Madam Chairman, I stand in opposition to H.R. 3021, and I yield myself such time as I may consume. The name of this bill is a mouthful but seems harmless enough, the 21st Century Green…
Madam Chairman, I stand in opposition to H.R. 3021, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
The name of this bill is a mouthful but seems harmless enough, the 21st Century Green High-Performing Public School Facilities Act. It sounds like a program to ensure good schools, safe schools, environmentally friendly schools. It sounds pretty good to me. It is when we look a little closer that the real goal becomes clear. This is a bill that puts us on a path toward Federalizing the building and maintenance of our Nation's schools. It is about feeding bigger government and giving Washington more control over what happens in States and local communities. We are talking about an estimated $20 billion over the next 5 years handed out to States and schools so that we can exercise control over how they build their schools.
Maybe a school has a leaky roof. The Federal Government is happy to pay to get it fixed; but instead of spending $1,000 on a repair, we tell the school it has to spend $100,000 on a new roof that meets our hand-picked environmental standards. And Big Brother doesn't stop there. We also link this funding to the Depression-era Davis-Bacon Act, meaning that construction projects under this bill must pay so-called prevailing wages. The problem is, prevailing wage calculations are critically and fundamentally flawed. Sometimes they are higher than market rates and other times they are lower.
Take plumbers, for instance. I have a chart here that shows in a sampling of cities plumbers paid Davis-Bacon wages could be paid anywhere from 70 percent below the market rate to 77 percent above the market rate. Davis-Bacon requirements drive up the cost of Federal projects by 10, 15, 20 percent,
and sometimes more. These are costs that get passed on to the taxpayers. Moreover, these requirements force private companies to do hundreds of millions of dollars of excess administrative work each year.
So already we are talking about a new $20 billion program to fund an inefficient construction mandate that allows bureaucrats here in Washington to tell our neighborhoods and small towns and big cities exactly how their school buildings should be built, from the materials they use to the contractors they hire.
Madam Chairman, I would like to know where that $20 billion is going to come from. When we were in the majority, we heard no end to the complaints from the other side of the aisle that we were underfunding No Child Left Behind and the Individuals With Disabilities Education Act. I am proud of our record of strong support for these programs, but it is true that they are not funded at their authorized level. It was true when Democrats were in the majority up until 1995, it was true when we were in the majority even though we doubled the payments there, and it is still true today with Democrats back at the helm. The reality is that neither party has funded these programs at their authorized maximum.
If we have $20 billion to spend on our schools, shouldn't we invest that in keeping the promises we have already made? We are looking at $6.4 billion authorized for this program next year alone. Do you know what that could do for title I or IDEA? We could increase special education funding by almost 60 percent in 1 year. We could bring title I funding to more than $20 billion.
I don't know whether we have the money to spend on this program; in fact, I think we probably don't. But if we have it, we have a duty to spend it on programs that help improve academic achievement for disadvantaged children.
I also think it is ironic that we are here today proposing a program to build more schools when districts around the country are struggling just to pay for the fuel it takes to transport children and operate, heat, and cool the schools we already have. Like the rest of the country, our schools are being squeezed by the high price of gasoline. Rising fuel prices are taking a real toll on our Nation's schools, just as on our Nation's families and individuals.
Beyond diesel fuel and heating oil, schools are faced with higher supply costs, fewer field trips, and costlier school lunches. First it was community colleges forced to move to a 4-day school week; now, even K-12 school systems are reducing the number of school days because of the pain at the pump. Unfortunately, that is a problem for which the Democrats are offering no answers.
Madam Chairman, this is a bad program created based on a flawed premise. Yes, there is a need for school construction and modernization. It is a need that is best handled at the State and local level where they can be responsive to each community's unique needs. The Federal role in education has been limited to target interventions that help provide a more level playing field for children who might otherwise be left behind. That is where our focus should remain.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Madam Chairman, I am privileged now to yield to the gentleman from Delaware (Mr. Castle), the ranking member on the subcommittee over K-12 education, 3 minutes.
I yield now to the gentleman from Utah, a member of the committee, Mr. Bishop, 3 minutes.
I yield the gentleman 1 additional minute.
Madam Chairman, may I inquire as to how much time is left.
I am privileged to yield at this time to the gentlelady from Illinois, a member of the committee, Mrs. Biggert, 4 minutes.
Madam Chairman, I continue to reserve.
I am privileged to yield at this time to the gentleman from California (Mr. Daniel E. Lungren) 3 minutes.
I yield the gentleman an additional minute.
Madam Chairman, I yield the gentleman an additional 2 minutes, and I want to ask him a question.
Let's talk about the things we deal with when we're not here in Congress. You have children. I have children. We have grandchildren. And I try to think about our children and grandchildren sitting at the kitchen table, and they have a little different rules that they have to operate under.
You know, we have a Federal responsibility that we have taken upon ourselves, and we will fund 40 percent of IDEA. We're up to about 17 percent. We said that we'll fund title I. We're way short of where we should be on that.
If, say, you have a grandson or granddaughter, maybe they've bought a motorcycle and they have a commitment to pay $100 a month on a motorcycle. And maybe the daughter is going to school and has a commitment to pay a couple hundred dollars a month on that.
Family is sitting around and they say, you know, we're a little short, we don't have quite enough to pay the motorcycle bill this month, we don't have quite enough to pay the school bill this month, but why don't we go out and buy a motor home, because the family would benefit from that; it would be a good thing. We could have good quality time that we could spend together, and we don't have the money for that.
That's kind of what we're talking about here, isn't it?
We would love to have you on the committee, and I think that you're asking the right questions.
I notice the chairman has left, but I wanted to just correct the record a little bit.
I've been here 16 years. I know he's been here over 30 years. But when we won the majority in 1994, at that point IDEA was funded at about $2 billion. It was passed in 1976.
At the time, we made a commitment, those who were in the Congress at the time made a commitment, that the Federal level would be funded at 40 percent. At that time in 1976, $2 billion would have funded at 40 percent. The Democrats were in charge from 1976 to 1994. They got it from a few hundred million up to $2 billion in that time.
We won the majority in 1994, and we increased the funding from $2 billion up to over $10 billion in the following 12 years.
Now, to go back to talk about the surplus and the deficit. In 1994, we ran on the Contract With America, and we made a pledge to the American people that if we were given a chance, given the majority, we would balance the Federal budget in 7 years. Actually, we did it in 4 years. That's how we got that surplus.
But then in 2000, President Bush came in. There was a recession when he took office. We had 9/11 in 2001, which took us into a war footing, and you know, when you're at war, you spend more money, and that's how we've gotten the deficit.
But all of that aside, back to the basic premise of why we should be working to fully fund IDEA. What a problem that is to not provide fully funding for these children that need help with their special disabilities. We made a strong commitment. We took it from the 7 percent that they were funding it when they were in the majority, and they had been there for 18 years prior to that. We had 12 years. We got it up to over 17, 18 percent in that period of time.
So I don't think if you want to talk about commitment and who was putting the money where, we were doing it. All we're saying now is if they can find another $6 billion, why not put it to the children with disabilities rather than fund a brand new program that really is the State and local responsibility.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Would the gentleman yield?
I would be happy to yield that. You're a man of conviction and I think you are a strong supporter of IDEA, and we've worked together well on these things in the past.
I just think right now we have kind of a divergence where we're talking about a new program that could be used to fully fund IDEA, and we just have a difference then on that opinion.
I yield myself 1 minute.
I just want to say that I don't think either of the two gentlemen from California used the term ``wasteful'' spending. We never meant for that. We never inferred that.
What we were talking about is it's a new program that is going to divert limited resources. The list that Mr. Kildee read, all of those people that supported it, yeah, you know, a lot of people want to have more and more and more spending. The problem is, we do have limited resources. I could probably read you a list of people that say we should not have additional spending that's going to carry us more and more into deficit for new programs before we fund the programs that we've already committed to, and the gentleman said he would like to have the debate on that issue.
I had an amendment on that issue that was not given to me. I wasn't given the ability to discuss it on the floor because the Rules Committee, I guess, felt that it wasn't an important issue.
I yield myself an additional minute.
I did have an amendment saying that we should first spend the money for the title I. That was where the Federal Government first got involved, helping underprivileged children, close the gap between the minorities and those that were doing better in their school, 14 percent gap. And we have spent billions of dollars, over $85 billion, to try to close that gap, and we haven't done it, and we're still short on that funding.
And then the disabilities, the students that we all feel need more help, why, if we can come up with another $6 billion, don't we put the money for these children that need the help the most?
I reserve the balance of my time.
Madam Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Madam Chairman, for our Nation's schools, the spike in energy prices means that it costs more to fuel the buses that carry children to and from school. It costs more to heat and cool their facilities. It costs more to buy books and supplies. It costs more to provide school lunches and snacks. The list goes on.
School budgets are being overwhelmed by rising energy costs, and they need relief. The majority refuses to unveil its commonsense plan to bring down skyrocketing gas prices. On January 4, 2007, when the Democrats took charge of this House, gas prices stood at $2.33 a gallon. Seventeen months later, gas costs 71 percent more, and yet their plan remains a secret.
We're turning a blind eye to the burden of high energy costs in our Nation's schools, and instead taking up a bill that usurps State and local rights and responsibilities, undermines efforts to fund programs for disadvantaged children, imposes complex and costly requirements, and offers little more than a Band-Aid for the very real need for school construction and modernization.
Madam Chairman, I strongly oppose this legislation. Just yesterday we received a Statement of Administration Policy indicating that if this legislation were presented to the President, his advisers would recommend that it be vetoed.
The Federal Government has a role to play in education. That role is to provide support and assistance to ensure that all children are provided a quality education. It's to support the academic achievement for disadvantaged children, children with disabilities, and other at- risk students who might otherwise be left behind.
We all want our communities to have safe, modern, environmentally friendly
schools in which our children can live and thrive, but this bill is the wrong way to achieve that goal. States, local communities and the private sector are all actively engaged in the construction and maintenance of school facilities all around the country. At least $20 billion is being spent by the States each year to build new schools and modernize those already in use.
If we have $6.4 billion to invest in education next year, let's put it into programs that serve underprivileged and disadvantaged children. Programs are already there. Whether it's title I or IDEA or even Pell Grants to help low-income students attend college, there are existing programs that could use these resources to improve academic achievement and directly benefit those who need help most.
I strongly urge a ``no'' vote on this legislation.
Madam Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Madam Chairman, I claim time in opposition to the amendment.
Madam Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I oppose this amendment, Madam Chairman, for the same reason I oppose the underlying bill.
This proposal radically shifts the Federal role in education. This new school construction program will compete for funding with other critical priorities like title I and IDEA. And no matter what the other side tries to tell you, every dollar spent under this legislation is a dollar that won't be spent improving academic achievement for disadvantaged children.
Here in Congress our job is to set priorities. Are we really saying that it's more important to fund bicycle racks, as this substitute would do, than it is to provide funds for schools to serve children with disabilities? I don't deny that schools can use bicycle racks, but I challenge anyone to explain why that's a priority for scarce Federal dollars when title I and IDEA continue to be funded below their authorized level.
I also think this entire debate is a distraction from the most immediate financial concern facing many school systems and every family in this Nation: That's the high price of gasoline. School districts are struggling just to fill the tanks on their school buses. They're scaling back field trips and activities. And some schools are even moving to a 4-day school week to save on energy costs. Just like the rest of the country, our schools need energy relief and they need it now.
But we're not here today to discuss how we can produce more American- made energy. We're not here to promote new clean and reliable sources of energy like advanced nuclear and next-generation coal. We're not even here to encourage greater energy efficiency by offering conservation tax incentives to Americans who make their home, car, and businesses more energy efficient. Instead, we are proposing a big government program to exert Federal control over how States and local communities build their schools. It's the classic Washington approach to problem solving: If we just kick in a little bit of money, we'll be able to wield our power and influence over the decisions that used to be made by individual citizens and local leaders. Surely Washington must know best when it comes to where our children learn.
Madam Chairman, I oppose this amendment, I oppose this legislation, and I oppose the fact that Congress has yet to do anything to address the skyrocketing cost of energy.
Madam Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Madam Chairman, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.
Madam Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time.
We have been kind of talking about supply and demand in energy. Today we are also talking supply and demand of money. There's unlimited demand for resources, but there is somewhat limited supply. And what we're talking about in this bill is that the demand is for the Federal Government to get involved in local school construction.
I served on a local school board, and I met with a lot of other people that served on local school boards, and I know what they're going to want to do. They are going to want to turn to the Federal Government and take all the money that's available, and then they will use that to build the schools, and then they'll find other ways to spend the money that they've been spending on schools for other things. That's how supply and demand works. You kind of take what's available and fill up the gap.
I was home last week, as most of us were, for the break, and I hadn't been home for a couple of weeks. I was shocked at what the gas prices were, and they went up about 20 cents during the week while I was home. And it's all based on supply and demand.
We have had several votes over the last 16 years that I have been here in Congress. We voted to explore for more oil in the ANWR. House Republicans, 91 percent supported increasing supply; House Democrats, 86 percent opposed increasing supply.
Coal to liquid is another thing that should increase the supply, which would then meet the demand and help lower gasoline prices. House Republicans voted 97 percent to support coal to liquid; House Democrats, 78 percent opposed that.
Oil shale exploration, which again would increase supply and meet the demand and lower prices. House Republicans, 90 percent supported it; House Democrats, 86 percent opposed.
This goes on and on and on. What we are saying on our side is we will support exploration, conservation, renewable, all sources of increasing supply to get energy independent. The other side says we can't do this, we can't do this, we can't do this; let's keep buying oil from Iraq and Iran and Saudi Arabia and Venezuela and not become independent.
I urge a ``no'' vote on this amendment.
Madam Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
Madam Chairman, I claim time in opposition to the amendment, although I don't expect to oppose its passage.
I yield myself such time as I may consume.
This amendment allows funding under the massive new program to be used for renewable energy generation and heating systems in schools. Clearly, this amendment recognizes that schools are grappling with the high cost of energy, and they need help. I couldn't agree more. But we are acknowledging that schools, like the rest of the country, are being burdened by the skyrocketing costs of gasoline, diesel fuel, and other energy sources. I'd like to know why we are not having a real debate about energy solutions.
Giving schools a little bit of money for renewable energy generation and heating systems, while ignoring the problem of rising gasoline, diesel, and other energy costs, will not solve the problems our schools are facing. In the Northeast, for instance, we know that many schools rely on home heating oil during the winter months. Clearly, a one-size- fits-all approach isn't going to work.
What we need are comprehensive energy solutions. We need to expand production here at home, something my friends on the other side of the aisle have historically opposed 86 percent of the time. We need to encourage innovation and invest in new fuel alternatives, and we need to promote conservation. Only by embracing meaningful energy reforms will we finally be
able to move toward energy independence and provide our schools, especially those impacted by the skyrocketing costs of heating oil, much needed relief. That is why I am so disappointed in this legislation. It's quite simply the wrong solution to the wrong problem.
If the question is how should the Federal Government help our schools, the answer is by funding programs that promote academic achievement for disadvantaged children. If the question is how should the Federal Government help schools burdened by high energy costs, the answer is by taking decisive action to increase energy production here at home, and red tape and regulations encourage next generation energy sources and promote conservation.
The bill achieves none of these goals. I won't oppose passage of this amendment, but I strongly oppose passage of this legislation.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Madam Chairman, I yield myself 1 minute.
As the gentleman that just spoke said, we cannot drill our way into energy independence. I agree, because over the past 12 years, every time we have had a vote to give us an opportunity to explore and find more oil to get us past the gap to where all these other things that they are talking about will work, 91 percent of House Republicans have historically supported the increase of production of American-made oil and gas, while 86 percent of House Democrats have historically voted against increasing the production of American-made oil and gas.
Ten years ago when we passed an energy bill that would let us drill in the ANWR which would reduce gas prices now 70 cents to $1.60 a gallon, and that would be in production now and we
would be receiving that benefit, President Clinton vetoed that bill.
So, yes, we can't drill our way out of it. We have to sit here and buy oil from countries around the globe that want to see us destroyed, and I don't see how we possibly can continue to go on putting ourselves in that position. We need to find new energy, and we need to do it now.
Madam Chairman, as I said, I will not oppose this amendment. I oppose the underlying bill for many, many reasons.
I yield back the balance of my time.
I claim time in opposition to the amendment.
I yield myself such time as I may consume, Madam Chairman.
The purpose of this amendment is to gather information about the types of
floors that schools may be installing with funds provided under this massive new federally funded school construction program. Like the rest of the bill, it simply misses the point.
If our goal today is to address the problems facing our Nation's schools, we shouldn't be talking about floors or bicycle racks. We should be talking about how to bring down the price of gas.
High gas prices are hitting schools hard. They're driving up costs for nearly every aspect of a school's budget, from transportation to school lunches and from utilities to supplies.
What we should be debating is how to address the skyrocketing cost of energy. Instead, we're talking about creating a $20 billion program that allows bureaucrats in Washington to tell our communities how to build their schools.
The Federal Government has had a history of investing in our Nation's schools, but it's not the floors and the walls and the plumbing and the light bulbs where we focus our investment. Rather, it's the students themselves. Our role, the role of the Federal Government, is to support programs that help improve student academic achievement.
We know that disadvantaged children, children with disabilities, English language learners and our vulnerable populations have too often been left behind by our educational system. Our job is to ensure all children are given the opportunity to receive a high quality education. That means learning from a highly qualified teacher and being held to the same high academic standards.
I know how important safe and healthy schools are, and that's why States are spending some $20 billion each year on the building and modernization of schools facilities.
If we really want to meet the needs of our schools, we should be doing two things: We should be maintaining the Federal focus on student achievement, and we should be talking about how to bring down the cost of energy to help schools, families, businesses and our economy.
I reserve the balance of my time.
I agree with the gentleman. I just don't think it should be the Federal Government's responsibility to go into the local communities and tell them what type and how to build their schools, who should build their schools and how much they should spend.
I yield back the balance of my time.