration, and Medicare. The price controls imposed from federal government purchasing create a high-risk, low-reward business market. Price controls destroy any profit incentive. Manufacturers avoid this artificial environment and will continue to as long as the government over steps its bounds.
The harmful effect of government price controls is especially pronounced in the flu vaccine market because the vaccine has a single- season shelf life. The difficulty of predicting the demand for vaccines each year exposes companies great risk. A slight drop in demand can force them out of the market. Financial losses--from seven million extra doses in 2002 and 4.5 million extra in 2003--compelled Wyeth Pharmaceutical Company to end its flu vaccine manufacturing.
Scientific experts consider vaccination to be the most effective medical intervention, and we live in an age of unprecedented vaccine development and implementation. We cannot continue to over-regulate the flu vaccine industry and hope companies will hang on and produce vaccines regardless of profit. The current national flu vaccine shortage reveals the need to act.
My bill would steer NIH research dollars towards cutting-edge technology, remove suffocating price controls, and free American companies to enter the flu vaccine industry with an investment tax credit. I urge my colleagues to stand with me in supporting this vital legislation.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, parliamentary inquiry: We have 1 hour equally divided? Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk and ask for its immediate consideration. I ask unanimous consent that the reading…
Mr. President, parliamentary inquiry: We have 1 hour equally divided?
Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk and ask for its immediate consideration.
I ask unanimous consent that the reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
Mr. President, this amendment is to delete a provision in the bill which would prohibit the hopper dredge McFarland from remaining in operation. I submit this bipartisan amendment on behalf of myself and Senator Carper, of Delaware.
It is a little hard to understand why this pending bill seeks to retire this vessel, which does important dredging work, on a bill which is denominated to provide for the consideration of the development of water and related resources and authorizes the Secretary of the Army to construct various projects for improvements to rivers and harbors of the United States, because this dredger is very important for the specific stated purposes of the bill.
I would start with the important role this dredging vessel, the McFarland, plays with respect to the Nation's military operations. The McFarland is one of only three active dredging vessels owned by the U.S. Government, with one other held in reserve. The other two active vessels are on the west coast. The McFarland is available to respond immediately to emergency blockages at the Department of Defense- designated strategic military seaports.
At a time when terrorism is a major threat in this country, it is hard to understand why we would want to give up the only dredger which is available on the east coast and on the gulf coast. I think there may be many Senators whose States will be adversely affected, as will Pennsylvania and Delaware and New Jersey--the States in our region-- when you take a look at the Defense-designated ``Strategic Military Seaports'' within the operating range of the McFarland, which covers New York and New Jersey; Hampton Roads, VA; Morehead City, NC; Wilmington, NC; Charleston, SC, Savannah, GA; Jacksonville, FL; Gulfport, MS; Beaumont, TX; Corpus Christi, TX; the Earle Naval Weapons Station, NJ and Sunny Point, NC.
Senators from those States, beware about what is going to happen to your State if you don't have this dredger available to perform strategic military seaport operations at a time when there is a significant risk of terrorism.
The McFarland has also played a key role in responding to severe weather events and natural disasters. Most recently, the vessel was dispatched to the gulf coast to assist in Hurricane Katrina response efforts. So, Senators of Louisiana and Mississippi and Texas and Alabama, beware if this vessel is not available. There are two on the west coast. They can't get to these areas to perform needed rescue efforts.
There has been no plan put forward to address the void in the Nation's dredging capacity that will be created in the absence of the McFarland. The GAO has been critical of restricting the Federal hopper dredge fleet. It made a finding in a March 2003 report that the decreased utilization of the Federal fleet has imposed additional costs on the Corps and not produced significant benefits. That is because those in the private sector are on notice, with a Federal dredger available they are not in a position to raise their costs without the competition that would be supplied by the Federal dredger.
It isn't exactly a matter of having a great Federal fleet and looking to privatize or looking to help the private sector. You have 15 private dredgers, and they are interested in eliminating competition so they can raise the prices.
There was a report by the Corps of Engineers on June 3, 2005. That report does not provide sufficient support for its recommendation to eliminate the McFarland. You would think, if the committee was going to come forward and wanted to eliminate the McFarland, they would have some Federal report with verified data to rely upon, but they do not. The GAO, in 2003, says we ought not eliminate the limited Federal dredgers. The Corps of Engineers' report of 2005 doesn't give sufficient reasons for what the committee report seeks to accomplish.
There has been some suggestion that the McFarland is in need of repairs. That is contrary to fact. That is a scare tactic. The fact is that the McFarland is capable of operating for the next 10 to 12 years without undergoing any major rehabilitation work. As of March 23 of this year, just a few months ago, it was fully certified by the Coast Guard and the American Bureau of Shipping. The McFarland is able to be dispatched immediately to these areas.
Again, the availability of the McFarland ensures that prices will be reasonable when the Corps of Engineers contracts with private industry to perform dredge work. If the McFarland were to be decommissioned, maintenance dredging costs on the Atlantic and gulf coast will be entirely at the hands of the private dredge industry, and the Corps of Engineers' dredging costs will likely increase during peak work periods, when the availability of private bidders is limited.
The McFarland facilitates the safe and reliable movement of commercial goods. On the Delaware River alone, the McFarland helps maintain a shipping channel which supports 38 million metric tons of cargo per year at a total value of $14 billion--amounts which rank second and eighth in the Nation respectively. It is a big economic blow to my State and a big economic blow to Delaware and a big economic blow to New Jersey and a big economic blow to other States to have this McFarland phased out.
I am at a loss to see the motivation for the committee to come forward with this recommendation and in effect to pick a fight with half the States in the country. I will be anxious to see what the committee has by way of argument to justify eliminating the McFarland.
I ask unanimous consent that the full text of my printed remarks be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I am reserving 10 minutes for Senator Carper, but I am waiting with interest to see what the chairman of this committee has to say.
Mr. President, I will be glad to yield to the distinguished Senator from Missouri if I may ask one question that was raised by what the Senator from Oklahoma has just said. He has made the assertion that it would cost $20 million to bring the McFarland up to shape. I ask him, what is the source for that and how does that square with the fact that on March 23 of this year, just a few months ago, the McFarland was fully certified by the Coast Guard and the American Bureau of Shipping, so that it is in good shape and would require no funding to keep it in operation?
Mr. President, if I may make one statement before yielding to the Senator from Missouri, that is in direct variance with a report of the Corps of Engineers on June 3 that did not sufficiently justify its recommendation to retire the McFarland. And they found further that there are no assurances that private industry will be able to fill the void created by the decommissioning of McFarland.
I yield now to the Senator from Missouri.
Mr. President, by way of brief reply to the comments of the Senator from Missouri, the Corps of Engineers has put a $20 million figure for putting the McFarland into Ready Reserve. But that doesn't deal with having the McFarland operational. That estimate was disputed by the Maritime Exchange for the Delaware River and others presenting factual information.
I have just checked to find out if there was any hearing held on this matter. But I am advised that there was not. The rest of the Corps of Engineers report did not provide assurances that private industry would be able to fill the void created by decommissioning the McFarland. When you come to the issue as to whether it is capable of proceeding operationally, no one has disputed the facts that the McFarland is capable of functioning for 10 to 12 years without undergoing any major rehabilitation work being fully certified by the Coast Guard and the American Bureau of Shipping as of March 23 of this year, an undisputed fact.
How much time remains on my side, Mr. President?
I thank the Chair. I yield the floor.
Mr. President, I ask if Senator Carper would await the arguments of the chairman.
Mr. President, the argument that the Senator from Oklahoma makes about a 2005 report by the Corps of Engineers is flatly contradicted by the certification by the Coast Guard and the American Bureau of Shipping as of March 23, 2006, after the 2005 report referred to by the Senator from Oklahoma, that the McFarland requires no rehabilitation and remains operational and available to perform dredge work.
I yield 10 minutes to the Senator from Delaware.
Mr. President, I yield to the distinguished Democrat manager of the bill, Senator Jeffords.
Mr. President, I thank the Senator from Vermont, the ranking member of the committee, for those comments.
I think he puts his finger on the critical spot. That is, if the McFarland is decommissioned, we may well have a need which will not be fulfilled. That was a big hole in the report of the Corps of Engineers that there were no assurances that the private sector would be able to handle the workload.
The fact is, as outlined in the report by the Corps of Engineers, the Corps' hopper dredges serve to ensure that costs will be reasonable, but with a limited number of vessels in the fleet and during peak workload periods when only one bidder may be available, there is a tendency to exercise the principles of supply and demand and costs will rise.
The Corps' presence will serve as a deterrent for potential cost increases. That means we need to keep the McFarland in operation.
The report goes on to say that a current example is the Wheeler being called out in February to perform work in the Mississippi River when a single industry bid exceeded the award amount. The Corps report further points out during the peak workload scenario, the largest industry hopper dredge, the Stuyvesant, experienced engine trouble and had to stop work, creating a capability shortfall. Subsequent to this event, increased shoaling in the Mobile Harbor created the need for an additional hopper dredge resulting in calling out the Wheeler, as the McFarland was also fully engaged.
When there has been talk about the daily rate of the McFarland, it is unsupported by the fine print. The McFarland's estimated daily rate includes a payment the Corps has to make into a ``dredge replacement fund'' even though the Corps has no intention of replacing the McFarland with another federal dredge. Therefore, the daily rate which has been cited is inflated, unrealistic, and does not support decommissioning the McFarland.
How much time remains?
I reserve the remainder of my time.
Mr. President, this effort to retain the McFarland is not being undertaken for historical reasons. To talk about placing the McFarland in a museum is making light of an issue which is very, very serious for my State. It is potentially serious for about two-thirds of the other States in the United States which are affected by hurricanes and which have very important national security areas.
This amendment is being pursued at the request of the Governor of Pennsylvania and the Maritime Exchange. They are deadly serious about the adverse impact of retiring the McFarland.
On the Delaware River alone the McFarland helps maintain a shipping channel that supports 38 million metric tons of cargo per year, a total value of $14 million. That ranks second and eighth in the Nation.
We are not talking about a museum piece. We are talking about a dredge which is vital for jobs and the economy of the region. We are talking about the McFarland's availability to respond to emergency blockades at the Department of Defense designated strategic military seaports. You are not talking about an antique. You are talking about an era where terrorism is an ongoing threat; where, within the past 2 weeks, we had a threat by terrorists to blow up the Holland Tunnel; where the President has a terrorist surveillance program which has superseded the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act and is viewed under the President's article II powers as a wartime precedent because of the threat of terrorism.
We are talking about Department of Defense interests in New Jersey, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Mississippi, and Texas. We are talking about a dredge which played a key role in responding to severe weather events and natural disasters and was dispatched to the gulf coast to assist in Hurricane Katrina.
We have a report by the Corps of Engineers which relies upon industry data. The Corps report concedes that ``to verify the industry data would require extensive auditing and is beyond the scope or need of this report.''
Beyond the scope of the report; we ought to rely on a Corps of Engineers report that relies upon industry data where the industry has a vested interest in having the McFarland retired so they can make more money, and you have a national defense interest?
There has been no case made by the committee to replace the McFarland.
How much time remains on my side?
Mr. President, I did not refer to San Francisco and I did not refer to San Diego. The long list of States affected were on the east coast and on the gulf. There are two other Federal dredgers on the west coast.
I have great respect for the distinguished Senator from Oklahoma and his 20 years of service on the Armed Services Committee. But I have been, for 26 years, on the Defense Appropriations Subcommittee and have some familiarity with these issues. I was on the Intelligence Committee for 8 years and chaired it in the 104th Congress and have some appreciation of the problems of terrorism. And I have served on the Judiciary Committee for 26 years, now chair it, and have been very deeply involved in the President's electronics surveillance program which has superseded the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act because of the threat of terrorism.
We are talking here about having the McFarland available in many, many ports and in many, many States--not the State of California and San Francisco or San Diego, but in Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Texas, and others; and the gulf coast States affected by the hurricane, again, Texas and Louisiana and Mississippi and Alabama and Florida.
We are dealing here with a very flimsy Corps of Engineers report which is based on industry data which is not verified--a concession they make in this report. And it is provided by industry sources which have a vested interest and a bias in eliminating the McFarland as a competitor.
Mr. President, I think it is fair to say that if the committee's point on decommissioning the McFarland is to stand, they have a burden of proof. And they have not established it. There has not been a hearing on this subject. There has not been reliable evidence. And I would say that in the face of the threat of terrorism, and the work that the McFarland does in that area, and the work that the McFarland did in Hurricane Katrina, that their burden of proof is more than a preponderance of the evidence; it ought to be clear and convincing. And it has not been either clear or convincing.
Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.
I move to reconsider the vote.
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Mr. President, as we approach the historic elections in Iraq this week, it is important that we pause and take stock of our own elections process here in the United States. There is already much we…
Mr. President, as we approach the historic elections in Iraq this week, it is important that we pause and take stock of our own elections process here in the United States. There is already much we can learn from the Iraqi experiment in democracy that can broaden and strengthen the participation of our own citizens in their democracy here in America. And in light of the continuing barriers that American citizens found at polling places across this Nation last November, we cannot rest on the laurels of past legislation. We must continue to strive to provide an equal opportunity for all citizens to participate in their democracy by voting and having their vote counted.
For that reason, on Monday, I was pleased to introduce S. 17, the Voting Opportunity and Technology Enhancement Rights Act of 2005--the VOTER Act. I am grateful to the Democratic Leader, Harry Reid, for including this comprehensive initiative in his leadership package of Democratic legislative priorities for the 109th Congress. There is nothing more fundamental to the vitality and endurance of a democracy of the people, by people, and for the people, than the people's right to vote. In the words of Thomas Paine:
The right of voting for representatives is the primary
right by which other rights are protected.
With regard to the Iraqi elections, President Bush has made his goal for this initial act of democracy clear: he wants as full participation in the vote as possible. In his words, he wants ``everybody to vote.'' While that is a laudable goal for a fledgling democracy, it should be the standard for a democracy that has existed for nearly two and one- quarter centuries. Regrettably, we have not yet reached that standard. In the 2000 presidential election, 51.2 percent of the eligible American electorate voted. And although in the 2004 presidential election voting participation reached its highest level since 1968, still, only 60.7 percent of the eligible Americans voted.
While there are many reasons why ``everybody'' does not vote in America, we learned from the 2000 presidential elections that many citizens cannot vote and have their vote counted because they are improperly removed from registration rolls, do not have access to accessible voting systems and ballots, and lack confidence in antiquated and error-prone machines and State administrative procedures. In response to those concerns, Congress enacted overwhelmingly bipartisan legislation--the Help America Vote Act of 2002, or HAVA. For the first time in our history, that landmark legislation established the role of the Federal Government in administering and funding Federal elections. The twin goals of this act are to make it easier to vote and harder to defraud the system.
On the day that the Senate adopted its version of HAVA, I noted that the Senate bill was a bipartisan compromise and the culmination of the hard work of a dedicated group of Senators, including my distinguished colleagues, Senator McConnell and Senator Bond, and others. But I also noted that the compromise was just that--it was not everything that all of us wanted, but it was something that everyone wanted. That was equally true of the final HAVA compromise on election reform.
While many of the most important reforms in HAVA do not have to be implemented by the States until the 2006 Federal elections, the 2004 presidential election raised both continuing and new concerns. And the most important of these concerns are either not addressed by HAVA at all, or in some few instances, may actually be the result of HAVA. The fact that barely over one-half of the eligible voting age population voted in 2004 underscores the reality that not everybody votes in America. We must do better, and we can.
At a time when our Nation and its leaders are building a new democracy in Iraq, we must not forget that building democracy begins at home. Just as eligible Iraqis, in this first post-Saddam election, are able to fully participate in democracy by voting from across the globe, so should eligible American voters be able to fully participate in democracy by voting from across the globe. Just as Iraqi voters will be able to vote prior to election day at early voting sites, so should American voters be able to participate in early voting. If Iraqis can register to vote on election day, then American voters should be able to register to vote on election day.
Building democracy must begin at home. The legislation I introduced this week will provide American voters with many of the same rights and opportunities to participate in democracy that Iraqi voters have been given with the support of the blood, sweat and tears of American soldiers--and the resources of American taxpayers.
The Voting Opportunity and Technology Enhancement Rights Act of 2005, or the VOTER Act, provides every eligible American, regardless of where they live in the world or where they find themselves on election day, the right to cast a National Federal Write-In Absentee Ballot in Federal elections. This new national absentee ballot extends to all citizens the same right to a Federal absentee ballot that overseas and active military voters currently have. Beginning with Federal elections in 2007, every State shall provide early voting opportunities for a minimum of 15 days prior to election day, including Saturdays. Beginning in 2007, any otherwise eligible voter must be allowed to register to vote on election day and have that vote counted in Federal elections.
Additionally, the VOTER Act addresses many of the recurring, and new, barriers to voting that voters faced at the polls last November. It requires that a State count a provisional ballot for Federal office cast within the State by an otherwise eligible voter, notwithstanding the polling place in which the ballot is cast.
HAVA established a uniform national right for every voter in a Federal election to receive and cast a provisional ballot. This new right was intended to ensure that no otherwise eligible voter could be turned away from the polls because of an administrative error, or other challenge. But in 2004, we saw this right eroded by States and applied in non-uniform ways. Some States, such as Ohio, initially interpreted HAVA to require that a voter be in their correct precinct in order to cast a Federal provisional ballot. Other States, such as Iowa, interpreted the same HAVA language to allow challenged voters to cast a provisional ballot in their county of residence. Whether or not the provisional ballot was ultimately counted turned solely on State law. The VOTER Act ensures that eligible voters who cast a provisional ballot for Federal office will have that ballot counted in a uniform manner.
The VOTER Act requires that each State provide a minimum required number of voting systems and poll workers for each polling place on election day and during early voting, consistent with mandatory standards established by the Election Assistance Commission--EAC.
On election day there was a recurring problem across the country of long lines and disenfranchised voters because of too few voting systems or ballots at polling places and too few poll workers to assist voters. This requirement becomes effective for Federal elections on or after January 1, 2007.
To ensure that all voters have an equal opportunity to independently verify their ballot before it is cast and counted, the VOTER Act requires that by 2009, all States provide voters a voter-verified ballot with a choice of at least four formats for recording their verification: a paper record; an audio record; a pictorial record; and an electronic record or other means which is fully accessible to the disabled, including the blind and visually impaired.
HAVA already requires that all voting systems provide the voter an opportunity to verify their ballot before it is cast and counted. HAVA also requires that all voting systems produce a permanent paper record for audit purposes. However, HAVA does not spell out how that verification is to be achieved to ensure security and independence of the voter's choice.
Some have called on Congress to require a voter-verified paper ballot. Such is inherently discriminatory against the disabled, particularly the blind and visually-impaired. HAVA already requires that all voters, regardless of disability, be able to verify their ballots. With current and developing technology, it is simply unacceptable, and unnecessary, to discriminate against any voter by requiring that such verification be in paper form.
For good reason, many in the disabled community believe that additional election reform legislation will deter State and local administrators from complying with the existing deadlines under HAVA. While they oppose any such efforts, to the extent that legislation is proposed regarding the voter verified ballot, they support this approach which assures full accessibility for all voters.
While I had hoped that the EAC would have addressed this issue in the voluntary voting system standards required under HAVA to be issued last year, those standards have yet to be issued. I encourage the EAC to incorporate guidance for fully accessible voter verified ballots in the section 301 Voting System Standards to be issued this year.
The VOTER Act also addresses the continuing problem of minority disenfranchisement through last-minute purges of voter registration lists by requiring States to provide public notice of any such purges not later than 45 days before a Federal election.
To expedite the studies called for under HAVA for establishing election day as a Federal holiday, the VOTER Act requires the EAC to complete its study and issue recommendations within 6 months of enactment and earmarks funds within the EAC budget solely for this purpose.
The VOTER Act includes amendments to HAVA that build on the existing voting system requirements to ensure that all voting systems, including punch cards and central count optical scan machines, provide voters with actual notice of over-votes. Also, beginning in 2009, States must allow for voter registration through the Internet.
The VOTER Act also includes provisions to ensure both the security and uniform treatment of voter registration applications by requiring that all voters sign an affidavit attesting to both their citizenship and age, in lieu of the HAVA requirements for a check-off box alone, effective in 2007.
HAVA requires that voter registration forms include questions regarding citizenship and age with check-off boxes that applicants use to indicate whether or not they meet eligibility requirements. States are further required to contact any applicant who does not fill in the boxes in order to complete the form. However, in the 2004 elections, States implemented this requirement in widely varying ways, resulting in non-uniform treatment of voters in Federal elections.
In some cases, States refused to process the form and failed to contact the voter. In other States, voters who had submitted incomplete forms were asked to complete those forms at the polling place. While the twin purposes of HAVA were to make it easier to vote and harder to defraud the system, as implemented this requirement achieves neither purpose.
This requirement further resulted in disenfranchising voters who failed to check a box but nonetheless signed an affidavit, under penalty of perjury, attesting to both their citizenship and age. With the implementation of statewide voter registration lists, the check-off box requirement is unnecessary and burdensome to both voters and election administrators.
To ensure that the implementation of the voter identification requirements in HAVA do not make it harder to vote, the VOTER Act expands the forms of identification that can be used to establish identity for first-time voters who submit their voter registration by mail to include an affidavit executed by the voter attesting to his or her identity, generally subject to penalties for perjury under State law.
The VOTER Act also responds to concerns first raised in the 2000 Presidential election in Florida, and echoed again in the 2004 election, regarding the appearance of impartiality by State election officials who were otherwise active in Federal campaigns. The bill imposes new accountability and transparency requirements on States, beginning in 2007, including a public notice requirement of any changes in State law affecting the administration of elections, such as changes in polling places and actions denying access to polling place observers.
To ensure the independence of the Election Assistance Commission, and the timely issuance of guidance and standards, the bill provides the agency with independent budget authority and the authority to issue mandatory standards to implement the new requirements.
Finally, in recognition of the inherent role of the States in the administration of Federal elections, the VOTER Act provides additional Federal funds for the State requirement grants under HAVA to implement the new requirements.
While Congress accomplished much with the passage of the Help America Vote Act following the debacle of the 2000 Presidential election, 4 years later in the 2004 election, voters faced many of the same barriers to voting that HAVA promised to remove. As Iraqis go to the polls this week, let us assure our own citizens that we have done all we can to ensure that every eligible American voter has an equal opportunity to cast a vote and have that vote counted in Federal elections.
I ask unanimous consent that a brief section-by-section analysis be printed in the Record following my remarks.
Mr. President pro tempore, my dear friend, the senior Senator from Alaska, I see the majority leader on the floor. Is he seeking recognition? Mr. President, before I begin, I assume we will go back…
Mr. President pro tempore, my dear friend, the senior Senator from Alaska, I see the majority leader on the floor. Is he seeking recognition?
Mr. President, before I begin, I assume we will go back and forth, from side to side of the aisle on this. But as Democrats are recognized, I ask it be in this order: Senator Kennedy for 20 minutes, Senator Durbin for 15, Senator Feinstein for up to 20 minutes, Senator Salazar for up to 15 minutes, as Democrats, are recognized. I ask unanimous consent to that.
Mr. President, I appreciate what the senior Senator from Pennsylvania said. Senator Specter and I have been friends for many years. I think we have accomplished a great deal in the Judiciary Committee. I agree with him this is the most important thing we will do. But I might also note, on a personal note about the Senator from Pennsylvania, much of what was accomplished during that time he was fighting a very serious illness. I compliment the Senator from Pennsylvania for his perseverance during that time.
The Voting Rights Act is the cornerstone of our civil rights laws. We honor those who fought through the years for equality by extending the Voting Rights Act to ensure their struggles are not forsaken and not forgotten, and that the progress we have made not be sacrificed. We honor their legacy by reaffirming our commitment to protect the right to vote for all Americans.
The distinguished senior Senator from Massachusetts, who is on the floor, was in the forefront of this battle the first time around. He and his family, his late brothers, the President and brother Senator Robert Kennedy--President Kennedy, Senator Robert Kennedy, and now Senator Edward Kennedy, have been in the forefront of the civil rights battle. This has been a personal thing for them. It has been a commitment that has spoken to the conscience of our Nation, and I applaud my friend from Massachusetts for what he and has family have done.
Reauthorizing and restoring the Voting Rights Act is the right thing to do, not only for those who came before--the brave and visionary people who fought for equality, some at great personal sacrifice, some even giving their lives--but also for those who come after us, our children and our grandchildren. All of our children, all of our grandchildren, should know that their right to vote will not be abridged, suppressed or denied in the United States of America, no matter their color, no matter their race, no matter what part of the country from which they come.
I do thank the chairman for following the suggestion to convene the Judiciary Committee yesterday in special session to consider what really is bipartisan, bicameral legislation to reauthorize the Voting Rights Act. In fact, our Senate bill, S. 2703, is cosponsored by the distinguished Republican leader and the distinguished Democratic leader, by a bipartisan majority of the Judiciary Committee and by a bipartisan majority of the Senate. In fact, at the end of our committee meeting yesterday, we had a rollcall vote. We voted unanimously to report our bill favorably to the Senate.
I mention that because so many of the things that have to go through the Judiciary Committee tend to be of a divisive nature. This was a unanimous vote. I have commended all those in the Judiciary Committee who worked so hard over the last several months to build a fair and extensive record and bring us to this point today. As I said earlier, I commend Senator Kennedy for his work. I agree with Senator Specter, when he gets passionate about a subject he doesn't need a microphone.
I commend those who started with doubts--and there were serious doubts; some regional, some for legal matters. But those who had doubts have now come around to supporting our bipartisan bill.
Because the bill we take up today and the bill from the committee to report are so similar, I know the Senate debate will be informed by the extensive record we have built before the Judiciary Committee. Over the last 4 months, we held nine hearings on all
aspects of this matter and on the overall bill itself. In another indication of bipartisanship, those hearings were chaired by large numbers of members of the committee and chaired by both Republican and Democratic Senators who wanted to send a signal that this is not a partisan matter.
All of those hearings were fairly conducted. Those Senate hearings supplement those held in the House on this matter. Indeed, our first hearing was held for the express purpose of hearing from the lead sponsors from the House and to receive the results of their hearings into our Senate Record. In fact, in anticipation of this bill coming to the floor, I have included statements in the Record in the course of this week to help make sure we have a complete record before the Senate before we vote. For example, on Tuesday, my statement focused on the continuing need for Section 5. On Wednesday, my statement focused on the continuing need for Section 203. They reflect my views as the lead Democratic Senate sponsor.
We have fewer than two dozen legislative days left in this session of Congress, so I appreciate the willingness of the Republican and Democratic leadership to take up this important measure without delay. I know the House of Representatives had to delay consideration of the Voting Act for a month due to the recalcitrance of some, recalcitrance that was overwhelmed in their vote. Here, I hope we do not suffer the same delay. This is a time for us to debate, consider, and vote on this important legislation. We should pass the bill in the same form as the House so it can be signed into law before the Senate recesses for the remainder of the summer.
There has been speculation about why we are here today. Some tied it to the fact that for the first time in his Presidency, President Bush is going to appear before the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the NAACP. I, for one, applaud him for going before the NAACP. All Presidents should, Republican or Democrat. And in fact, if that had anything to do with the success in getting this bill moved expeditiously through the Senate, I have a number of other organizations I hope will invite him to get other legislation moving.
The House-passed bill and the committee-reported bill is very similar. We introduced them in a bipartisan, bicameral, coordinated effort in May. The only change made to the House-passed bill was the inclusion of a governmental study added in the House Judiciary Committee. I urge the Senate to accept that addition.
The only change made during the Senate Judiciary Committee was to add an Hispanic civil rights leader to the roster of the civil rights leaders for whom the bill is named. We did this at the suggestion of Senator Salazar. It is a good suggestion. We did this unanimously. I commend the Senator for it. As Senator Salazar has reminded us, ``Cesar Chavez is an American hero. He sacrificed his life to empower the most vulnerable in America. He believed strongly in the democracy of America and saw the right to vote as a cornerstone of our freedom.'' I offered the amendment in the Judiciary Committee and it was adopted without dissent.
I told Senator Salazar that I recall the dinner with Marcelle and myself, our son Kevin and his wife Carolyn, and our granddaughter Francesca in the small Italian restaurant, Sarduccis, in Montpelier, Vermont. A family next to us came over to introduce themselves. It was Cesar Chavez's son. He apologized for interrupting our dinner. He wanted to say hello. I told him how proud I was to be interrupted and to meet him because his father had been a hero of mine. They were in Vermont because they were going to the Barre Quarry where the memorial to his father was carved.
I have also consulted with Senator Salazar. Neither of us wants to complicate final passage of the Voting Rights Act so I urge the Senate to proceed to the House-passed bill and resist amendments so it can be signed into law without having to be reconsidered by the House. With respect to the short title of the bill and the roster of civil rights leaders honored, I have committed to work with Senator Salazar to conform the law to include due recognition of the contribution to our civil rights and voting rights by Cesar Chavez in follow up legislation.
The Voting Rights Act reauthorization is named for three very important civil rights leaders, as the Senator from Pennsylvania pointed out.
Fannie Lou Hamer was a courageous advocate for the right to vote. She risked her life to secure the right to vote for all Americans. Coretta Scott King was a tenacious fighter for equality for the civil rights movement in the 1960s, and right up to the time of her passing. Many of us in this Chamber met the late Mrs. King. Everyone in the Senate can remember when less than a year ago the body of Rosa Parks lay in state in the Capitol. She was the first African American woman in our history to be so honored. She was honored because of her dignified refusal to be treated as a second-class citizen sparked the Montgomery bus boycotts that are often cited as the symbolic beginning of the modern civil rights movement.
Everyone in this Chamber would be horrified to think that somebody would be treated differently because of the color of their skin, but in the lifetime of every Senator sitting in this Chamber today, we have seen such discrimination. Let's make sure we take this step. It will not remove all discrimination, by any means, but it is a major step to let everyone in the country know that all of us are equal as Americans with equal rights, despite the color of our skin.
Last week, after months of work, the House of Representatives, led by Congressmen John Conyers, Mel Watt, John Lewis, and Chairman Sensenbrenner, rejected all efforts to reduce the sweep and effect of the Voting Rights Act. Congressman John Lewis--himself a courageous leader during those transformational struggles only decades ago, a man who was nearly killed trying to retain the rights of African Americans, said during the House debate:
When historians pick up their pens and write about this
period, let it be said that those of us in the Congress in
2006, we did the right thing. And our forefathers and our
foremothers would be very proud of us. Let us pass a clean
bill without any amendments.
That is my friend John Lewis from the House of Representatives. I want our foremothers and forefathers to be proud of us, but I want our children and our grandchildren to be proud of us, too.
The bill we are considering in the Senate today passed the other body with 390 votes in favor. In fact, the other body rejected all four amendments offered. They wanted to have a clean bill. They listened to John Lewis. They listened to the others. I congratulate the House cosponsors, both Republicans and Democrats, for their successful efforts. I hope we can repeat them in the Senate.
On May 2, when our congressional leadership joined together on the steps of the Capitol to announce a bipartisan and bicameral introduction of the Voting Rights Act, it was a historic announcement. I noted in my journal it was one of the proudest moments I had in my years in the Senate, an occasion almost unprecedented during the recent years of partisanship.
Let's not relent in our fight for the fundamental civil rights of all Americans. Working together, we should pass a clean bipartisan voting rights bill. Congress has reauthorized and revitalized the act four times, each time with overwhelming bipartisan support, pursuant to our constitutional powers. This is not a time for backsliding. This is a time to move forward together.
So let us unite to renew this cornerstone, let us rededicate ourselves to its noble purpose, and let us commemorate the many who suffered and endured to bring our cherished ideals closer to reality for millions of our fellow Americans. Let us guarantee those rights for millions of our fellow Americans to come.
I yield the floor.
Mr. President, I know the distinguished Senator from Virginia is going to be recognized, but I have a quick housekeeping issue.
The distinguished chairman, the distinguished Senator from Pennsylvania, and I want to make sure we go back and forth, side to side. So following the distinguished Senator from Virginia, we will go to the distinguished Senator from North Dakota. Following the next Republican, I ask unanimous consent that the distinguished Senator from Illinois, Mr. Durbin, be recognized for 15 minutes.
Mr. President, I compliment the distinguished Senator from Colorado for his speech. I mentioned him earlier in my speech on the floor and his tremendous contribution to this bill. We can all agree the time to end discrimination is still here, and we can work to do that.
Are we prepared to proceed at this time with the consideration of the Voting Rights Act? Mr. President, this is a historic day for the Senate and really a historic day for America as we move forward…
Are we prepared to proceed at this time with the consideration of the Voting Rights Act?
Mr. President, this is a historic day for the Senate and really a historic day for America as we move forward with Senate action to reauthorize the Voting Rights Act. This action, coming from the Judiciary Committee in our executive session yesterday afternoon, passed unanimously--18 to 0--moves the Senate toward completion of this reauthorization today and for submission to the President and for the formal signing next week.
In an era where many have challenged the ability of the Congress to function in the public interests and in an era where there is so much partisan disagreement, it is good to see the two parties in the House and the Senate coming together to reauthorize this very important legislation.
I thank and congratulate the members of the Senate Judiciary Committee for pulling together and moving ahead at this time, with a prodigious amount of work, to bring this important matter to the floor. The committee has proceeded with 9 hearings. We have had 46 witnesses. We have had 11 leading academics come to testify from such distinguished institutions as the Yale Law School, Stanford University, the University of Pennsylvania Law School, New York University Law School, and others.
The House of Representatives held 12 hearings to gather evidence on voting discrimination, featuring testimony from some 46 witnesses.
We have had some of the leading luminaries in the Nation testify, such as Professor Chandler Davidson, coauthor of the landmark book on the Voting Rights Act ``Quiet Revolution in the South;'' Theodore Shaw, Director-Counsel and President of the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund; Fred Gray, veteran civil rights attorney who began his career in the midst of the civil rights movement in the 1950s and has represented such civil rights leaders as Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and Mrs. Rosa Parks.
We have been mindful in presenting these witnesses and compiling this record that the Supreme Court has required very extensive records. The Supreme Court struck down parts of the landmark legislation protecting women against violence because the Court disagreed with the congressional ``method of reasoning.'' It is a little hard to understand that conclusion, but they have the final word. They have a test on the adequacy of the record; that it be congruent and proportional. It is sometimes hard to understand exactly what that test is, but we are on guard to compile a very extensive record in order to avoid having the act declared unconstitutional.
The bill which we will vote on today accomplishes many important items. First, it strengthens voting rights protections nationwide by allowing voters who successfully challenge illegal voting practices to recover reasonable expenses of litigation. Second, it extends the protections for voters with limited English skills for 25 years. Those voters will continue to enjoy the protection of bilingual ballots and assistance at the polls. It also extends for 25 years the requirements that the Department of Justice preclear any voting change in certain covered jurisdictions where there has been a history of discrimination. The bill clarifies how the preclearance protections should work, guaranteeing that voting laws enacted with a discriminatory purpose never get enacted into law. So, it moves America in the right direction.
The benefits and effects of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 have been profound, to put it mildly. It is the political power of the minorities for whom the Voting Rights Act was designed who pushed the Congress forward a year in advance of the expiration of the Voting Rights Act, to move ahead and get this important job done early.
If you contrast 1964, before the Voting Rights Act was passed, with what is happening in America today, it is a different America. It is a different political reality. In 1964, there were only approximately 300 African Americans in public office, including just 3 in the Congress. Few, if any, Black elected officials came from the South. Today, there are more than 9,000 Black elected officials, including 43 Members of Congress. This is the largest number ever. Quite a record. The Voting Rights Act has opened the political process for many of the approximately 6,000 Latino public officials who have been elected, including 263 at the State or Federal level, 27 of whom serve in Congress.
This progress is especially striking in covered jurisdictions where hundreds of minorities hold office. In Georgia, for example, minorities are elected at rates proportionate to or higher than their numbers. In Georgia, the voting-age population is 27 percent African American. Almost 31 percent of its delegations to the House of Representatives are African American, and 26.5 percent of officials elected statewide are African American. Black candidates in Mississippi have achieved similar success. The State's voting age population is 34 percent African American. Almost 30 percent of its representatives in the State House and 25 percent of its delegations in the U.S. House of Representatives are African American.
The Congress of 1965 relied on evidence that Black registration was so dramatically lower than White registration that the differences could only be explained by purposeful efforts to disenfranchise Black citizens. Indeed, in some cases, the gap was 50 percentage points. In Alabama, Black registration was just at 18 percent, and in Mississippi, a little over 6 percent. Today, in Alabama and Louisiana, Blacks are registered at approximately the same rate as White voters, and in Georgia, Mississippi, North Carolina, and Texas, Black registration and turnout in the 2004 election was higher than that of the Whites.
The Congress of 1965 relied on findings of Federal courts and the Justice Department that the covered States were engaged in the practice of deliberate unconstitutional behavior. For example, the 1965 Senate report noted that Alabama, Louisiana, and Mississippi had lost every voting discrimination suit brought against them, and in the previous 8 years, each State had eight or nine courts find them guilty of violating the Constitution.
Today, the statistics paint a starkly different picture. Since 1982, only six cases have ended in court ruling or a consent decree finding that one of the 880 covered jurisdictions had committed unconstitutional discrimination against minority voters. During that time, six cases have found that a noncovered jurisdiction committed unconstitutional discrimination against minority voters. If the data is focused on the last 11 years, the results are even more dramatic. Since 1995, only two cases ended in a finding that a covered jurisdiction unconstitutionally discriminated against minority voters.
Looking at voting rights cases paints a similar picture. In 1982, 39 court cases ended with a finding that one of the 880 covered jurisdictions had violated Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. That is the provision that prohibits discrimination nationwide. During the same period of time, 40 court cases have ended with a finding that one of the noncovered jurisdictions have violated Section 2. Not a perfect record, but it shows that discrimination has become more incidental and less systematic.
There is no doubt this improved record is a direct result of the Voting Rights Act. When we take a look at civil rights legislation generally, the Voting Rights Act is the most important part of our effort to give minorities--give all Americans--their full range of constitutional civil rights.
When we take a look at the activities of the three distinguished women for whom the Voting Rights Act has been named--Coretta Scott King, Rosa Parks, Fannie Lou Hamer--we see the
enormous contribution which they have made. Mrs. King, the widow of pioneering civil rights leader Martin Luther King, Jr., devoted a lifetime to opposing racism, whether the 1960s segregation Alabama or the 1980s apartheid in South Africa. Fortunately, she lived to see so much of the progress America has made. Sadly, her husband, Dr. King, did not see that.
I recall, not too long ago, when Mrs. King came to the Senate, in the adjoining room to the Senate Chambers, and spoke out forcefully on the issues of civil rights. She was a real heroin in America, to pursue the work of Dr. King.
Every American schoolchild knows the story of Miss Rosa Parks who, on December 1, 1955, refused to give up her seat to a white passenger. She explained her motivation simply:
People always say that I didn't give up my seat because I
was tired, but that isn't true. I was not tired physically. .
. . I was not old, . . . I was forty-two. No, the only tired
I was, was tired of giving in.
Fannie Lou Hamer first learned that African Americans had a constitutional right to vote in 1962, when she was 44 years old. Ms. Hammer later explained that, despite death threats and violence, she was determined to exercise her constitutional rights and said:
The only thing that they could do to me was to kill me, and
it seemed like they had been trying to do that a little bit
at a time ever since I could remember.
So we come to this day in the Senate where we are on the verge of passing the Voting Rights Act, reauthorizing it as the House has done. The President will be speaking within the hour to the NAACP convention and doubtless will refer proudly to the acts of the Congress in presenting him with this bill.
I want to pay tribute to the Judiciary Committee. All the members worked very hard to get these nine hearings and to examine the witnesses and to create a record. Senator Kennedy, who is on the floor, has been a stalwart leader in this field for a very long time. He was here when the Voting Rights Act of 1965 was passed. Not too many current Members of the Senate were present. Senator Byrd, Senator Inouye--this is not in my prepared text. I may be omitting someone. Senator Stevens came shortly thereafter--1968.
Senator Kennedy doesn't need a microphone when he speaks about civil rights in this Chamber. He can be heard on the House floor--quite a distance away, past the Rotunda. He has not only been a spokesman for this act, he has been a persistent advocate. Not that it needed a whole lot of advocacy to persuade the latest chairman or my distinguished ranking member, Senator Leahy, to move ahead. This has been our priority item. We got the Judiciary Committee together on a Wednesday afternoon. It is pretty hard to get the Judiciary Committee together any time and to get a quorum, but we were present, 16 of the 18 members. One member was on the floor managing a bill and the other couldn't be there. So there was that kind of enthusiasm.
Now I want to yield to Senator Leahy, the distinguished ranking member. The committee has quite a record for 18 months. We moved promptly on January 4 to confirm the President's designee for Attorney General. We moved ahead to pass reform legislation on class actions and bankruptcy. We moved ahead, with Senator Leahy's leadership and the leadership of Judge Becker, to move asbestos out of committee--yet to be acted on, on the floor. We have confirmed two Supreme Court Justices and have moved the immigration bill out of committee. But none of our activities has been as important as the one we presented to the floor of the Senate yesterday when we voted out the Voting Rights Act.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that additional materials be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, it is with special thanks that I acknowledge Senator Leahy's leadership and cooperation, that I now yield to him.
Mr. President, as reports continue to appear in the media, there can be little doubt that a critical area of homeland security, and one on which I will be focusing as Chairman of the Health,…
Mr. President, as reports continue to appear in the media, there can be little doubt that a critical area of homeland security, and one on which I will be focusing as Chairman of the Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, is the issue of bioterrorism. It is clear that we cannot separate the need for a strong national biodefense from other aspects of emergency preparedness.
Last summer, when President Bush signed the Project Bioshield Act into law, he called bioterrorism and efforts to use modern technologies against us the greatest danger of our time. The threat posed by bioterror has not gone unnoticed by terrorists and those who wish to do us harm. That is why we must continue to do everything we can to ensure our ability to respond to the use of biological weapons.
In the months to come, my Committee will be working together to develop the strategy we will need to provide for a strong national biodefense. We will be exploring a number of options in that effort, like providing incentives to increase private sector participation in the development of bioterror countermeasures and biopreparedness tools. We will also be examining ways to strengthen our domestic vaccine industry and increase the overall readiness of our public health system.
While I commend its intent, I declined to cosponsor S. 3, the Republican leadership bioterrorism bill introduced today. I look forward to developing bipartisan legislation to strengthen our national biodefense system in our Committee. Senator Burr, who will be heading the Subcommittee on Bioterrorism and Public Health Preparedness, will be an important part of that effort. I am also looking forward to the input of my fellow Committee members, including Senators Kennedy, Gregg and Hatch, as well as Senator Lieberman, who, while not a member of my Committee, has made this a priority of his work in the Congress and put a great deal of thought and effort into the area. In the coming weeks and months, I will also be convening a number of discussions with critical stakeholders and experts as we develop our legislation.
Together, I am confident we can build on the work Congress and President Bush began with the Project Bioshield legislation and do what is necessary to ensure that we are as prepared as we possibly can be for the ever-present and constantly changing threat of bioterrorism.
Mr. President, last week we had an opportunity to be a part of a truly historic event. As we gathered together on the west front of the Capitol, a huge crowd joined us along the Mall and down Pennsylvania Avenue to witness the inauguration of President Bush. It was a great moment for America as the President took his oath of office. Later, in what was one of the best inaugural speeches I have ever heard, he outlined his vision for the future and the theme for his second term.
It filled my heart with pride to hear him speak about freedom and the role America would continue to play in helping to bring its bright light to bear on the darkest regions of the world. As he spoke, I was pleased to hear him also renew, his commitment to our Nation's education system and to bringing the highest standards to our schools. The President made it clear that such an effort was an important part of making sure that every American has a stake in our future as a nation. Without it, the American dream we have shared for many years may be reduced to a nightmare for future generations.
Clearly, we can't allow that to happen. That is why I am pleased to join, with the distinguished majority leader, Dr. Frist, and my friend and colleague, from Tennessee, Senator Alexander, in introducing legislation we have written to address that need and ensure a brighter future for our children. Among the goals our legislation seeks to address is the importance of strengthening our public education system, ensuring parents are involved in the process and, above all, giving our teachers the support they need to obtain the results we must have if our children are to have the best chance to succeed in life.
The legislation I am introducing today continues the work we began with the passage of the No Child Left Behind Act. That bipartisan legislation made it clear that we had high expectations for all public school children. It made making sure those expectations were met the center of our Federal education policy. That policy has had good results. Children all over the country, including minority children, are improving their reading skills. Their math scores are getting better. In another 2 years, when science is included in the State assessments, I believe we will see that students are doing better in that subject, too. Thanks to the passage of the No Child Left Behind Act that we all had a hand in, we are continuing to see more and more positive results in our schools.
Although our record of success is impressive, there is still room for more improvement. According to the most recent National Assessment of Education Progress, over 25 percent of twelfth grade students could not read at grade level. Only two-thirds of students entering the ninth grade are expected to complete high school within 4 years. That is a dire forecast for our future, but it need not be so if we stick to the goals we have set and work to achieve them.
We want to make sure we continue to set high expectations of what all students can achieve, regardless of their background. This needs to be a common theme in all our Federal education programs. All students can learn and every child can be a star pupil. It is not just a slogan. It is a philosophy that our teachers need to put into practice every day in the classroom. It must then be echoed by every student's parents each evening at home at the dinner table.
We need to make sure Federal programs emphasize accountability, but we also need to make sure we do it in a way that makes sense. Many Federal programs designed to serve the same population of students have different requirements. We can help our teachers serve their students better by reducing the amount of time they spend outside the classroom on activities that don't help our children learn. Federal program requirements should not work against the, goal we have set of improving student achievement.
It is important to provide flexibility to the States so they can manage Federal program dollars and address their unique needs in the most effective manner possible. We need to let leaders at the State and local level make the important decisions about this country's education, because they are at the level closest to the people--and closest to the classroom where we must continue to get good results from our efforts.
The needs of rural schools must also continue to be addressed. Schools in rural States like Wyoming have unique needs and serve smaller populations. They can't be administered like the large schools of the big cities in the East. One-size-fits-all policies that may work in large population centers are all too often doomed to fail in the smaller towns and cities of the West.
Although funding will be a key in the effort to address these issues, the Federal Government provides only a fraction of education spending in this country. For K-12 education, the Federal investment is still around 8 percent. The rest of the money comes from States and local districts. We need to trust these educators and administrators to work on behalf of the children in their charge. We must ensure they have the tools they need to serve their students and help all children in their area succeed.
We also want to support lifelong learning opportunities for students at every stage in their life. Education is
changing; the way we approach learning has to change as well. Federal programs should reflect these changes and help our students adapt to them. Las year, more than 70 percent of college students were considered ``nontraditional.'' Our education system needs to address the needs of adult learners, as well as children who take the more ``traditional'' track in education.
We want to create a strong link between education and the workforce. Businesses are creating and filling good jobs with good candidates, and we want to make sure we are filling those jobs with American workers.
In our technology-driven economy, school can never be out. It is estimated that 60 percent of tomorrow's jobs will require skills that only 20 percent of today's workers possess. It is also estimated that the average worker leaving college today will switch careers 14 times in their life, and 10 of those careers haven't been invented yet.
To address those needs, we need a system in place that can support a lifetime of education, training, and retraining. As tomorrow's workers change careers, they will need to learn new skills, or to apply their current skills in new ways. Our postsecondary institutions will play a critical role in supporting these students, as they do now through a number of Federal education programs.
High school dropouts are the most at-risk school population in the workforce. We must look at Federal efforts to reform high schools to make sure we are keeping students in school. We need to make sure that students are leaving high school with a diploma, a quality education, and the strong foundation of reading, writing, math and science skills that will help them succeed in the workforce. We must also reach out to those who do not have high school diplomas to give them an opportunity to increase the level of their skills so that they, too, have a chance to succeed in life. We can do that by increasing their awareness of and involvement in lifetime of learning programs.
In this bill, we have also included language to reauthorize the Workforce Investment Act. That will help an estimated 900,000 unemployed workers each year get back to work and provide American workers with the skills they will need to be competitive in the global marketplace. That will help them land the good jobs that will be created in the years to come. Our legislation will also support the needs of businesses including small businesses looking for skilled workers. In addition, the bill will strengthen the role of public education institutions in the Federal workforce preparation effort, including our community colleges.
As we work on this and other education legislation, we must ensure we are focused on getting the results that will help our children succeed in life. We can do that by incorporating high expectations, accountability, flexibility for our States in administering Federal assistance, and a lifetime of learning opportunities, into our education policies. If we do that, every child's life will be a success story and everyone will have the freedom to live their own version of the American dream.
As we continue to work on improving our Nation's education system, an educated citizenry will continue to be our goal. It will never be enough to provide our children with a diploma. We must provide them with the skills they will need to compete for and win the jobs of tomorrow and keep them.
Mr. Speaker, today I rise to introduce on behalf of myself and 25 colleagues the Voting Opportunity and Technology Enhancement Rights Act, or the VOTER Act of 2005, legislation that will help ensure…
Mr. Speaker, today I rise to introduce on behalf of myself and 25 colleagues the Voting Opportunity and Technology Enhancement Rights Act, or the VOTER Act of 2005, legislation that will help ensure that all voters who are eligible to vote are able to vote and have their vote properly counted in Federal elections.
We have just experienced the second consecutive presidential election where issues were raised concerning irregularities and improprieties. For example, in Ohio we learned of the misallocation of voting machines, which led to lines of 10 hours or more and disenfranchised scores, if not hundreds of thousands, of predominantly minority voters. We also learned of numerous incidents of voter intimidation, as well as the dissemination of misleading information. Members on both sides of the aisle acknowledge that further reforms are needed to ensure that all of our citizens' rights to vote are protected.
As a result, the VOTER Act will provide for a uniform Federal write- in/absentee ballot; require states to provide for a verifiable audit trail; ensure that provisional ballots cast anywhere in a state are counted; eliminate disparities in the allocation of voting machines and poll workers among a state's precincts; mandate early voting and election day registration procedures; protect against improper purging of registration lists in federal elections; provide for a study regarding making election day a public holiday; ease voter registration requirements; allow voter identification by written affidavit; study eliminating partisan election officials from administering federal elections; enhance training for election officials; require the use of publicly available open source software in voting machines; provide uniform standards for vote recounts; prohibit voting machine companies from engaging in political activities; and enhance legal protections against voter intimidation and threats.
The legislation is supported by the NAACP, the NAACP Voter Fund, the Progressive Democrats of America, the UAW, the Black Leadership Forum, Rainbow Push, and the National Voting Rights Institute. The legislation is the House counterpart to S. 17, legislation introduced in the Senate by Senator Chris Dodd on behalf of the Senate Democratic Leadership.
It is imperative that we have elections that count every vote of every eligible voter. A provisional ballot cast anywhere in the State of Ohio should count just as it does in the State of Iowa. There is no reason that voters in inner city areas should be forced to wait in long lines, while their counterparts in the suburbs are able to vote immediately. If voters in Oregon can vote early, why can't voters in Michigan; if citizens of Idaho enjoy same day registration, why can't voters in Florida; and if voters in Wisconsin can have their elections administered by nonpartisan boards, why can't the rest of us?
If there is any issue that is central to our democracy, it is ensuring that eligible voters are
able to participate in our elections. Enacting the VOTER Act of 2005 will help ensure that we restore trust in our election system.
The following is a section-by-section of the VOTER Act:
Section 1--Short Title and Table of Contents
Section 2--Findings and Purposes
Details a number of concerns regarding fairness of federal
elections that justify a federal legislative response.
Section 3--Enhanced Protections Against Voter Intimidation,
Threats, Coercion, and Deception
Creates new requirement that unfair or deceptive acts or
practices in or affecting voting in Federal elections are
prohibited and the Attorney General is empowered and directed
to prevent persons, partnerships, or corporations from using
unfair or deceptive acts or practices in or affecting Federal
elections via civil or criminal remedy.
Creates a corollary private right of action.
Amends 42 USC 1971 and 18 USC 245 to specify that deceptive
and coercive voter intimidation is unlawful.
Provides for an enhanced system for DOJ to track, document,
and monitor election irregularities.
Section 4--National Federal Write-In Absentee Ballot
Requires the Election Assistance Commission (EAC) to
prescribe a national Federal write-in absentee ballot and
that any person qualified to vote in a Federal election be
permitted to cast a vote using that ballot.
Provides that a federal write-in absentee ballot will be
counted so long as the ballot is postmarked or signed before
the close of the polls on election day and received by the
appropriate State or election official on or before the date
which is 10 days after the date of the election.
Section 5--Verified Ballots
Provides that voting systems shall have an independent
means of voter verification which requires each voter to
verify the ballot before it is cast and counted with a paper,
audio, pictorial, or electronic record and that uniform and
nondiscriminatory standards for such verified ballots be
established by the EAC.
Requires that any means of verification shall be preserved
and made available for use in any audit.
Requires that the EAC standards provide for partial audits
of voting machines to ensure that the voting machines are
properly functioning and accurate and in the event that
voting machines' are not properly functioning and accurate,
the record of the verified ballot will be used for the
official vote count.
Requires that the EAC and the states will produce reports
on the implementation of the verified ballot.
Section 6--Requirements for Counting Provisional Ballots
Requires that each state shall count any provisional ballot
which is cast at a polling place within the state if the
individual who cast such a ballot is otherwise eligible under
state law to vote.
Section 7--Minimum Required Voting Systems and Poll Workers
in Precincts
Requires that each state shall provide for the minimum
required number of functioning and accurate voting machines
and poll workers for each precinct on the day of any Federal
election or during early voting for any Federal election.
Requires the EAC to issue standards regarding the minimum
number of voting machines and poll workers.
Section 8--Election Day Registration
Permits any individual on the day of a Federal election to
register to vote and to cast a vote in such election.
Requires the EAC to develop an election day registration
form for elections for Federal office.
Section 9--Integrity of Voter Registration List
Requires that not later than 45 days before any Federal
election, each state shall provide public notice of all names
that have been removed from the state voter registration list
and that prior to the removal from such a list, a voter must
receive proper notice that will be prescribed by the EAC.
Section 10--Early Voting
Requires that each state shall allow individuals to vote in
an election for Federal office not less than 15 days prior to
the day scheduled for such election in the same manner as
voting is allowed on election day.
Requires the EAC to issue standards for the administration
of early voting.
Provides that same day voter registration will occur during
early voting.
Section 11--Acceleration of Study on Election Day as Public
Holiday
Requires the completion of a study on Election Day as a
public holiday by the EAC no later than 6 months after the
enactment of this bill.
Section 12--Improvements to Voting Systems
Requires punch card systems to provide a means of
verification and audit ability.
Section 13--Voter Registration
Requires voter registration forms to include an affidavit
to be signed by the registrant attesting to both citizenship
and age rather than having the registrant check boxes on the
voter registration form attesting to both citizenship and
age.
Requires that any form developed or used by a State for
voter registration in Federal elections must include an
affidavit attesting citizenship and age instead of the
questions and statements under HAVA sec. 303b4(A).
Requires states to establish voter registration through the
Internet with the standard established by the EAC.
Section 14--Establishing Voter Identification
Permits voter identification to be established through a
written affidavit when a voter is voting in person or through
the mail and eliminates the need for any other form of
identification, which has the effect of overruling the HAVA
requirement that first time voters who register by mail must
provide a photo ID when voting.
Requires the EAC to establish the standards for
establishing voter identification.
Section 15--Impartial Administration of Elections
Requires that states issue a public notice concerning any
changes to the administration of an election since the most
recent prior election.
Requires that states must provide access to any polling
place to voting and civil rights groups, and nonpartisan
domestic and international observers and that such access may
be denied only through a public notice that will be issued
not later than 24 hours after such denial.
Requires that the EAC conduct a study on the administration
of Federal elections in states by nonpartisan election
boards, rather than Secretaries of State.
Section 16--Strengthening the Election Assistance Commission
Requires the EAC to submit any budget requests to the
Congress and all relevant House and Senate Committees, in
addition to the President or the Office of Budget and
Management.
Requires that the Director of the National Institute of
Standards and Technology provide the EAC with the assistance
needed to perform the duties required of it under this Act if
such assistance is requested.
Provides for the necessary appropriations to the EAC to
perform its duties under this Act.
Section 17--Additional Protections to Ensure Fair
Administration of Federal Elections
Provides that no individual may serve as an election
official at any polling place used for Federal office unless
the individual has been certified through the poll worker
certification program established by the EAC.
Requires that each state shall ensure that all voting
machines used by the state for elections for federal office
use open source software which may be accessible for
inspection by the public and that the standard for public
viewing of the open source code be established by the EAC.
Requires that the EAC will establish a national standard
for the conducting of a recount of the results of any
election for Federal office.
Prohibits states from entering into any agreement with an
entity regarding the manufacture, distribution, installation,
servicing, or other activity with respect to a voting machine
if that entity contributes to a campaign for public office
and standards on such conflicts of interest will be
established by the EAC.
Section 18--Authorization of Appropriations
Provides for the necessary appropriations to the states to
perform their duties under this Act, $2 billion in 2006 and
thereafter, such sums as may be necessary.
Section 19--Effective Date
Requires operative provisions to take effect on January 1,
2007.
Mr. President, at the outset of this historic day in the Senate, let me give my accolades to Senator Specter and to Senator Leahy for their leadership in the reauthorization of the Voting Rights Act.…
Mr. President, at the outset of this historic day in the Senate, let me give my accolades to Senator Specter and to Senator Leahy for their leadership in the reauthorization of the Voting Rights Act. This is one of the finest days of the Senate of the 109th Congress because it is a demonstration of Republicans and Democrats coming together to deal with the very important question of our Nation.
I congratulate the Judiciary Committee and all of those who have created a template for how we should do business in the Senate.
I rise today to offer my unequivocal support for the Fannie Lou Hamer, Rosa Parks, Coretta Scott King and Cesar E. Chavez Voting Rights Act Reauthorization and Amendments Act of 2006.
Almost a year ago, I stood on the Senate floor to pay tribute to the Voting Rights Act on the occasion of its 40th anniversary. In my remarks on that day, I urged my colleagues to rise above the partisanship that often plagues this body and to renew the promise of the landmark civil rights legislation by reauthorizing the key provisions that were set to expire in 2007. I am extremely pleased that the Senate today is poised to take action on this important legislation.
Without enforcement and accountability of our Nation's voting laws for all Americans--for all Americans--the words of the Declaration of Independence declaring ``All men are created equal,'' the words written in the Constitution guaranteeing the inalienable right to vote, and the maxim of one person, one vote, those principles enshrined in our elected laws, are little more than empty words. The reauthorization of the Voting Rights Act is fundamental to protect these rights and values and to ensure that they translate into actual practice, actual representation, and an actual electoral voice for every American.
I especially thank Senator Leahy for offering an amendment on my behalf in the committee that incorporated the name of Cesar E. Chavez, a true American hero, into the title of the Senate's reauthorization bill.
Like the venerable American leaders who are now associated with this effort, Cesar Chavez sacrificed his life to empower the most vulnerable in America. He fought for all Americans to be included in our great democracy. It is only fitting that his name be a part of the reauthorization of the Voting Rights Act.
As we move forward, I believe incorporating the names of these historic American leaders underscores the importance of reflecting on the history of our country and our never-ending--not yet completed-- quest to become a more inclusive America.
When one looks back at our history, one learns some very painful lessons from that past. We must keep in mind that we, as a nation, for the first 250 years of our history allowed one group of people to own another group of people under a system of slavery simply based on the color of their skin. It took the bloodiest war of our country's history, even more bloody than World War II--the Civil War, where over half a million people were killed on our soil in America--to bring about an end to the system of slavery and to usher in the 13th and 14th and 15th amendments to our Constitution. In my estimation, these three amendments are the bedrock of the proposition that all constitutional liberties are endowed upon all Americans without exception. But it took many long years for the promise of these amendments to be realized in our own Nation.
Notwithstanding the tremendous loss of blood and life during the Civil War, some years later, in 1896, in Plessy v. Ferguson, our own U.S. Supreme Court sanctioned a system of segregation and the doctrine of ``separate but equal.'' The Court's decision to uphold an 1890 Louisiana statute mandating racially segregated but equal railroad carriages ushered in another dark period in our country's history where Jim Crow was the law of the land throughout the South. Similar laws applied to other groups. Throughout the Southwest, Mexican Americans in many places were systematically denied access to ``White Only'' restrooms and other places of public accommodation. Just as there were signs that said ``No Blacks Allowed'' in the South, there were also signs in many places across our country that read ``No Mexicans Allowed.''
In the now infamous Plessy case, Justice Harlan, writing for the dissent in that case, looking ahead at the century to come, made the following observation:
The destinies of the races, in this country, are
indissolubly linked together and the interests of both
require that the common government law shall not permit the
seeds of race hate to be planted under the sanction of law.
Justice Harlan's statement was profound in its forecast for America. It is unfortunate that his words of warning were largely ignored for the next half century. It was not until 1920, for example, that our Constitution even guaranteed the right of women to vote, and it was not until 1954 that the U.S. Supreme Court, under the very able leadership of Chief Justice Warren, struck down the ``separate but equal'' doctrine as unconstitutional under the 14th amendment in the Brown v. Board of Education case. That case was argued by Thurgood Marshall, another American hero who gave his life for equal opportunity for all Americans.
More hard-won change followed that 1954 decision of the U.S. Supreme Court.
While the 15th amendment, which was ratified in 1870, guaranteed all citizens the right to vote regardless of race, in 1965--that wasn't that long ago--only a very small percentage of African Americans were registered to vote in States such as Mississippi and Alabama. In Mississippi in that year, only 6.7 percent of African Americans were registered to vote, and in Alabama less than 20 percent were registered to vote.
The various tactics that were used back then to impede and discourage people from registering to vote and casting their right in our democracy on election day ranged from literacy tests, poll taxes, and language barriers, to overt intimidation and harassment. The Voting Rights Act went on to attack those discriminatory practices in
people's exercise of their fundamental right to vote.
On August 6, 1965, when President Lyndon Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act, America took a critical step forward in fulfilling our constitutional ideals.
Just a year earlier, President Johnson had signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964 proclaiming that in America, as he said:
We believe that all men are created equal, yet many are
denied equal treatment. We believe that all men have certain
unalienable rights, yet many Americans do not enjoy those
rights. We believe that all men are entitled to the blessings
of liberty, yet millions are being deprived of those
blessings, not because of their own failures, but because of
the color of the skin.
President Johnson knew then what we still recognize today on this floor of the Senate.
The enactment of both of these critical pieces of legislation in the 1960s was another major step forward in our country's journey to become an inclusive America for all citizens--for all citizens--and enjoy the rights and protections guaranteed by the U.S. Constitution.
When he recalled the day when the Voting Rights Act was signed by President Johnson, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., wisely pointed out that:
The bill that lay on the polished mahogany desk was born in
violence in Selma, AL, where a stubborn sheriff had stumbled
against the future.
Dr. King was, of course, referring to Bloody Sunday, the Selma incident which took place on March 7, 1965, where more than 500 nonviolent civil rights marchers attempting a 54-mile march to the State capital to call for voting rights were confronted by an aggressive and violent assault by the authorities.
In response to the violence in Selma and the death of Jimmy Lee Jackson, who was shot 3 weeks earlier by a State trooper during a civil rights demonstration, President Johnson addressed Congress and the Nation on March 15, 1965, to press for the passage of the Voting Rights Act. Indeed, President Johnson's speech served as a rallying call to the Nation and to the Congress. In that speech, Lyndon Johnson said to the Nation:
At times history and fate meet at a single time in a single
place to shape a turning point in man's unending search for
freedom. So it was at Lexington and Concord. So it was a
century ago at Appomattox. So it was last week in Selma,
Alabama.
This time, on this issue, there must be no delay, no
hesitation and no compromise with our purpose. We cannot, we
must not, refuse to protect the right of every American to
vote in every election that he may desire to participate in.
Five months later, on August 7, 1965, President Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act of 1965 into law.
In our country's history in America, we have often stumbled, but great leaders, such as Dr. King and those whose names are associated with this authorization--Rosa Parks, Coretta Scott King, Fannie Lou Hamer, and Cesar Chavez--those are people who gave their lives to make certain that when we stumble, we get up and we continue our path of America forward, we continue an America in progress.
Since the passage of the Voting Rights Act, the doors to opportunity for political participation by previously disenfranchised groups have swung open. Their voices are now heard and counted across America. This progress is evident through the Nation in all levels of government today. The number of Black elected officials nationwide has risen from only 300 in 1964 to more than 9,000 today. In addition, today there are over 5,000 Latinos who now hold public office, and there are still hundreds more Asian Americans and Native Americans serving as elected officials.
It is with this history in mind--and with the increasing diversity of our country--that I look to the future of an inclusive America continuing to fulfill the promises and guarantees to all Americans that our Constitution provides.
Our work is not yet done. Although significant advances to ensure voting rights for all Americans have been made, the testimony presented before the Senate Judiciary Committee points to still an unfortunate truth: that Americans are still too often being kept from the polls.
The greatness of this country depends on our learning and not forgetting the painful lessons of our past, including poll taxes and literacy tests that prevented countless of individuals from exercising their right to vote.
I believe the United States, the Federal Government must remain vigilant in safeguarding all Americans' sacred right to vote. This legislation today is a manifestation of that vigilance of the Congress. It represents the Senate working at its best.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded. Mr. President, the right of a citizen to vote is the most basic right in any democracy. At the signing of the…
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Mr. President, the right of a citizen to vote is the most basic right in any democracy. At the signing of the Voting Rights Act in 1965 in this very Capitol Rotunda, the President of the United States, Lyndon Johnson, said these words:
The vote is the most powerful instrument ever devised by
man for breaking down injustice and destroying the terrible
walls which imprison men because they are different from
other men.
The Civil Rights Act of 1964 was a critical breakthrough in the struggle for civil rights. However, the Voting Rights Act, which came the next year, 1965, is considered the most important and successful civil rights law of the 20th century, because it finally ensured every voting-age citizen of this Nation a voice in his or her own fate.
The passage of the 14th amendment in 1868 and the passage of the 15th amendment in 1870 both prohibited disenfranchisement on the basis of race. But in the absence of legislative protection for the right to vote, that right was systematically denied to millions of African Americans for nearly a century. Similarly, Mexican Americans, Asian Americans, Native Americans, and Alaskan Natives were excluded from the ballot box through an assortment of voting tests and intimidation.
We are all here today because of the courage and persistence of the civil rights leaders of the last century, who fought so long and hard to attain the franchise the Constitution had already granted them.
Several of these heroes are memorialized in the title of this bill: Fannie Lou Hamer, Rosa Parks, Coretta Scott King, and Cesar Chavez. All of us owe them a debt of gratitude.
On this day, I am also mindful of the contributions Californians have made in the civil rights battles. Let me share one story.
On June 10, 1964, the Civil Rights Act was being filibustered on this very floor. No filibuster of a civil rights bill in the 20th century had ever been broken. Senator Claire Engle of California, who held the seat I now occupy, was suffering at the time from terminal brain cancer. He was wheeled in dramatic fashion into this Chamber. He was too sick to speak, but he indicated his ``aye'' vote for cloture by gesturing toward his eyes. His vote proved to be the decisive 67th vote that overcame the filibuster and ultimately led to passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Senator Engle died later that year. However, the filibuster was no longer an impassable barrier to civil rights legislation, and the Senate passed the Voting Rights Act of 1965 the following year. I thank my predecessor and I pay him tribute.
In the last 50 years, California has often been ahead of the curve in guaranteeing voting rights. In 1961, California prohibited election day challenges based on literacy.
In 1971, California required that a copy of the election ballot in Spanish be posted in each polling place, where the language minority population was greater than 3 percent.
In 1973, California passed a law allowing the use of languages besides English in polling places and required county clerks to recruit bilingual deputy registrars and precinct board members.
In 1975, California allowed voters to register to vote by mail.
In 2001, California passed the California Voting Rights Act--the first State voting rights act in the Nation--to combat racial bloc voting.
Unfortunately, however, the end of the 20th century did not mark the end of efforts to disenfranchise minority voters in my State and the Nation. Nevertheless, several provisions of the Voting Rights Act will expire in August of 2007 if we don't take this action today.
Two of the provisions set to expire are particularly significant. The first is section 5, which requires jurisdictions with a history of discrimination to clear any changes in voting procedures with the Department of Justice before instituting any change.
The second is section 203, which requires language assistance for bilingual voters in jurisdictions with a large number of citizens for whom English is a second language.
The section 5 so-called ``preclearance'' provision is critically important. I guess this is the section that has drawn the most comment on this reauthorization. It is important because it stops attempts to disenfranchise voters before they can start, not after they start.
In the last decade, the Department of Justice has repeatedly struck down proposed changes to voting procedures under section 5 preclearance. This section has prevented the redrawing of municipal boundaries designed specifically to disenfranchise minority voters, blocked attempts to exclude minority candidates from the ballot, denied efforts to change methods of elections intended to dilute minority voting strength, kept polling places from being moved to locations that would have reduced minority voter turnout, and it has thrown out redistricting proposals that would have marginalized minority voters. Clearly, this section has served us well.
In California, the rejection of a discriminatory redistricting plan in Monterey County under section 5 led to the first election of a Latino to the Monterey County Boards of Supervisors in more than 100 years.
The most significant impact of section 5, I believe, is not from its enforcement mechanism but from its deterrent effect. Just as the presence of police deters more crime than is stopped by actual police intervention, it is likely that the threat of Government action prevents far more attempts to disenfranchise voters than the Department of Justice's review actually does.
Let me speak about section 203. Its requirement of language assistance in jurisdictions with a large number of citizens for whom English is a second language has enabled citizens to vote who otherwise, frankly, could not have.
For example, a study found that in the 1990 general election, bilingual assistance was used by 18 percent of Latino voters in the State of California.
Los Angeles is the largest and most diverse local election jurisdiction in our country. It provides assistance under the Voting Rights Act to voters in six languages other than English.
According to a November 2000 exit survey of language minority voters in Los Angeles and Orange County in California, 54 percent of Asian- American voters and 46 percent of Latino voters reported that language assistance made them more likely to vote. That is actual documentation.
In a hearing before the Judiciary Committee on the impact of section 203, Deborah Wright, acting assistant registrar and county clerk for Los Angeles County, testified that written translations are provided in Los Angeles County because of the complex nature of issues facing the voters in our State. I can tell you that California ballots are among the longest and most complicated in our Nation. She explained to our committee that California often presents voters with numerous, complex ballot initiatives and propositions. Such complicated ballots challenge all voters to be prepared and to have the information they need prior to casting their ballots.
Often, a high level of English proficiency is needed even by native speakers of English to understand these ballot initiatives and to cast an informed ballot. I myself have trouble sometimes understanding the propositions. I believe the California experience is persuasive that appropriate targeted language assistance makes it much more likely that informed voters vote, and that is important.
My mother was an immigrant from Russia. She came here when she was a small child. She had only a primary school education. Her family was very poor. Her parents never spoke English. She studied English and, as an adult, passed the language exam and became a naturalized citizen. Still, when it came time to vote, I helped her with her ballot. We would go over the propositions, I would read them in English, we would discuss them, otherwise she could never fully understand them because they were complicated and filled with legalese.
As I said, California's ballots can be long, and despite ballot simplification, which is now a part of the California ballot, they can still be very confusing. Section 203 enables the full comprehension of a ballot, and I believe that is very important.
We are reauthorizing this bill today. I don't believe we can permit these provisions to expire and leave the next generation of Americans without full protection of their voting rights. That is why I am very proud to be a cosponsor of the Fannie Lou Hamer, Rosa Parks, Coretta Scott King, and Cesar E. Chavez Voting Rights Act Reauthorization and Amendments Act of 2006.
This legislation will reauthorize the expiring provisions of the Voting Rights Act for an additional 25 years so that it can continue to be a kind of deterrent to any chicanery, any manipulation, anyone's ill intent to prevent any group of voters from exercising their right to the franchise under the Constitution of the United States.
Under the guidance of Chairman Specter and Ranking Member Leahy over the last 2 months, our committee, the Judiciary Committee, has held 10 hearings on reauthorizing this act--10 hearings. As a matter of fact, I can't remember any reauthorization in the 14 years I have been on the committee that has had 10 separate hearings. The exhaustive testimony from these hearings has confirmed both that these expiring provisions are still needed and that these provisions are constitutional.
In response to this record, yesterday the Judiciary Committee unanimously voted to reauthorize the Voting Rights Act. I was also pleased to see the House pass the reauthorization last week with broad, bipartisan support. Today, this full Senate now has the opportunity to offer its own resounding endorsement of this very important bill.
Thomas Paine wrote over 200 years ago that:
The right of voting for representatives is the primary
right by which other rights are protected.
I couldn't agree more. Today will be a historic occasion as we reauthorize this important bill for another 25 years. I am very proud to play a small role as a member of the Judiciary Committee in this vote.
I thank the Chair. I yield back the remainder of my time.
Can you do a unanimous consent request? For 20 minutes. Mr. President, I was pleased to yield time to Senator Stabenow who had a very pressing matter regarding some of her constituents who are stuck…
Can you do a unanimous consent request?
For 20 minutes.
Mr. President, I was pleased to yield time to Senator Stabenow who had a very pressing matter regarding some of her constituents who are stuck in Lebanon with no way out, and a very vulnerable time for many of the families in her district and in her State.
Let me start out by saying thank you to my chairman, Senator Inhofe, and to our ranking member, Senator Jeffords, and, of course, Senators Bond and Baucus, and the array of Senators who have worked so hard on this very bipartisan bill. We have all worked together, and I believe it is an excellent bill. I thank the staffs for their commitment to this product, particularly Let Mon Lee with Senator Bond, Angie Giancarlo and Stephen Aaron with Senator Inhofe, and Catharine Ransom and Jo-Ellen Darcy with Senator Jeffords. They put in very long hours, many of them, to help all of us, and for that I thank them.
All together, this bill represents the collective work of nearly 6 long years. That is how long it has taken to get this water resources bill to the Senate. I think we all agree that 6 years is far too long to wait for a bill that authorizes essential flood control, navigation, and ecosystem restoration projects, projects that help protect thousands of homes and the lives of millions from catastrophic flooding; projects that help restore the great wetlands and the rivers of our Nation. What we learned during Katrina is what happens when we lose the wetlands in our country, and we have been losing them. As a result of that, we lose the natural flood protection that we so desperately need. So restoring the great wetlands we have lost in California--I think it is about 90 percent of our wetlands, and nationwide I think it is even more than that. So we really have lost a great deal of our wetlands, and this bill helps to correct that. It protects the rivers of our Nation, also very important and is addressed here.
We have projects that help increase our port capacity and projects that make shipping easier and safer. Specifically, for my State of California, there are many great and valuable provisions in this bill, essential flood control provisions that more than double the amount of current funds authorized to improve and upgrade levees in the San Joaquin River Delta, levees that
will help protect two-thirds of California's water supply.
I remind my colleagues--I know you are aware of this--we have almost 37 million people in my State. So when we talk about flood control protecting the population, we are talking about quite a sizable population.
We have included ecosystem restoration pilot projects to help improve and restore the Salton Sea, which has been steadily shrinking into the deserts of southern California. The Salton Sea is a remarkable-- remarkable--body of water.
The bill also includes authorization to restore vast salt marshes and wetlands around the Napa River.
I want to highlight one final provision in this bill for California. Earlier this year, I introduced the Los Angeles River Revitalization Act. When I tell my colleagues that there was a river in Los Angeles-- there still is--they look at me and say: Well, where is this river?
Well, you can take it from me, there is a river. It has been destroyed over time. The local people, with a wonderful project, are trying to restore this river and continue to protect the residents of the area from flooding, but also to provide recreational opportunities for the communities on the riverbanks.
The 2006 WRDA bill before us contains key provisions from that bill, including a feasibility study and provisions authorizing demonstration projects to help get this great restoration effort going. If you have time to come with me to Los Angeles, I say to my colleagues, I will show you the amazing possibilities we have for recreation and for the young people in an area that is in great need, desperate need of recreation, because it is so populated and so crowded.
So in short, Mr. President, this is a great and important bill for my State. We cannot ignore our water infrastructure. We learned that from Hurricane Katrina. We cannot allow long periods of time to elapse without reauthorizing such a vital and important bill. Most of our colleagues agree, earlier this year, more than 80 Senators signed a letter requesting full Senate consideration of this bill. I have worked with colleagues on both sides of the aisle, particularly Senators Inhofe and Jeffords, in trying to address every colleague's concerns so that we could get to this moment, and here we are.
I look forward to discussing and debating several key policy issues relating to this bill. We have a couple of controversial ones, and I will be on the Senate floor as these issues come before us.
Amendment No. 4679
Mr. President, at this time, I call up my amendment No. 4679, which is at the desk.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that further reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
Mr. President, I offer this amendment on Sacramento flood control at the Folsom Dam, and I want to speak on behalf of my amendment. My statement will be brief because I am very pleased that my amendment has been cleared on both sides of the aisle. Again, I thank Senators Inhofe and Jeffords and their staffs. We will be voice-voting this amendment, and it means a great deal to Senator Feinstein and to me and the people from California, be they Republicans or Democrats or Independents. I again extend my thanks to Letmon Lee with Senator Bond, Angie Giancarlo and Stephen Aaron, Catherine Ransom and Jo-Ellen Darcy. I am saying their names again because I think all too often staff just don't get the credit they deserve for the long hours they put in. Their work on this amendment, like so many others in this bill, has been invaluable.
I thank Senator Feinstein for being a cosponsor of this amendment. I offer my appreciation for her help in this effort. Very briefly, I want to talk about why this amendment is so important, and then we will have a voice vote and we can move on to Senator Specter's amendment.
Sacramento is one of America's largest metropolitan areas that has less than 100-year flood protection, less than 100-year flood control protection. The Sacramento-American Rivers floodplain contains 165,000 homes--I want my colleagues to think about that--nearly 500,000 residents, the State Capitol is there, and many businesses providing 200,000 jobs. It is also the hub of the six-county regional economy, providing hundreds of thousands of jobs.
A major flood would cripple the Sacramento region's economy, significantly impair the operations of our government in Sacramento, and cause up to $15 billion in direct damage and up to $30 billion in total economic losses, and it would likely result in significant loss of life.
As the capital of the world's sixth largest economy--the world's sixth largest economy--no one can deny it is important to protect the Sacramento region and, fortunately, no one today is denying that. Yet Sacramento is terribly vulnerable to catastrophic flooding, so vulnerable that parts of the Sacramento area were under serious flood threat earlier this year. I remember well, when Senator Feinstein and I came to the floor and we showed you the pictures. We are not going to go through those again tonight because I think you remember those pictures. There was that whole area where you have homes below sea level at risk every single day.
To protect this region from flooding, Folsom Dam was completed in 1956. It is located 15 miles northeast of Sacramento on the American River. To improve the dam's flood control capabilities, Congress authorized two projects to increase the dam's capacity and waterflow control. Over the past year, the Army Corps of Engineers and the Bureau of Reclamation have been working to refine and improve these plans.
My amendment ensures that this important process continues expeditiously and without interruption. This is what it does. It sets a strict timeframe of June 2007 for the Corps and
the Bureau to complete their report, so that design work can proceed without delay.
We all know bureaucracy. They will figure out one way to delay and another way to delay, and before long we have real serious questions of the costs for the project and having to pay more for the project. We pray during that time there will not be a catastrophic flood.
We are so pleased that this amendment has been signed off on, on both sides. It also calls for quarterly reports on the progress of the Bureau of Reclamation and the Corps.
The bill as agreed to by the managers of the bill today is an important next step to provide the region of Sacramento the level of flood protection it deserves. The Corps, the Bureau, and their non- Federal partners are continuing to work on designing the best solution for Folsom Dam, and the outlook is very promising.
As S. 728 moves to conference with the other body, I intend to work with my colleagues in any way needed to support this project. Again, I thank my colleagues on both sides of the aisle for agreeing with this important amendment, and I hope the day will soon come when we will have that report ready for you and move forward.
I ask unanimous consent that all of my time and the time of Senator Stabenow be charged against my amendment. I think that will clear up the time confusion with the Chair. Is that correct? Mr. Chairman, is that making you happy?
We are done. I hope now we can voice vote this amendment.
Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.
Mr. President, the second reason I rise is literally a coincidental but important offshoot of what Christopher Dodd, Senator Dodd's father, did at the Nuremberg Trials. What they did--he and Justice…
Mr. President, the second reason I rise is literally a coincidental but important offshoot of what Christopher Dodd, Senator Dodd's father, did at the Nuremberg Trials. What they did--he and Justice Jackson--was they understood that you could uncover, deal with, and expose to the world atrocities humanity commits upon humanity and at the same time do it under the rule of law, give people a fair trial, actually abide by what we say we stand for.
All of us are aware of the genocide now taking place in the Darfur region of Sudan. We passed a resolution last July which called Khartoum's abuses in Darfur genocide, which is what they were, what they are, and what they continue to be. The then-Secretary of State Colin Powell made the same assessment in testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in September of 2004.
The President of the United States, President Bush, signed legislation imposing sanctions on Khartoum for the actions in Darfur this past December. With the signing of the North-South Peace Agreement on January 9, administration officials believed the situation in Darfur would improve. Unfortunately, they have only gotten worse.
The Government of Sudan and its proxy militia continue to attack civilians with impunity. An estimated 100 people were killed in an aerial bombardment in Sudan at the end of January.
In February, the African Union officials reported that the security situation in Darfur had deteriorated over the past 4 months and said that the government and its allied militias were primarily to blame.
This month, Doctors Without Borders has reported that rape continues as a routine practice, routinely used as a weapon against the women in the region with no sign of abating.
The insecurity continues to hamper aid efforts, and on March 6, the United Nations forbade its workers from traveling to certain areas--the latest in a series of security measures put in place after aid workers were kidnapped and then killed. Aid organizations report that as many as 1,000 people a day are dying because of the lack of access to food and medicine.
All told, violence and insecurity have resulted in at least 70,000 deaths, although some believe the total to be much higher. The number of internally displaced persons has risen to nearly 2 million people. There are over 200,000 refugees in Chad alone. The current registration being conducted reveal that there are far more than the 20,0000 refugees in neighboring Chad.
The African Union Force in Darfur has made a noticeable difference in the areas they are able to reach, but it does not have the size, the mandate, or the capability to protect civilians in Darfur. AU monitors have come under fire from government allied forces and, in some instances, have been prevented from investigating allegations of cease- fire violations.
The AU faces a serious lack of capacity both at the headquarters level and at the level of member states. Out of a mandated 3,000 troops, fewer than 2,000 are on the ground. And even at full strength, 3,000 soldiers is not enough to prevent further abuse of civilians and to investigate cease-fire allegations in the area the size of France.
It is evident to me that the administration--our administration-- needs to devote some focused time and attention to addressing the genocide in Darfur. Our current policy has not turned the tide. We need to redouble our efforts and bring an end to the genocide in Darfur. The question will be 5 years from now to all of us: Where were we? Where were we? What did we do when this genocide unfolded? There will be another Academy Award-nominated movie about the god-awful genocide that is taking place, the routine rape, the systematic elimination of a whole people.
Today, I sent a letter to the President of the United States urging him to instruct our permanent representative at the NATO alliance, the so-called NAC, the North Atlantic Council, to propose that NATO assess and report immediately to members on the potential effectiveness of and requirements for a NATO-enforced no-fly zone across Darfur in the region of the Sudan. The reason I sent the letter is I am absolutely certain of what NATO will say. They are fully, totally capable of enforcing a no-fly zone out of Chad. The French could do it now.
I have been one who has been critical of this administration. I apologize for discussing this in the middle of a bill we have been working on for a long time but, literally, events are overtaking us.
I am confident that NATO will point out they are fully physically capable of taking and imposing a no-fly zone in the region. That will be significant. My friend from New Jersey has been a leader on this subject and this issue. He has been banging us about the head to do more. He has a much more expansive proposal, which I support, than what I am proposing today.
I have stood in this Senate and defended our European allies against some of the broader allegations in the Bush allegation, but I must say today, I am tired of our French friends and others bleeding all over us about the plight of the people in Iraq, the plight of the people in other parts of the world, when it is fully within their capability right now that France could do this all by itself. Right now. They have the wherewithal, they have the aircraft, they are positioned, and they very much want to make sure that they are recognized as a major player in Africa.
I am, quite frankly, more than disappointed--appalled--for all their talk that they are not acting at all. That does not relieve us of responsibility. The fact that another nation has the capacity and has a history that would warrant it taking the action that needs to be taken now, and does not, does not free us of an obligation.
Today's Washington Post editorial page says that enforcing the no-fly zone in Darfur would require ``one squadron of 12 to 18 fighter aircraft backed up by 4 AWAC planes,'' and cites a retired Air Force general as their source for believing such. Let's find out whether they are right. I believe they are. I have no reason to doubt that this Air Force general has talked not only to them but to others. But let's make it official. Let's do an assessment. Let's force the NAC to make an assessment now. I believe they will come back with exactly what I have just stated--a squadron, backed up by AWAC, that will be able to take out those gunships that are being used now to decimate entire villages.
As I said, my friend from New Jersey witnessed--I don't think he witnessed the actual gunships in action, but he witnessed the results. Let's find out now so we cannot kid around with ourselves, so we do not do what we are doing today, what we were doing last week and last month. We think this is an awful occurrence; we condemn it; but it is beyond our capacity to effect an outcome.
That is what they said to me in 1993 in Bosnia. That is what they said in 1997 in Kosovo. That is what we didn't do in Rwanda. This is time to act. It is within our capacity to do so. I believe it is totally consistent with the President's call for freedom, totally consistent with the President's Inaugural speech, which I applaud, totally consistent with what I believe and hope is in his heart, to be able to stop this kind of action.
The question is, why propose sending the NATO mission to Darfur? A NATO mission will do three things. First, it will provide immediate security for the people of Darfur by preventing area bombardment on the ground by the government of Sudan. Second, it will bolster the ability of the African force on the ground by discouraging attacks in the AU personnel and helicopters. Finally, it will send an unequivocal message to the international community that we will no longer tolerate Khartoum's actions.
Some may say, Why aren't you going to the U.N.? This is a point I want to make again and again, one I made back in 1993, 1995, 1997 and 1998. When that body does not act responsibly and when there is a genocide underway, it is fully within our rights--and I will argue our obligation--to act, hopefully, with others, with the strongest alliance in the history of the modern world, NATO. But even if they don't, we have a right, for I would argue and I say that which I am not supposed to say: If you engage in genocide, the world should reach a conclusion that you forfeit your sovereignty. You forfeit your sovereignty if you engage in genocide. That should be a principle we should state loudly and clearly. That warrants, if the capacity exists, the use of whatever action is possible to stop the genocide.
I realize we have 12 divisions, 10 of which are coming or going to Iraq. But we are not talking about a division here. We don't need a division here. We are going to look back and find a squadron of aircraft, possibly several thousand American forces. That is what I would do, by the way. I think we should put ground forces in as well, but I am not asking that. All I am asking is, quite frankly, prick NATO's conscience and have them give us an honest assessment of what would, in fact, be required to enforce a no-fly zone.
I send a resolution to the desk. I apologize I have not circulated this, but I know my colleague from New Jersey, as I say, has been heard on this and wants to be added. I know Senator Durbin does.
I ask unanimous consent it remain open for the remainder of the day for me to be able to add cosponsors on both sides.
I thank the Chair and my colleagues for their indulgence.
Mr. President, over the past decade, Congress has approved over $46 billion in disaster relief and emergency spending. This is an average of $4.6 billion a year. The majority of this funding--$34…
Mr. President, over the past decade, Congress has approved over $46 billion in disaster relief and emergency spending. This is an average of $4.6 billion a year. The majority of this funding--$34 billion--has been provided through supplemental bills, not subject to the normal appropriations process.
Supporters of supplemental spending suggest it provides Congress flexibility to respond to emergencies and to priorities that did not receive the proper consideration during the budget cycle. While supplemental bills do offer flexibility, they are not always helpful for fiscal responsibility. Millions of dollars are put in emergency spending bills that should go through the regular budget process, adding more and more to the bottom line.
America is at a critical time--we must be prepared to address domestic emergencies without increasing the deficit or being forced to fund non-emergency projects in order to release necessary funds. Supplemental spending circumvents budgetary enforcement mechanisms and can lead lawmakers to under-fund programs in the regular appropriations process, because they know they ultimately can get what is needed through a supplemental.
Supplemental bills allocate funding for emergencies, and we have all witnessed, firsthand, how a natural disaster can impact a country severely. Merely because something is unforeseen does not mean we should not prepare. Congress needs to plan in a manner that is fiscally responsible and procedurally transparent.
Today, I offer a bill to create an emergency fund under the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, in an interest bearing account, containing 1.2 percent of the annual non-defense domestic spending, or roughly $4.6 billion. This will be America's rainy day fund--a savings account ready for almost any potential unforeseen domestic emergencies.
This account is not designed to eliminate the need for supplemental bills but rather lessen the need for them.
Last year, in supplemental spending alone, Congress spent $2.5 billion on disaster relief in America. Domestic discretionary supplemental bills enacted in response to natural disasters, such as hurricanes and earthquakes, rose steadily through the 1990s. Federal Emergency Management Agency, FEMA, was the second-largest recipient of supplemental spending during the 1990s. Supplemental appropriations for ``non-natural'' disasters such as the Los Angeles riots in 1992 and the Oklahoma City bombing in 1995 as well as the September 11 terrorist attack have also demanded quick and efficient funding. History is teaching us a lesson; while we do not know what the
emergencies will be, we can feel certain there will be something to which we will need to respond.
Beyond the clear fiscal conservatism we need, I believe this rainy day fund would reduce the time it takes to respond to emergencies by giving Congress a more efficient, less political process. My bill would require the contingency fund to be expended before supplemental spending for domestic disasters can be pursued, with the exclusion of defense spending.
As we seek to be more fiscally responsible, our next step forward should be this account, from which the funds we draw upon are planned for and set aside through the normal appropriations process. Our current system regularly underfunds FEMA and other agencies for emergencies, and this should end.
As we prepare for the future, it is my goal that we save and prepare for the vital needs of our people should there be a domestic emergency. Recent events worldwide demand we be fiscally responsible and procedurally capable of this, our most important duty, the protection and safe-keeping of the American people.
Mr. President, I am pleased to introduce a bill to permanently correct an injustice in the tax code that has harmed citizens in many States of this great Nation.
State and local governments have various alternatives for raising revenue. Some levy income taxes, some use sales taxes, and others use a combination of the two. The citizens who pay State and local income taxes have been able to offset some of what they pay by receiving a deduction on their federal taxes. Before 1986, taxpayers also had the ability to deduct their sales taxes.
The philosophy behind these deductions is simple: people should not have to pay taxes on their taxes. The money that people must give to one level of government should not also be taxed by another level of government.
Unfortunately, citizens of some States were treated differently after 1986 when the deduction for State and local sales taxes was eliminated. This discriminated against those living in States, such as my home State of Texas, with no income taxes. It is important to remember the lack of an income tax does not mean citizens in these States do not pay State taxes; revenues are simply collected differently.
It is unfair to give citizens from some States a deduction for the revenue they provide their State and local governments, while not doing the same for citizens from other States. Federal tax law should not treat people differently on the basis of State residence and differing tax collection methods, and it should not provide an incentive for States to establish income taxes over sales taxes.
This discrepancy had a significant impact on Texas. According to the Texas Comptroller, the ability of taxpayers to deduct their sales taxes will lead to an additional $740 million staying in the hands of Texans each year, the creation of more than 16,500 new jobs, and the addition of $920 million in State economic activity.
Last year, we took an important step by reinstating a sales tax deduction. As a result, everyone now has the opportunity to deduct either their State and local income taxes or sales taxes. For the 55 million of us in the 7 States with a sales tax but no income tax, this means the tax code no longer discriminates against us. Unfortunately, the new deduction is only in effect for 2004 and 2005. We must act to prevent the inequity from returning.
The legislation I am offering today will fix this problem for good by making the State and local sales tax deduction permanent. This will permanently end the discrimination suffered by my fellow Texans and citizens of other States who do not have the option of an income tax deduction.
This legislation is about reestablishing equity to the tax code and defending the important principle of eliminating taxes on taxes. I hope my fellow Senators will support this effort.
I ask unanimous consent that the test of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President I am pleased to introduce a bill to provide
permanent tax relief from the marriage penalty--the most egregious, anti-family provision that has been in the tax code. One of my highest priorities in the U.S. Senate has been to relieve American taxpayers of this punitive burden.
Over the past four years we have made important strides to eliminate this unfair tax and provide marriage penalty relief by raising the standard deduction and enlarging the 15 percent tax bracket for married joint filers to twice that of single filers. Before these provisions were changed, 44 million married couples, including 2.4 million Texas families, paid an average penalty of $1,480.
Enacting marriage penalty relief has been a giant step for tax fairness, but it may be fleeting. Even as married couples use the money they now save to put food on the table and clothes on their children, a tax increase looms in the future. Since the 2001 tax relief bill was restricted, the marriage penalty provisions will only be in effect through 2010. In 2011, marriage will again be a taxable event and 43 percent of married couples will again pay more in taxes unless we act decisively.
Given the challenges many families face in making ends meet, we must make sure we do not backtrack on this important reform.
The benefits of marriage are well established, yet, without marriage penalty relief, the tax code provides a significant disincentive for people to walk down the aisle. Marriage is a fundamental institution in our society and should not be discouraged by the IRS. Children living in a married household are far less likely to live in poverty or to suffer from child abuse. Research indicates they are less likely to be depressed or have developmental problems. Scourges such as adolescent drug use are less common in married families, and married mothers are less likely to be victims of domestic violence.
We should celebrate marriage, not penalize it. The bill I am offering would make marriage penalty relief permanent, because we cannot be satisfied until couples never again must decide between love and money. Marriage should not be a taxable event.
I call on the Senate to finish the job we started to make marriage penalty relief permanent today.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that a copy of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I rise to address an issue that has begun to emerge and gain our attention in rural America. This issue is an important one because it has the potential to devastate, economically,…
Mr. President, I rise to address an issue that has begun to emerge and gain our attention in rural America. This issue is an important one because it has the potential to devastate, economically, small cities and towns across the inter-mountain west--like in my State, of Idaho.
The new Environmental Protection Agency drinking water standard of 10 parts per billion for arsenic is something the current Administration inherited from the prior Administration and is now trying to implement. I would remind my colleagues, however, that the new lowered arsenic standard was not universally supported in Congress when it was proposed.
There were Senators--not many, but I was certainly one of them--that knew that the cost of complying with the new arsenic standard was going to cripple economically--was going to break the back financially--of rural communities and small towns across the western United States.
I fought this new standard on the floor of the Senate. I knew the costs were crippling and the health benefit was bogus. I also knew that the science to support the lower standard is being exposed as based on examples and sample populations that were very, very flawed. The science is now revealing that extrapolating from those sample communities to the whole of the United States was a very, very flawed basis for the drinking water standard.
I fought this new standard, but I did not succeed.
There are communities now in Idaho that will not be able to come into compliance with this new standard by the time it takes effect. Some of these Idaho communities have estimated that it would take double or triple their entire city budget, just to try to come into compliance-- and that would mean that no other city services could be paid for.
That kind of situation is clearly ridiculous, and I will fight as long and as hard as I can to find solutions to this problem.
Last year, I raised this issue with then-EPA Administrator Mike Leavitt. Mike Leavitt is a Westerner--his folks in Utah are having some of the same problems.
I discussed the issue with him. I will raise it with any successor of his who is nominated to head the EPA. I will keep raising this issue and looking for solutions. The problem is that EPA bureaucrats--who are so good at being bureaucrats--think they know Idaho better than Idahoans do. Some of our Idaho communities have requested of EPA Region 10 that EPA exercise some flexibility with this standard. This is flexibility that EPA has already incorporated into its final agency rule on the arsenic standard.
Unfortunately, EPA bureaucrats are doing what they are good at. They are saying no to flexibility and hey, by the way, Castleford, Idaho or New Plymouth, Idaho--this won't disadvantage you economically as much as you say. That is what EPA says to the communities of Idaho. We know better than you.
Seeing that EPA cannot be reasonable, I have worked with my colleagues Senator Nelson of Nebraska and Senator Domenici of New Mexico. Both of their States have similar problems. The product of our collaboration is a bill that we introduced last year and are re- introducing today. The name of this bill is the Rural Community Arsenic Relief Act. While it may not provide all the relief that I would like to see, and it does not repeal the new arsenic standard--as I believe is merited by the science--this bill is a good compromise and a good start.
With this bill, we are trying to force States--and in Idaho's case, the EPA since Idaho is what they call a ``non-primacy state''--to approve requests from communities to delay their compliance with the new arsenic standard.
The bill is straightforward, it is vital, and it is needed. It will save some of these communities from bankruptcy or from discontinuing essential community services. Many other States--other than Idaho, Nebraska, and New Mexico--face this same crisis. I implore my colleagues to learn about what their small communities are facing, and to join with us in enacting this essential regulatory relief.
Mr. President, today I am reintroducing the Balanced Budget Amendment to the Constitution of the United States. When we were in deficit and when we were in surplus, I have always said, if we could adopt one fundamental reform to the way the Federal Government does business, this is it. The fiscal events of the last few years have again demonstrated the need for this long-term, fundamental, permanent reform.
For many Americans, one of the signs of our deep respect for the Constitution is our acknowledgment that, in exceptional cases, a problem rises to such a level that it can be adequately addressed only in the Constitution--by way of a constitutional amendment.
From 1998 through 2001, Congress balanced the Federal budget. These four budget surpluses in a row, for the first time since the 1920s, set the modern record for balancing the Federal budget. The first Republican Congresses in 40 years made balancing the budget our top priority, and did what was necessary, reaching across the aisle and working on a bipartisan basis. We ran surpluses and began the process we needed to pay down the national debt. This in turn promised, among other things, to help us safeguard the future of Social Security.
Then events intervened.
A return to budget deficits was caused by an economic recession and a war begun by terrorist attacks. Even before taking office in 2001, President Bush correctly foresaw the coming recession and prescribed the right medicine--the tax relief that has bolstered the economy and has saved and created jobs. The current economic recovery, in turn, has prevented even worse Federal budget deficits.
The return to deficit spending can and should be a temporary phenomenon. We are rebounding from the recession of 2001 and the body blow to the economy caused by the war with terrorism.
We must do whatever it takes to win that war. Providing for the self- defense and survival of our people and our Nation is the most fundamental responsibility of the Federal Government. That principle has been reflected in every significant version of the balanced budget constitutional amendment, in exceptions for war and imminent military threats. Historically, that principle was followed even when balancing the budget was the norm, because the U.S. Government always has borrowed when necessary to fight and win a war.
Beyond that, we must keep all other Federal spending under control, so that we return, as soon as possible, to balancing the budget.
In other words, the return to deficit spending will be a temporary problem only if we make a permanent commitment to the moral imperative of fiscal responsibility.
We always did, and always will, need a balanced budget amendment to our Constitution.
Even in the heady days of budget surpluses, I always maintained the only way to guarantee that the Federal Government would stay fiscally responsible was to add a balanced budget amendment to the Constitution.
Before we balanced the budget in 1998, the Government was deficit spending for 28 years in a row and for 59 out of 67 years. The basic law of political temptation--to just say ``yes''--was not repealed in 1998, but only restrained some, when we came together and briefly faced up to the great threat to the future posed by decades of debt.
Now, the Government is back to borrowing. And for some, a return to deficit spending seems to have been liberating, as the demands for new spending only seem to be multiplying again.
That is why, today, I am again introducing a balanced budget amendment to the Constitution and calling upon my colleagues to send it to the States for ratification.
The amendment I introduce today is the same one I sponsored in the 108th Congress. This is essentially the same as the amendment that came within a single vote of the two-thirds necessary for passage, twice in two previous Senates. In addition, this amendment would not count the Social Security surplus in its calculation of a balanced budget. Those annual surpluses would be set aside exclusively to meet the future needs of Social Security beneficiaries.
It's a new day, a new year, and a new Senate. We have the opportunity of a fresh start and, hopefully, the wisdom of experience. Today, with the first piece of legislation I am introducing in the 109th Congress, I call on the Senate to safeguard the future, by considering and passing a balanced budget amendment to the Constitution--a bill of economic rights for our future and our children.
I ask unanimous consent that a copy of this joint resolution, proposing a balanced budget amendment to the Constitution, be printed in the Record.
Bill Text
Latest available legislative text
[Congressional Bills 109th Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
[S. 17 Introduced in Senate (IS)]
109th CONGRESS
1st Session
S. 17
To amend the Help America Vote Act of 2002 to protect voting rights and
to improve the administration of Federal elections, and for other
purposes.
_______________________________________________________________________
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
January 24, 2005
Mr. Dodd (for himself, Ms. Mikulski, Ms. Stabenow, Mr. Rockefeller, and
Mr. Schumer) introduced the following bill; which was read twice and
referred to the Committee on Rules and Administration
_______________________________________________________________________
A BILL
To amend the Help America Vote Act of 2002 to protect voting rights and
to improve the administration of Federal elections, and for other
purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE; TABLE OF CONTENTS.
(a) Short Title.--This Act may be cited as the ``Voting Opportunity
and Technology Enhancement Rights Act of 2005''.
(b) Table of Contents.--The table of contents of this Act is as
follows:
Sec. 1. Short title; table of contents.
Sec. 2. Findings and purposes.
Sec. 3. National Federal write-in absentee ballot.
Sec. 4. Voter verified ballots.
Sec. 5. Requirements for counting provisional ballots.
Sec. 6. Minimum required voting systems and poll workers in polling
places.
Sec. 7. Election day registration.
Sec. 8. Integrity of voter registration list.
Sec. 9. Early voting.
Sec. 10. Acceleration of study on election day as a public holiday.
Sec. 11. Improvements to voting systems.
Sec. 12. Voter registration.
Sec. 13. Establishing voter identification.
Sec. 14. Impartial administration of elections.
Sec. 15. Strengthening the election assistance commission.
Sec. 16. Authorization of appropriations.
Sec. 17. Effective date.
SEC. 2. FINDINGS AND PURPOSES.
(a) Findings.--Congress makes the following findings:
(1) The right of all eligible citizens to vote and have
their vote counted is the cornerstone of a democratic form of
government and the core precondition of government of the
people, by the people, and for the people.
(2) The right of citizens of the United States to vote is a
fundamental civil right guaranteed under the United States
Constitution.
(3) Congress has an obligation to reaffirm the right of
each American to have an equal opportunity to vote and have
that vote counted in Federal elections, regardless of color,
ethnicity, disability, language, or the resources of the
community in which they live.
(4) Congress has an obligation to ensure the uniform and
nondiscriminatory exercise of that right by removing barriers
in the form of election administration procedures and
technology and insufficient and unequal resources of State and
local governments.
(b) Purposes.--The purposes of this Act are as follows:
(1) To secure the opportunity to participate in democracy
for all eligible American citizens by establishing a national
Federal write-in absentee ballot for Federal elections.
(2) To expand and establish uniform and nondiscriminatory
requirements and standards to remove administrative procedural
barriers and technological obstacles to casting a vote and
having that vote counted in Federal elections.
(3) To expand and establish uniform and nondiscriminatory
requirements and standards to provide for the accessibility,
accuracy, verifiability, privacy, and security of all voting
systems and technology used in Federal elections.
(4) To provide a Federal funding mechanism for the States
to implement the requirements and standards to preserve and
protect voting rights and the integrity of Federal elections in
the United States.
SEC. 3. NATIONAL FEDERAL WRITE-IN ABSENTEE BALLOT.
(a) In General.--
(1) In general.--Title III of the Help America Vote Act of
2002 (42 U.S.C. 15481 et seq.) is amended by adding at the end
the following new subtitle:
``Subtitle C--Additional Requirements
``SEC. 321. USE OF NATIONAL FEDERAL WRITE-IN ABSENTEE BALLOT.
``(a) In General.--Any person who is otherwise qualified to vote in
a Federal election in a State shall be permitted to use the national
Federal write-in absentee ballot prescribed by the Election Assistance
Commission under section 298 to cast a vote in an election for Federal
office.
``(b) Submission and Processing.--
``(1) In general.--Except as otherwise provided in this
section, a national Federal write-in absentee ballot shall be
submitted and processed in the manner provided by law for
absentee ballots in the State involved.
``(2) Deadline.--An otherwise eligible national Federal
write-in absentee ballot shall be counted if postmarked or
signed before the close of the polls on election day and
received by the appropriate State election official on or
before the date which is 10 days after the date of the election
or the date provided for receipt of absentee ballots under
State law, whichever is later.
``(c) Special Rules.--The following rules shall apply with respect
to national Federal write-in absentee ballots:
``(1) In completing the ballot, the voter may designate a
candidate by writing in the name of the candidate or by writing
in the name of a political party (in which case the ballot
shall be counted for the candidate of that political party).
``(2) In the case of the offices of President and Vice
President, a vote for a named candidate or a vote by writing in
the name of a political party shall be counted as a vote for
the electors supporting the candidate involved.
``(3) Any abbreviation, misspelling, or other minor
variation in the form of the name of a candidate or a political
party shall be disregarded in determining the validity of the
ballot.
``(d) Effective Date.--Each State shall be required to comply with
the requirements of this section on and after January 1, 2007.''.
(2) Conforming amendment.--Section 401 of the Help America
Vote Act of 2002 (42 U.S.C. 15511) is amended by striking ``and
303'' and inserting ``303, and subtitle C''.
(b) National Federal Write-in Absentee Ballot.--
(1) In general.--Title II of the Help America Vote Act of
2002 (42 U.S.C. 15321 et seq.) is amended by adding at the end
the following new subtitle:
``Subtitle E--Guidance and Standards
``SEC. 297. NATIONAL FEDERAL WRITE-IN ABSENTEE BALLOT.
``(a) Form of Ballot.--The Commission shall prescribe a national
Federal write-in absentee ballot (including a secrecy envelope and
mailing envelope for such ballot) for use in elections for Federal
office.
``(b) Standards.--The Commission shall prescribe standards for--
``(1) distributing the national Federal write-in absentee
ballot, including standards for distributing such ballot
through the Internet; and
``(2) processing and submission of the national Federal
write-in absentee ballot.''.
(2) Conforming amendment.--Section 202 of the Help America
Vote Act of 2002 (42 U.S.C. 15322) is amended by redesignating
paragraphs (5) and (6) as paragraphs (6) and (7), respectively,
and by inserting after paragraph (4) the following new
paragraph:
``(5) carrying out the duties described in subtitle E.''.
(c) Coordination with Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee
Voting Act.--
(1) In general.--The Presidential designee under the
Uniformed and Overseas Absentee Voting Act, in consultation
with the Election Assistance Commission, shall facilitate the
use and return of the national Federal write-in ballot for
absent uniformed services voters and overseas voters.
(2) Definitions.--The terms ``absent uniformed service
voter'' and ``overseas voter'' shall have the meanings given
such terms by section 107 of the Uniformed and Overseas
Citizens Absentee Voting Act (42 U.S.C. 1973gg-6).
SEC. 4. VOTER VERIFIED BALLOTS.
(a) Verification.--
(1) In general.--Section 301(a) of the Help America Vote
Act of 2002 (42 U.S.C. 15481(a)) is amended by adding at the
end the following new paragraph:
``(7) Voter verified ballots.--In order to meet the
requirements of paragraph (1)(A)(i), on and after January 1,
2009:
``(A) The voting system shall provide an
independent means of voter verification which meets the
requirements of subparagraph (B) and which allows each
voter to verify the ballot before it is cast and
counted.
``(B) A means of voter verification meets the
requirements of this subparagraph if the voting system
allows the voter to choose from one of the following
options to verify the voter's vote selection:
``(i) A paper record.
``(ii) An audio record.
``(iii) A pictorial record.
``(iv) An electronic record or other means
that provides for voter verification that is
accessible for individuals with disabilities,
including nonvisual accessibility for the blind
and visually impaired, in a manner that
provides privacy and independence equal to that
provided for other voters.
``(C) Any means of verification described in clause
(ii), (iii), or (iv) of subparagraph (B) must provide
verification which is equal or superior to verification
through the use of a paper record.
``(D) The requirements of this paragraph shall not
apply to any voting system purchased before January 1,
2009, in order to meet the requirements of paragraph
(3)(B).''.
(2) Conforming amendment.--Clause (i) of section
301(a)(1)(A) of the Help America Vote Act of 2002 (42 U.S.C.
15481(a)(1)(A)(i)) is amended by inserting ``and consistent
with the requirements of paragraphs (2), (4), and (7)'' after
``independent manner''.
(b) Guidance.--Subtitle E of title II of the Help America Vote Act
of 2002, as added by this Act, is amended by adding at the end the
following new section:
``SEC. 298. VOTER VERIFIED BALLOTS.
``The Commission shall issue uniform and nondiscriminatory
standards--
``(1) for voter verified ballots required under section
301(a)(7); and
``(2) for meeting the audit requirements of section
301(a)(2).''.
(c) Reports.--
(1) Election assistance commission.--Section 207 of the
Help America Vote Act of 2002 (42 U.S.C. 15327) is amended by
redesignating paragraph (5) as paragraph (6) and by inserting
after paragraph (4) the following new paragraph:
``(5) A description of the progress on implementing the
voter verified ballot requirements of section 301(a)(7) and the
impact of the use of such requirements on the accessibility,
privacy, security, usability, and auditability of voting
systems.''.
(2) State reports.--Section 258 of the Help America Vote
Act of 2002 (42 U.S.C. 15408) is amended by striking ``and'' at
the end of paragraph (2), by striking the period at the end of
paragraph (3) and inserting ``; and'', and by adding at the end
the following new paragraph:
``(4) an analysis and description in the form and manner
prescribed by the Commission of the progress on implementing
the voter verified ballot requirements of section 301(a)(7).''.
SEC. 5. REQUIREMENTS FOR COUNTING PROVISIONAL BALLOTS.
(a) In General.--Section 302 of the Help America Vote Act of 2002
(42 U.S.C. 15482) is amended by redesignating subsection (d) as
subsection (e) and by inserting after subsection (c) the following new
subsection:
``(d) Statewide Counting of Provisional Ballots.--For purposes of
subsection (a)(4), notwithstanding at which polling place a provisional
ballot is cast within the State, the State shall count such ballot if
the individual who cast such ballot is otherwise eligible to vote.''.
(b) Effective Date.--
(1) In general.--Subsection (e) of section 302 of the Help
America Vote Act of 2002 (42 U.S.C. 15482(e)), as redesignated
under subsection (a), is amended by adding at the end the
following:
``(2) Effective date for statewide counting of provisional
ballots.--Each State shall be required to comply with the
requirements of subsection (d) on and after January 1, 2007.''.
(2) Conforming amendment.--Subsection (e) of section 302 of
the Help America Vote Act of 2002 (42 U.S.C. 15482(e)), as
redesignated under subsection (a), is amended by striking
``Each'' and inserting the following:
``(1) In general.--Except as provided in paragraph (2),
each''.
SEC. 6. MINIMUM REQUIRED VOTING SYSTEMS AND POLL WORKERS IN POLLING
PLACES.
(a) In General.--Subtitle C of title III of the Help America Vote
Act of 2002, as added by this Act, is amended by adding at the end the
following new section:
``SEC. 322. MINIMUM REQUIRED VOTING SYSTEMS AND POLL WORKERS.
``(a) In General.--Each State shall provide for the minimum
required number of voting systems and poll workers for each polling
place on the day of any Federal election and on any days during which
such State allows early voting for a Federal election in accordance
with the standards determined under section 299A.
``(b) Effective Date.--Each State shall be required to comply with
the requirements of this section on and after January 1, 2007.''.
(b) Standards.--Subtitle E of the Help America Vote Act of 2002, as
added and amended by this Act, is amended by adding at the end the
following new section:
``SEC. 299. STANDARDS FOR ESTABLISHING THE MINIMUM REQUIRED VOTING
SYSTEMS AND POLL WORKERS.
``(a) In General.--The Commission shall issue standards regarding
the minimum number of voting systems and poll workers required in each
polling place on the day of any Federal election and on any days during
which early voting is allowed for a Federal election.
``(b) Distribution.--The standards described in subsection (a)
shall provide for a uniform and nondiscriminatory geographic
distribution of such systems and workers.
``(c) Deviation.--The standards described in subsection (a) shall
permit States, upon providing adequate public notice, to deviate from
any allocation requirements in the case of unforseen circumstances such
as a natural disaster, terrorist attack, or a change in voter
turnout.''.
SEC. 7. ELECTION DAY REGISTRATION.
(a) Requirement.--Subtitle C of title III of the Help America Vote
Act of 2002, as added and amended by this Act, is amended by adding at
the end the following new section:
``SEC. 323. ELECTION DAY REGISTRATION.
``(a) In General.--
``(1) Registration.--Notwithstanding section 8(a)(1)(D) of
the National Voter Registration Act of 1993 (42 U.S.C. 1973gg-
6), each State shall permit any individual on the day of a
Federal election--
``(A) to register to vote in such election at the
polling place using the form established by the
Election Assistance Commission pursuant to section 297;
and
``(B) to cast a vote in such election.
``(2) Exception.--The requirements under paragraph (1)
shall not apply to a State in which, under a State law in
effect continuously on and after the date of the enactment of
this Act, there is no voter registration requirement for
individuals in the State with respect to elections for Federal
office.
``(b) Effective Date.--Each State shall be required to comply with
the requirements of subsection (a) on and after January 1, 2007.''.
(b) Election Day Registration Form.--Subtitle E of title II of the
Help America Vote Act of 2002, as added and amended by this Act, is
amended by adding at the end the following new section:
``SEC. 299A. ELECTION DAY REGISTRATION FORM.
``The Commission shall develop an election day registration form
for elections for Federal office.''.
SEC. 8. INTEGRITY OF VOTER REGISTRATION LIST.
Subtitle C of title III of the Help America Vote Act of 2002, as
added and amended by this Act, is amended by adding at the end the
following new section:
``SEC. 324. REMOVAL FROM VOTER REGISTRATION LIST.
``(a) Public Notice.--Not later than 45 days before any Federal
election, each State shall provide public notice of all names which
have been removed from the voter registration list of such State under
section 303 since the later of the most recent election for Federal
office or the day of the most recent previous public notice provided
under this section.
``(b) Notice to Individual Voters.--
``(1) In general.--No individual shall be removed from the
voter registration list under section 303 unless such
individual is first provided with a notice which meets the
requirements of paragraph (2).
``(2) Requirements of notice.--The notice required under
paragraph (1) shall be--
``(A) provided to each voter in a uniform and
nondiscriminatory manner;
``(B) consistent with the requirements of the
National Voter Registration Act of 1993 (42 U.S.C.
1973gg et seq.); and
``(C) in the form and manner prescribed by the
Election Assistance Commission.
``(c) Effective Date.--Each State shall be required to comply with
the requirements of this section on and after January 1, 2007.''.
SEC. 9. EARLY VOTING.
(a) In General.--Subtitle C of title III of the Help America Vote
Act of 2002, as added and amended by this Act, is amended by adding at
the end the following new section:
``SEC. 325. EARLY VOTING.
``(a) In General.--Each State shall allow individuals to vote in an
election for Federal office not less than 15 days prior to the day
scheduled for such election in the same manner as voting is allowed on
such day.
``(b) Minimum Early Voting Requirements.--Each polling place which
allows voting prior to the day of a Federal election pursuant to
subsection (a) shall--
``(1) allow such voting for no less than 4 hours on each
day (other than Sunday); and
``(2) have uniform hours each day for which such voting
occurs.
``(c) Effective Date.--Each State shall be required to comply with
the requirements of this section on and after January 1, 2007.''.
(b) Standards for Early Voting.--Subtitle E of the Help America
Vote Act of 2002, as added and amended by this Act, is amended by
adding at the end the following new section:
``SEC. 299B. STANDARDS FOR EARLY VOTING.
``(a) In General.--The Commission shall issue standards for the
administration of voting prior to the day scheduled for a Federal
election. Such standards shall include the nondiscriminatory geographic
placement of polling places at which such voting occurs.
``(b) Deviation.--The standards described in subsection (a) shall
permit States, upon providing adequate public notice, to deviate from
any requirement in the case of unforseen circumstances such as a
natural disaster, terrorist attack, or a change in voter turnout.''.
SEC. 10. ACCELERATION OF STUDY ON ELECTION DAY AS A PUBLIC HOLIDAY.
(a) In General.--Section 241 of the Help America Vote Act of 2002
(42 U.S.C. 15381) is amended by adding at the end the following new
subsection:
``(d) Report on Election Day.--
``(1) In general.--The report required under subsection (a)
with respect to election administration issues described in
subsection (b)(10) shall be submitted not later than 6 months
after the date of the enactment of the Voting Enhancement and
Technology Accuracy Rights Act of 2005.
``(2) Authorization of appropriations.--Of the amount
authorized to be appropriated under section 210 for fiscal year
2006, $100,000 shall be authorized solely to carry out the
purposes of this subsection.''.
(b) Effective Date.--The amendment made by this section shall take
effect on the date of the enactment of this Act.
SEC. 11. IMPROVEMENTS TO VOTING SYSTEMS.
(a) In General.--Subparagraph (B) of section 301(a)(1) of the Help
America Vote Act of 2002 (42 U.S.C. 15481(a)(1)(B)) is amended by
striking ``, a punch card voting system, or a central count voting
system''.
(b) Clarification of Requirements for Punch Card Systems.--
Subparagraph (A) of section 301(a)(1) of the Help America Vote Act of
2002 (42 U.S.C. 15481(a)(1)(A)) is amended by inserting ``punch card
voting system,'' after ``any''.
SEC. 12. VOTER REGISTRATION.
(a) In General.--Paragraph (4) of section 303(b) of the Help
America Vote Act of 2002 (42 U.S.C. 15483(b)(4)) is amended by adding
at the end the following new subparagraph:
``(C) Exception.--On and after January 1, 2007--
``(i) in lieu of the questions and
statements required under subparagraph (A),
such mail voter registration form shall include
an affidavit to be signed by the registrant
attesting both to citizenship and age; and
``(ii) subparagraph (B) shall not apply.''.
(b) Internet Registration.--Subtitle C of title III of the Help
America Vote Act of 2002, as added and amended by this Act, is amended
by adding at the end the following new section:
``SEC. 326. INTERNET REGISTRATION.
``(a) Internet Registration.--Each State shall establish a program
under which individuals may access and submit voter registration forms
electronically through the Internet.
``(b) Effective Date.--Each State shall be required to comply with
the requirements of this section on and after January 1, 2009.''.
(c) Standards for Internet Registration.--Subtitle E of the Help
America Vote Act of 2002, as added and amended by this Act, is amended
by adding at the end the following new section:
``SEC. 299C. STANDARDS FOR INTERNET REGISTRATION PROGRAMS.
``The Commission shall establish standards regarding the design and
operation of programs which allow electronic voter registration through
the Internet.''.
SEC. 13. ESTABLISHING VOTER IDENTIFICATION.
(a) In General.--
(1) In person voting.--Clause (i) of section 303(b)(2)(A)
of the Help America Vote Act of 2002 (42 U.S.C.
15483(b)(2)(A)(i)) is amended by striking ``or'' at the end of
subclause (I) and by adding at the end the following new
subclause:
``(III) executes a written
affidavit attesting to such
individual's identity; or''.
(2) Voting by mail.--Clause (ii) of section 303(b)(2)(A) of
the Help America Vote Act of 2002 (42 U.S.C.
15483(b)(2)(A)(ii)) is amended by striking ``or'' at the end of
subclause (I), by striking the period at the end of subclause (II) and
inserting ``; or'', and by adding at the end the following new
subclause:
``(III) a written affidavit,
executed by such individual, attesting
to such individual's identity.''.
(b) Standards for Verifying Voter Information.--Subtitle E of the
Help America Vote Act of 2002, as added and amended by this Act, is
amended by adding at the end the following new section:
``SEC. 299D. VOTER IDENTIFICATION.
``The Commission shall develop standards for verifying the
identification information required under section 303(a)(5) in
connection with the registration of an individual to vote in a Federal
election.''.
SEC. 14. IMPARTIAL ADMINISTRATION OF ELECTIONS.
Subtitle C of title III of the Help America Vote Act of 2002, as
added and amended by this Act, is amended by adding at the end the
following new section:
``SEC. 327. ELECTION ADMINISTRATION REQUIREMENTS.
``(a) Notice of Changes in State Election Laws.--Not later than 15
days prior to any Federal election, each State shall issue a public
notice describing all changes in State law affecting the administration
of Federal elections since the most recent prior election.
``(b) Observers.--
``(1) In general.--Each State shall allow uniform and
nondiscriminatory access to any polling place for purposes of
observing a Federal election to--
``(A) party challengers;
``(B) voting rights and civil rights organizations;
and
``(C) nonpartisan domestic observers and
international observers.
``(2) Notice of denial of observation request.--Each State
shall issue a public notice with respect to any denial of a
request by any observer described in paragraph (1) for access
to any polling place for purposes of observing a Federal
election. Such notice shall be issued not later than 24 hours
after such denial.
``(c) Effective Date.--Each State shall be required to comply with
the requirements of this section on and after January 1, 2007.''.
SEC. 15. STRENGTHENING THE ELECTION ASSISTANCE COMMISSION.
(a) Budget Requests.--Part 1 of subtitle A of title II of the Help
America Vote Act of 2002 (42 U.S.C. 15321 et seq.) is amended by
inserting after section 209 the following new section:
``SEC. 209A. SUBMISSION OF BUDGET REQUESTS.
``Whenever the Commission submits any budget estimate or request to
the President or the Office of Management and Budget, it shall
concurrently transmit a copy of such estimate or request to the
Congress and to the Committee on House Administration of the House of
Representatives and the Committee on Rules and Administration of the
Senate.''.
(b) Exemption From Paperwork Reduction Act.--Paragraph (1) of
section 3502 of title 44, United States Code, is amended by
redesignating subparagraphs (B), (C), and (D) as subparagraphs (C),
(D), and (E), respectively, and by inserting after subparagraph (A) the
following new subparagraph:
``(B) the Election Assistance Commission;''.
(c) Rulemaking.--Section 209 of the Help America Vote Act of 2002
(42 U.S.C. 15239) is amended--
(1) by striking ``The Commission'' and inserting the
following:
``(a) In General.--Except as provided in subsection (b), the
Commission'', and
(2) by inserting at the end the following new subsection:
``(b) Exception.--On and after January 1, 2007, subsection (a)
shall not apply to any authority granted under subtitle E of this title
or subtitle C of title III.''.
(d) NIST Authority.--Subtitle E of title II of the Help America
Vote Act of 2002, as added and amended by this Act, is amended by
adding at the end the following new section:
``SEC. 299E. TECHNICAL SUPPORT.
``At the request of the Commission, the Director of the National
Institute of Standards and Technology shall provide the Commission with
technical support necessary for the Commission to carry out its duties
under this title.''.
(e) Authorization of Appropriations.--Section 210 of the Help
America Vote Act of 2002 (42 U.S.C. 15330) is amended by striking ``for
each of fiscal years 2003 through 2005 such sums as may be necessary
(but not to exceed $10,000,000 for each such year)'' and inserting
``$23,000,000 for fiscal year 2006 (of which $3,000,000 are authorized
solely to carry out the purposes of section 299E) and such sums as may
be necessary for succeeding fiscal years''.
SEC. 16. AUTHORIZATION OF APPROPRIATIONS.
Subsection (a) of section 257 of the Help America Vote Act of 2002
(42 U.S.C. 15408(a)) is amended by adding at the end the following new
paragraphs:
``(4) For fiscal year 2006, $2,000,000,000.
``(5) For each fiscal year after 2006, such sums as are
necessary.''.
SEC. 17. EFFECTIVE DATE.
(a) In General.--Except as provided by section 10 and subsection
(b), the amendments made by this Act shall take effect on January 1,
2007.
(b) Exceptions.--The amendments made by section 4, section 11,
section 12(b), and subsections (a) and (b) of section 15 shall take
effect on January 1, 2009.
<all>