Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my colleague from Florida (Ms. Castor) for yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Mr. HASTINGS of Washington asked and was…
Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my colleague from Florida (Ms. Castor) for yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
(Mr. HASTINGS of Washington asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I have to say that it is astonishing to me to what lengths this liberal Congress will go to shut down debate and close the legislative process.
This House, Mr. Speaker, has become far more dictatorial and far less deliberative in the last 19 months than ever before. In this Congress, there have been 59 closed rules, which is more than in any Congress in the history of our country.
Mr. Speaker, as you well know, a closed rule means Members are prohibited from coming to the House floor and offering an amendment to the bill that is being considered on the floor. An open rule allows Members to offer amendments to a bill that's being considered on the House floor. Mr. Speaker, it is simply as simple as that.
But Mr. Speaker, there hasn't been one single, solitary open rule this entire year in this body. For this entire Congress, going back to January of last year, there has been only one open rule on bills that were not appropriations bills. These facts present a stark picture of just how closed and restrictive this liberal Congress has become.
Yet the Speaker and Democrat-controlled Rules Committee aren't satisfied with having the worst, most closed record in history. They've decided to go even further to undermine the rules and traditions of the U.S. House of Representatives. With this rule, they've reached an absolute new low. They have chosen to breach the long-standing, bipartisan process of an open rule for the consideration of appropriations bills.
On what has been an open process on the House floor not just for years, not for decades, but dating back to the creation of the Appropriations Committee itself, this process is being closed down by this oppressive, liberal Congress.
This rule provides for consideration of the Military Construction and Veterans Affairs funding bill for the next fiscal year. It is a bill that has always, Mr. Speaker, had strong bipartisan support. For example, last year it passed by a recorded vote of 409 in favor and only two against. And during that debate last year, there were just 15 amendments that were offered. And the total debate on the House floor was just 5 hours, which is a short time for appropriations bills.
Mr. Speaker, there is no part of this record that justifies what is being proposed today to decimate this open process. There is simply no excuse for what is being done and proposed by this rule.
I can only conclude that this is a blatant political attempt to stifle debate on the House floor in order to hold onto political power. Sadly, Mr. Speaker, it is being done at the expense of the rules and traditions of the People's House, the U.S. House of Representatives.
Additionally, Mr. Speaker, the new fiscal year begins on October 1; that's just 62 days away. Yet this House hasn't passed one single appropriations bill. At the end of the week, it will probably have passed one. By comparison, Mr. Speaker, in 2006, the Republican House had passed every bill except one by this point of the year.
It is a troubling, disappointing, and dangerous situation when those who control this liberal Congress are punting on their duty to pass the 12 annual appropriations bills while simultaneously undermining the open consideration of these very same appropriations bills, an open process that has been a bipartisan hallmark of this House since the inception of the Appropriations Committee.
And why is this being done, Mr. Speaker? Again, I can only conclude that it is because this liberal Congress refuses to allow open debate and votes on producing more American-made energy. Those who control this Congress have refused to allow a vote on lifting the ban on offshore drilling, at ANWR in Alaska, and on other Federal lands.
Nancy Pelosi, Harry Reid and Barack Obama oppose offshore drilling and in ANWR, but they refuse to let Congress vote on this important issue while gas prices, Mr. Speaker, are at record levels and Americans are hurting.
Mr. Speaker, I will submit for the Record three articles, one from the New York Times regarding Speaker Pelosi, one from the McClatchy Washington Bureau regarding Speaker Pelosi's position on offshore drilling, one in the House of nearly 6 weeks ago from The Hill regarding Mr. Obama's opinion on drilling, and one from the Las Vegas Review Journal regarding Majority Leader Reid's position on drilling in the Senate.
As you know, Speaker Pelosi has repeatedly insisted that this House won't ever vote, is not going to be permitted to vote, and that she will do everything possible to block a vote on lowering gas prices by producing more American-made energy by drilling for our own Nation's gas and oil. Americans can't afford this head-in-the-sand approach. Congress needs to stand up and vote on the Republicans' ``all of the above'' energy plan that simply says, let's do everything that we can to produce more American-made energy, including pursuing more clean alternatives like wind and solar, more nuclear power, more biodiesel, improving conservation, more investment in new technology research, and of course, immediately more drilling and refining of oil and gas from America's huge underground reserves.
Mr. Speaker, the choice is clear: we can continue with this ``drill nothing'' approach, or we can decide to act, to change course and to debate and vote on the Republicans ``all of the above'' plan to lower gas prices by producing more energy here in America and finding ways, at the same time, to use less.
Mr. Speaker, I believe our ``all of the above'' approach to lowering gas prices would pass. It would pass, I believe, Mr. Speaker, if it were permitted to have a vote on this House floor. I believe there is a majority that would vote for it in this U.S. House. But such a vote has yet to be allowed and is not being allowed today. And next week, we're going on a 5-week vacation. Mr. Speaker, I think that is intolerable.
The House is being shut down in new, bolder ways to block a vote on producing American-made energy. And as a matter of fact, Mr. Speaker, this rule is proof of it.
The long-standing, bipartisan practice of considering appropriations bills under an open process is being trampled on by this rule. The actions that are being taken to restrict and shut down Members' ability to offer amendments and debate spending bills--which I might add, Mr. Speaker, is the very job that the American people elected us to do--is being undermined by this appropriations process, and it creates a very dangerous and volatile situation in this House.
Mr. Speaker, the leaders and the chairmen who've made this decision may well rue the day that they chose to go down this path.
By their actions, bipartisanship is being diminished, but more importantly, Mr. Speaker, the traditions of this House are being diminished. One cannot trample on the rules and practices of traditions of this House with impunity and then expect no long-term damage to result.
This is a sad and shameful rule. So I urge my colleagues to oppose it and demand this House uphold open rules for consideration of appropriations bills, which is one of the best practices historically of this institution. If we do not correct the closed rule course that is being set by this rule, it will do a great deal of long-term harm to this House that will prove, in my opinion, more difficult to reverse in the future.
[From the New York Times, July 17, 2008]
For Pelosi, a Fight Against Offshore Drilling
(By Carl Hulse)
Washington.--Upon entering Congress in 1987, Representative
Nancy Pelosi quickly became part of the solid California
front against oil drilling along much of the nation's coast.
The Santa Barbara oil spill in 1969 and the steady push to
tap the potential reserves off the state's rugged coast had
galvanized Californians and made opposition to offshore
drilling part of the political DNA of up-and-coming figures
like Ms. Pelosi.
She repeatedly resisted oil drilling in marine sanctuaries
near her San Francisco district and, after joining the
Appropriations Committee, was an advocate of reinstating the
ban on coastal drilling through spending restrictions each
year.
``We learned the hard way that oil and water do not mix on
our coast,'' Ms. Pelosi told a crucial committee in 1996 as
she argued for keeping the ban before a Congress then
controlled by Republicans.
Now, with gasoline prices soaring, those drilling
restrictions are facing their most severe test in years as
calls intensify to pursue
domestic oil more forcefully. Yet despite increasing pressure
from President Bush, a full-bore assault by Congressional
Republicans and some anxiety among her own rank-and-file
Democrats, Ms. Pelosi is not budging.
``The president of the United States, with gas at $4 a
gallon because of his failed energy policies, is now trying
to say that is because I couldn't drill offshore,'' Ms.
Pelosi said in an interview. ``That is not the cause, and I
am not going to let him get away with it.''
Her voice carries considerable weight because Ms. Pelosi,
who is now House speaker, can prevent a vote on expanded
drilling from reaching the floor.
And she and Senator Harry Reid of Nevada, the majority
leader, appear intent on holding the line against calls to
approve drilling in areas now off limits. They argue that the
oil and gas industry is not aggressively exploring large
expanses it has already leased on land and offshore. They
have also urged Mr. Bush to pour some fuel from national
reserves into the commercial supply chain in an effort to
lower prices.
Trying to demonstrate that Democrats are not opposed to
drilling in acceptable locales, the House is scheduled to
vote on Thursday on a proposal that would deny oil companies
any new leases unless they can show they are diligently
exploring existing holdings. The measure would also require
annual lease sales from lands in Alaska set aside as a
National Petroleum Reserve, and direct the Interior
Department to make sure a pipeline is linked to the reserves.
Democrats, not subtly, are calling the measure the Drill
Responsibly in Leased Lands, or Drill, Act.
In the Senate, Democrats are pushing a measure to curb
speculation in oil markets.
But Representative John A. Boehner of Ohio, the Republican
leader, who is escorting a delegation to the Arctic National
Wildlife Refuge in Alaska this weekend, said the Democrats'
approach was woefully insufficient. Mr. Boehner said Ms.
Pelosi, in insisting on preserving the drilling ban, was
putting Democrats in the crosshairs of voters furious about
gas prices.
``I think Speaker Pelosi is walking her Blue Dogs and other
vulnerable Democrats off a cliff, and they know it,'' said
Mr. Boehner, referring to the coalition of Democrats
representing more conservative districts.
He accused the speaker of using procedural maneuvers to
thwart votes on expanded drilling, a position that he said
would prevail if the moment arrived. ``Harry Reid and Nancy
Pelosi are standing in the way of what the American people
want,'' Mr. Boehner said.
In both the House and Senate, small groups of Democrats
have begun meeting informally with Republicans to try to
reach a bipartisan response to higher oil prices, and opening
up new areas to drilling is part of the mix. Leaders of the
Blue Dog coalition are openly pressing for drilling in the
Arctic refuge and elsewhere.
Backers of the drilling ban have pushed back furiously and
appear to have bolstered some of their colleagues. Senator
Barbara Boxer, a California Democrat who has been fighting
offshore drilling since the 1970s, has been cornering fellow
senators to impress upon them the importance of the ban to
Californians, comparing it to a mainstay of farm-state
senators.
``This is our ethanol,'' Mrs. Boxer said of protecting the
coast from oil drilling.
Since taking over as speaker, Ms. Pelosi has asserted
herself on energy policy, which she sees as an overarching
cause that encompasses national security, climate change, the
economy, health care and the environment.
``This captures everything,'' said Ms. Pelosi, who last
year broke a deadlock that had lasted for decades over
increasing automotive fuel economy standards.
In a private meeting last week, according to some in
attendance, Ms. Pelosi told members of her leadership team
that a decision to relent on the drilling ban would amount to
capitulation to Republicans and the White House, and that she
was having none of it. She attributes today's energy problems
to a failure of the Bush administration to develop a
comprehensive approach, to its ties to the oil industry and
to a mishandling of the economy.
With the drilling restrictions under such scrutiny, backers
of the ban say they are heartened that Ms. Pelosi wields the
power she does.
``It is really important to have a Californian as speaker
on this topic,'' said Representative Lois Capps, a Democrat
who represents Santa Barbara.
Ms. Pelosi has shown a willingness on issues like terror
surveillance and spending on the Iraq war to look past her
personal views and allow legislation she opposes to move
through the House. But on the drilling ban, it is clear she
sees her position as the one that should carry the day. She
said national policy had to move beyond the long dispute over
the ban.
``This is part of the fight we are in,'' she said. ``We
have to get to a place where one day my grandchildren will
say, `Do you believe our grandparents had to go with their
car and fill up?' It will be like going with a barrel on our
head to a well to get water. That will be the equivalent.''
Will the gentlewoman yield?
I appreciate the gentlewoman's yielding.
Let me ask this question: Would a Member be able to come down to the floor when this bill is being taken up and offer a second-degree amendment to an amendment that is being offered by another Member?
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield such time as he may consume to the distinguished ranking member of the Appropriations Committee and the former chairman of the Appropriations Committee, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lewis).
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the distinguished ranking member of the subcommittee dealing with this issue, the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Wamp).
Mr. Speaker, just for purposes of trying to plan the time, could I inquire of my distinguished colleague how many speakers she has left.
I thank her for that information, and am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Keller).
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Oklahoma (Mr. Lucas).
Mr. Speaker, I yield the gentleman 30 additional seconds.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Kansas (Mr. Moran).