Providing for consideration of the bill (H.R. 1294) to extend Federal recognition to the Chickahominy Indian Tribe, the Chickahominy Indian Tribe-Eastern Division, the Upper Mattaponi Tribe, the Rappahannock Tribe, Inc., the Monacan Indian Nation, and the Nansemond Indian Tribe.

Mr. Speaker, I thank my good friend from Florida for yielding me the time.

I would also like to address my good friend from Washington, also Mr. Hastings, as well as my friend from Connecticut sitting behind Mr. Hastings, because I heard his statement earlier which reflected the statement of the gentleman representing the minority on the Rules Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to address these concerns, legitimate concerns, that have been raised, and explain why I think you would agree that what we are doing today is not only appropriate and proper, but well-justified.

There was a white-tie dinner at the White House last night. The country, particularly Virginia, is celebrating the 400th anniversary of the Jamestown settlement. But these six Indian Tribes are the reason why those English settlers were able to survive. They showed them how to survive. They sheltered them. They taught them how to grow the plants that were native to North America. They took care of them. Subsequently, when the English settlers got on their feet, they displaced these Indians, took their land and treated them pretty badly.

Finally, in 1677 there was a treaty signed with King Charles II. There was no American government at the time. It was the only government that could sign a treaty. It is the oldest Indian treaty in existence today. It continued, that treaty, but the implementation of it did not. The English government, in other words, its settlers here, violated that treaty at every opportunity, diminished these tribes and took their land.

Then, to compound this situation, and to understand why this is a unique situation beyond the 400th anniversary, in 1924 the Commonwealth of Virginia passed what was called the Racial Integrity Act. It was sponsored by a white supremacist who had alliances with the Nazi government in Germany, we understand. It was a very bad time in American history.

This law allowed the Commonwealth of Virginia to destroy the documents that proved the existence of these Native American families. They legally went into the courthouses and destroyed the birth records, they destroyed everything that identified them as Native Americans, and that is why there is a unique situation here. They don't have the documentation that they would need to present to the Bureau of Indian Affairs.

This is compounded, of course, by the fact that this recognition process is almost impossible. We wouldn't want to wish it on our worst enemy, to have to go through what Native American tribes now have to go through. It is demeaning and deliberately frustrating. And they were told, well, you might get recognition, but certainly not in your lifetime. These Native Americans have been mistreated by this country.

Now we have compromised. You could say we have unfairly treated them again, but it is the only way to get this recognition through in time for the celebration of the Jamestown settlement.

We said, we are not going to treat you like other Native American tribes. You are not going to be able to have

gambling, to have casinos, to even play bingo. We are going to prohibit it in this legislation, just to reassure people who are concerned about gambling, and understandably, given all of the corruption that has occurred, Jack Abramoff and so on. I don't have to get into all that. We made the compromise, and they reluctantly agreed to it.

Then, even though they have 500 acres that everyone agrees is theirs that should be put into trust, we are going to hold back and require all of the environmental processes and so on to be gone through by the Department of Interior. Whatever that administrative process is, they have to wait and go through all of that in order just to have their own land put into trust. Another compromise.

We have compromised in every way we could. That is the reason for the closed rule. We have talked to everyone that appeared to have any opposition.

Mr. Wolf had legitimate concern about gambling. We tried to bring this to the floor before. He has blocked it. I can understand his concern. But this is a unique situation. We have addressed it. We have addressed that issue on gambling. Mr. Wolf now supports the bill, he has told me.

Mr. Young supports the bill, because he has have looked at it extensively. I don't believe my good friend from Connecticut is on the Natural Resources Committee and may not have participated in those discussions, all of those compromises that have led us to this point.

But I think if you look at the justice of this situation, if you look back at the truth of what has occurred to these Indians, you have to come to the conclusion that this is a unique situation. This is justified. In fact, this is urgent.

There are some representatives of the tribes here today. They have been so frustrated, cynical even, disappointed that the Congress won't understand what they understand and what they would like to be able to pass on to their children.

The only people that would ever educate them and their ancestors were Christian missionaries. They were forbidden to go to public schools. They were forbidden to have jobs. They couldn't get their children out of hospitals if they called them an American Indian because they would be subject to a year in prison.

I don't want to go into all of this, because I would like to put this behind us, because it is a very sad chapter of American history. Hopefully that chapter is about to end and a new chapter will begin with this legislation.

That is why I would ask my colleagues, approve this legislation. Do the right thing. Do it in time, so we can honestly celebrate with the people in Jamestown and with these tribes.

These tribes deserve recognition. They deserve to be able to have the kind of pride that they have merited through their persistence. They are extraordinarily patriotic, loyal to this country, honest and obedient. They are good people. Let's pass this legislation.

I would ask my friend from Connecticut to listen to my response to the points that he just made because I know he is a fair man. And when he considers the fact that, first of all, the Narragansett Tribe was recognized in the 1990s with a similar prohibition, and they don't gamble.

This particular tribe, they were raised by Christian missionaries. They believe gambling is a sin. They could be operating bingo parlors down the street today. They don't because they believe it is wrong to do so. They don't want to gamble.

But they are unique, and I would say to my friend, in 1912 through 1946, the Bureau of Vital Statistics in Virginia systematically erased all reference to Indians in all public records. That is unique. That hasn't happened in other States. The Governor of Virginia recognizes these tribes. They have been recognized for hundreds of years.

And the fact is, we are not bringing this legislation up all of a sudden now.

This legislation we have been trying for 8 years to get through; 8 years I have sponsored it. But these Indian tribes didn't have any money to influence the process.

The Racial Integrity Act of 1924, and I go back to this, as embarrassed as I am about the fact that it passed the legislature of Virginia, required all persons to register as ``white'' or ``colored'' in the language of those days, and it made it a criminal offense for Indians not to so register. That is why they were eliminated in the State. It is what a historian called a paper genocide. That is why this is a very unique situation. It is not all of a sudden. For 8 years, we have been trying to pass this legislation. The Governor recognizes they exist, and it is not about gambling.

It is understandable you would assume it is about gambling. It is not, and we have examples of other tribes that are not gambling today that have similar prohibitions. So I would say to the gentleman, please do the right thing. Read the bill carefully, and I trust you will support it as a result.

Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?

In this case, we are recognizing six. There was one tribe in the 1990s, the Narragansett Tribe, a similar prohibition against gambling was instituted. They don't gamble.

This is about recognition.

I didn't use the term ``outrage,'' but I do I think it is unfair. If I were a Native American member of any of these six tribes, I would feel badly that I wasn't treated the way other Native American tribes have been treated. It is a matter of pride and sovereignty, so you can choose not to gamble, not to have Congress say, we don't trust you; we are going to prohibit you from gambling. But it is not their intent to gamble.

If the gentleman would continue to yield, I again thank my friend and thank you for being able to communicate in this fashion.

The fact is that they have tried for 8 years to get recognition. But when you say that they are bypassing the process, the reason the process doesn't work is, in this case, the Commonwealth of Virginia made it legal to destroy all of the documentation that would have proved their existence. It was legal under the Racial Integrity Act. They went in and destroyed every reference to them.

First of all, it is six tribes. The Governor of Virginia recognizes them, and the Commonwealth of Virginia has recognized them since it did away with the Racial Integrity Act. Senator Allen when he was Governor recognized them because they do exist.

Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 377 and ask for its immediate consideration.

For purposes of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman, my good friend from Washington, Representative Hastings. All time yielded during consideration of the rule is for debate only.

I yield myself such time as I may consume, and I ask unanimous consent that all Members be given 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks on House Resolution 377.

Mr. Speaker, as the Clerk just read, this rule provides for consideration of H.R. 1294, the Thomasina E. Jordan Indian Tribes of Virginia Federal Recognition Act of 2007. The rule provides for 1 hour of general debate in the House, equally divided and controlled by the chairperson and ranking minority member of the Committee on Natural Resources.

Mr. Speaker, this legislation provides something that has been long overdue to six Native American Tribes in Virginia.

After literally centuries of injustice, some 3,175 members of these great tribes will finally gain Federal recognition under this bill. Just like the great Seminole and Micosukee Tribes in south Florida that I am privileged to represent, these six tribes now have the chance to finally receive the proper recognition and respect they rightfully deserve.

Just like the other 562 Federally recognized American Indian tribes in the United States, these tribes will finally have access to basic services, such as child welfare services, adult care and community development, services every one of us in this body take for granted.

Each of these six American Indian tribes descended from the historic tribes that occupied the Virginia coastline in 1607. Their rich history and tradition forever ties them to this land. Over the centuries, they have survived racial hostility and State-sanctioned attempts to stamp out their heritage and cultural identity.

Notwithstanding their ancient bonds to this soil, they continue to walk oppressed among us. The reason for such injustice? Because in the early part of the 19th century, Virginia officials intentionally destroyed the majority of their historical records and artifacts that affirmed the existence of Native Americans in Virginia. Virginia finally recognized them in the 1980s, and it is appropriate and long overdue that Congress is finally following suit.

Unfortunately, Mr. Speaker, Native American tribes, whose land was forcibly taken from them centuries ago, are still struggling for their basic rights and freedoms to this day. I ask, does this story of repression, refusal and repudiation not ring true for so many generations of Americans? Now, it takes acts of Congress to give them the recognition they have long deserved.

Legislation providing Federal recognition for these six tribes, the Chickahominy, the Eastern Chickahominy, the Monacan, the Rappahannock and the Mattaponi is today what we seek and what for too long has been denied. I ask again how we reconcile this kind of repression and repudiation.

The Queen of England is in the United States today. Last week, she visited the coastline of Virginia, Jamestown, where many of these people that we seek to get designation for and recognition for today came from, and yet she would not have had an opportunity to see them in their cultural array for the reason that they are not recognized.

Legislation providing Federal recognition for these six tribes has been introduced in both the House and the Senate in every Congress since the 106th, without action. To deny them recognition once more is to perpetuate the tyranny.

The underlying legislation would be a small step in rectifying our Nation's history of suppressing these great people. I am proud to support this rule and the underlying legislation, and I urge my colleagues to do the same.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased at this time to yield 7 minutes to our distinguished colleague, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Moran), a member of the Appropriations Committee and a leader in this fight in each of the Congresses that we have spoken of.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Moran).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 1 minute in order to respond to the gentleman.

And what would be wrong with that? I am reminded of the comedian Flip Wilson who said that when Christopher Columbus discovered America, the Native Americans must have been running down to the shoreline saying, ``Discover me.''

Enough already. We have abused these people continuously. We put them on reservations, and now we would stand here in this body and argue that they are not entitled to designation? This particular set of tribes, all six of them, have gone to the Bureau of Indian Affairs and sought recognition there. And since the 106th Congress, we have introduced measures here, whether or not they gamble or didn't gamble.

They gamble in Connecticut, and they gamble in Florida. And this crazy Nation is going to gamble its brains out, but it ain't the Indians' fault. And if it is their fault, then they ought to have that right from what we took from them.

Mr. Speaker, I would inquire of the gentleman from Washington through the Chair if he has any remaining speakers. I'm the last speaker for this side and I'm prepared to reserve until the gentleman has closed.

I would remind my good friend, I have served with him on the Rules Committee in the minority and in the majority, and he is obviously in his statistics not taking into consideration the preprinting requirements that have been offered.

I would also remind you that no one came to the Rules Committee with reference to any amendment as it pertains to this particular matter that was noticed last week that it was going to be up.

And now I yield to my friend.

Reclaiming my time, in closing now, on behalf of the six tribes that I believe we have a great opportunity today to finally bringing closure to their injustice. Indeed, in my view, Congress has a duty to end the suppression and provide these six Native American Indian tribes with recognition long overdue.

Number one, they were not recognized by the Federal Government. And if they didn't exist for a very long time, it was because of the Federal Government. And then when they tried to come back and say that we are going to meet all of these exacting requirements under the petition, who had destroyed their records, the Virginia government had destroyed their record.

What part of that don't you all understand, that these people can't make something out of whole cloth in a situation where their records have been destroyed?

How vicious can one situation be when you destroy the records of individuals and then ask them to corroborate and prove they exist? That is a virtual impossibility.

In this particular case, if there is one group of Native Americans that deserve an exception, and I might add they would be all six of these in light of the fact that systematically at every courthouse in Virginia every one of their records were burned or destroyed, and that was under the aegis of the authority of the Virginia government.

Give these people a break, if no one else. Now they have made it very clear that they do not intend, they forgo the right to gamble. And all things considered, I don't see my colleague from Connecticut and I don't see any colleagues from California and Nevada and me and others from Florida around turning the revenue back that is being produced. The State of Florida, for example, is about the business of trying to come up with better formulas so they can get more of the revenue that is coming into the Seminole and Miccosukee tribes. I suggest to you that Connecticut probably would be near bankrupt if it hadn't been for the Indian tribes and the revenue that comes into that State.

Somewhere along the line when you have taken from people, you ought to at least give them an opportunity to have the playing field level. And we are talking about in this case only 3,175 members, 562 Federal tribes have already been recognized. And yes, Mr. Shays, I think every other one of them ought to be recognized, including my ancestors that are Creek Indians.

I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.

The previous question was ordered.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman.

Mr. Speaker, I just want to say to Mr. Moran, I totally trust and understand his sincerity, but everything he said there are significant answers to. And all he has done is raised even more questions. He is basically saying to pass this bill and rush it through the Senate real quickly so we can have this be part of the celebration.

How clever were these six tribes to decide that this is the way they would get it through and bypass the Bureau of Indian Affairs process. With this legislation we are going to create six independent nations within our Nation, and we are now going to go back to bypassing a process and just deciding here in this Chamber.

I have no way of knowing if each of these are a legitimate tribe. There is no way for us in this Chamber to know it. We did that before Republicans were elected, and we stopped the process because we saw bypassing the Bureau of Indian Affairs process was corrupting. It was corrupting because it meant that if you had the influence, even if you didn't meet the standards of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, you could become a tribe.

The fact is that my colleague has said he has dealt with one of the objections. What you have done is dealt with the objection so the bill can pass. But gambling will be alive and well. First the prohibition will be tested in the courts, and the mere fact that my colleague said we are not treating them fairly by taking it out is his next argument to say we have to treat them fairly once they are tribes.

The bottom line is gambling is a license to print money, and the financial instincts and pressures will be so great that to say they will not have gambling is patently laughable. They will have it, if they are a tribe.

The bottom line to me is this: We have a process. We started to go around that process and we started to bring bills forward, and now every State is going to ask the same thing that Mr. Moran did. The process is too long.

Well, if we don't like the process, fix the process. But we are not capable to decide what tribe should become independent nations within the confines of the United States. We don't have that capability. We have given that process to the Bureau of Indian Affairs, and we need to document it. The fact that these six tribes can't document that they have an historic economic, social and political continuity is significant. It is very significant. They don't even have reservations, a place where they were meeting.

So I can't say how strongly I oppose this legislation. I fear that, however well intended my colleague from Virginia is, he has become the point of the spear that will result in a huge, huge pressure. The tribes in Connecticut, the tribes in Massachusetts, the tribes in New York, those that can't prove that they meet the Federal standard, like these tribes, will come to Congress and say they want the same thing. And our argument disappears, because when this passes, and I think it will, more than 50 percent of our Members will have voted for it, they will not be able to go and say to any tribe, follow the process. They will, in my judgment, have corrupted the process of the Bureau of Indian Affairs and now have no standing to say follow it.

Mr. Speaker, I just urge my colleagues, if you have a tribe, and I speak to all of my colleagues, those that are in this Chamber and those who are not, if you have a tribe that you think is trying to get around the Bureau of Indian Affairs and you vote for this legislation, you will have no standing whatsoever to oppose them. You will now have to be part of corrupting that process, going around and passing a bill on the floor, when we have no capability whatsoever to determine if they are a legitimate Federal tribe, not State tribe, a Federal tribe, proving social, political and economic continuity through historic times.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote against this bill. I know this: I sure will.

Could I ask the gentleman, he mentioned one tribe that he referred to as a Christian tribe, are we recognizing one tribe or six tribes?

I yield to the gentleman from Virginia.

So your reference that one tribe would clearly not want gambling, it is a fact that these tribes did want gambling and the only way you could get this bill through the Chamber was to take it out, and you said on the floor, I think I heard you correctly, that it was an outrage to take it out and it took away their rights and so on.

I would just point out to my colleague that a number of tribes said they didn't want gambling, and then when they had the opportunity, they seized it in spite of the fact that they said they didn't want to.

The precedent can be turned over by the court, and it can be changed simply by inserting language in some major appropriation that the tribe can have gambling, and it may not even see the light of day.

The fact that the tribe has sought for years to bypass the Bureau of Indian Affairs only says that they have tried to bypass the Bureau of Indian Affairs. The fact that you have introduced this bill continually only tells me that you have tried to bypass the process.

If the process is not working, change the process.

Reclaiming my time, as we keep talking about it, more warnings go off to me.

The fact that they would have only tried for the last 8 years to go through this process, it strikes me as extraordinarily arrogant that this tribe, that has only tried for 8 years, should bypass tribes that have tried for much longer than that. And the fact that they are trying now as opposed to in the past tells me that they saw the kind of revenues that existed and said, hey, let's be part of this gravy train. That concerns me as well.

Let me just point out that States do recognize. But if you establish as a precedent that all tribes recognized by States will get Federal recognition, then you have just included a whole number of Connecticut tribes that will have State recognition. State recognition is different than Federal. Federal has to prove that there is a socioeconomic and political continuity through historical times.

This is an important dialogue to have, and I appreciate the candor of the gentleman. What he has basically said is: What's wrong with that?

What is wrong with all of the State-recognized tribes getting Federal recognition in my State, for instance?

I would like all of my State legislators and my senators and my State representatives to hear what you just said because that is what concerns us. There is a lot wrong with that because some of the State- recognized tribes don't meet the standard that we say of a social, political and economic continuity. There were times when they didn't even exist for awhile, but we recognize them on the State level.

I can't emphasize enough that what you are doing is you are opening a huge Pandora's box; and however well intended you are, you have heard the basic argument. Every Member of Congress who has a State-recognized tribe but not a federally recognized tribe, be well aware of what this new Congress is coming from: What's wrong with that? There is a lot wrong with that.

Go through the process. And if the process is not working, change the process. Don't start overriding the Bureau of Indian Affairs and doing it just for a select few.

I want to point out to my colleague, I am not impressed that it was from the 106th Congress. That is just a few years ago. There are others that are going through the process fairly, working hard, and now they are going to say we have been trying since the 103rd and the 105th and 99th.

Mr. Speaker, I thank very much my very good friend Chairman Rahall. He has shown a lot of courage and also caring and sensitivity to the situation that confronts these particular Indian tribes. I see my good friend Mr. Scott from Virginia, as well, who will speak to this and my good friend, the ranking minority member, Mr. Don Young; and I thank him for stepping up on this, too. I know that his words are deeply felt, and his support is deeply appreciated.

I also want to compliment the staff on both sides. They have done the research. They have provided the accurate information; and without that, there would be a lot of misimpressions that would be going around the floor that could defeat this bill; but the facts are on our side, and that is because particularly the very good, hardworking staff has made sure that the facts have become public.

Let me share some of those facts with you. The argument is going to be used that these tribes should go through the regular process at the BIA, and the argument will be made that this just opens it up to gambling and there is going to be another issue in terms of the corruption that is inherent within casino gambling and so on.

The fact is that it would be virtually impossible for these Virginia Indian tribes to provide the documentation that the Bureau of Indian Affairs requires. This is a unique situation that does not apply in other States because other States did not make it legal to go into courthouses, local courthouses, throughout the State and destroy the very documentation that is now necessary.

Now, of course, the Governor of Virginia and all the previous Governors, including Senator Allen who specifically recognized these Indian tribes when he was Governor, they have all acknowledged there is no question these Indian tribes exist. In fact, they have the oldest treaty that has been in existence in the United States, 1677, signed with King Charles II.

But, of course, that was before there was an American government; and, as a result, ironically, we haven't specifically recognized these Indians, because they have the oldest treaty. But these were the Indians that enabled the Jamestown settlers to survive.

Here we are, the Queen is at the White House, and we are having all this pomp and circumstance, and the very Indians that enabled it to happen have not been recognized by our government and, in fact, have been treated to some of the worst injustices across this land. From 1912 to 1946, their documents were deliberately destroyed.

In 1924, there was a Racial Integrity Act passed by a white supremacist, Dr. Walter Plecker. He was head of the Department of Vital Statistics, very politically powerful. And that, in effect, made it a crime to be identified as an Indian. You had to check a box ``white'' or ``colored'' throughout the State in the parlance of that time.

My friend and colleague from Virginia knows what I mean, and he believes it, because he knows Virginia history. Many of our colleagues, though, might not believe that this could happen; and, yet, it did. It was a penalty of a year of imprisonment for identifying oneself as an American Indian. So they don't have the documentation. Bureau of Indian Affairs would say, yes, we would recognize you, there is no question you exist, but it won't be in your lifetime.

Well, 400 years. Isn't this time? Now, obviously, there has been a lot of intermarriage, but the fact is, there are records, and we can produce those records. But we don't have the time, and it doesn't seem to be fair to force these Indian tribes through a process that may fail only because of governmental action, a grossly unjust governmental action.

So gambling is not an issue. These Indian tribes, even though they should certainly be on a par with all other Indian tribes, have compromised, have accepted language that prohibits them from being able to gamble, even bingo. The State gets an enormous amount of money from lottery, but they can't participate. They have accepted that. This is a matter of pride for these Indians.

This is a matter of pride. These Native Americans want to be able to tell their children, and their grandchildren, and their grandchildren, in turn, their grandchildren, we were the ones that enabled the English settlement to survive. We have a proud tradition. We were recognized by the United States Congress.

Now, hopefully, at some point, the other compromise we have made in terms of putting land into trust, that will be rectified, too, but that's not going to be immediately put into trust. We compromised with the communities; we have gone through all of the possible procedures that might raise some objection to this.

Now, Members may come to the floor who, I suspect, have not read the bill, with some objection. I don't think it's a matter of bias, but it certainly is a matter of concern that there has been abuse on the part of some lobbyists working with Indian tribes. We understand that.

But, gosh, this is a unique situation. This is a matter of injustice that cries out to be rectified. This bill rectifies that injustice. Hopefully we can do it in time for the actual date of the English settlers landing at Jamestown. It's 400 years overdue.

Again, I thank the chairman, the ranking member, and I thank the Speaker for the time. In advance, I thank my colleagues for doing the right thing.

Mr. Speaker, if floor procedures were to permit, I would address the members of the six Virginia tribes seeking Federal recognition.

I would say that I know their quest has been a long struggle to assert their identity and their rights.

Despite centuries of racial hostility and coercion by the Commonwealth of Virginia and others, they have refused to yield their most basic human right and have suffered and lost much.

But, throughout the centuries you have retained your dignity and supported your people.

When it appeared that no one else would, when little was available, when even the doors of the public school house were closed to your children, you have never yielded to those who said you didn't exist.

Mr. Speaker, I would say to the Virginia tribes that win or lose today, you have already won by refusing to yield and by remaining true and faithful to who you are.

I would also say that it has been an honor for me to have helped carry this legislation.

While it is less than ideal, it moves you closer to the day our national government recognizes you exist.

Mr. Speaker, as Member of this chamber know, the crafting of congressional legislation is far from a perfect process. But, when it speaks, it speaks with the people's voice.

Today, I encourage my colleagues to speak and finally affirm that the Virginia tribes exist and deserve Federal recognition.

Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 377, I call up the bill (H.R. 1294) to extend Federal recognition to the Chickahominy Indian Tribe, the Chickahominy Indian Tribe-Eastern Division, the Upper Mattaponi Tribe, the Rappahannock Tribe, Inc., the Monacan Indian Nation, and the Nansemond Indian Tribe, and ask for its immediate consideration.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 1294.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

(Mr. RAHALL asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, to my colleagues on both sides of the aisle I would observe that this is one of those rare moments in this body when history itself seems to hold its breath.

We are here today 400 years after the first English settlers landed in what became Jamestown, Virginia, to finally acknowledge a government-to-government relationship with some of the Indian tribes who greeted those early settlers. Reflect upon that for a moment. The ancestors of the members of these Indian tribes were there 400 years ago at Jamestown and facilitated the very founding and early development of this Nation. Spanning the entire history of this Nation, they have been here, and they have endured extreme adversity.

These Indian tribes have taken part in ceremonies with the visiting Queen of England commemorating this 400th anniversary of the establishment of Jamestown, and they are a vital part of the official activities continuing this week.

I can think of no better time than this week for Congress to step up to its responsibility by using its constitutional authority to acknowledge these Indian tribes. Simply put, the pending legislation would extend Federal recognition to six Indian tribes located within the Commonwealth of Virginia.

It is sponsored by our colleague Jim Moran of Virginia and enjoys bipartisan support, including Virginia Representatives Bobby Scott, Jo Ann Davis and Tom Davis. I, too, am a cosponsor of H.R. 1294, and I am pleased that the Natural Resources ranking republican member with us today, Mr. Don Young, is also a strong supporter.

Importantly, both former Virginia Governors George Allen and Mark Warner, as well as current Governor Tim Kaine, have endorsed the tribes' recognition and status as sovereign governments. The Virginia Council of Churches supports the measure as well.

The authority to recognize a government-to-government relationship with an Indian tribe is a very solemn one for the Congress. It is necessary in this case because the members of these six tribes have faced hundreds of years of discrimination, abuse, and outright attempts to extinguish their very existence and rob them of their heritage.

From 1912 to 1947, Dr. Walter Plecker, a white supremacist, set out to rid the Commonwealth of Virginia of any records that proved the existence of Indians or Indian tribes. He was instrumental in ensuring passage of the Racial Integrity Act in 1924, making it illegal for individuals to classify themselves or their newborn children as ``Indian.'' But it went further than that, spending decades changing the race designation on birth certificates and other legal documents from ``Indian'' to ``colored,'' ``Negro,'' or ``free issue.'' Throughout it all, the Virginia Indians did not break, but they held firm to their culture and to their identity.

I would note that this bill is named for Thomasina ``Red Hawk Woman'' Jordan, whose lifelong pursuit of advancing Native American rights encompassed ensuring the promise of education for all Indians and securing Federal recognition of Virginia Indian tribes.

The pending measure was reported by the Natural Resources Committee by voice vote.

To address claims that the tribes are only interested in Federal recognition so that they may conduct gaming, all six tribes supported an outright gaming prohibition which was included in this bill. This gaming prohibition precludes the Virginia tribes from engaging in, licensing or regulating gambling pursuant to the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act on their lands.

In closing, I would like to pay special homage to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Moran) who has spent several years tirelessly working to achieve Federal recognition for Virginia's First Americans. He, Representative Bobby Scott and others I mentioned, Tom Davis and Jo Ann Davis, have been before our Committee on Natural Resources and testified on this issue, and I salute their superb leadership as well.

It is because of this dedication to this issue that this legislation is before us today during this historic occasion marking the 400th anniversary of Jamestown. It is time to put this issue to rest and do the right thing by extending Federal recognition to these tribes.

I urge all my colleagues to join me in supporting the pending measure.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I recognized the tremendous efforts of Mr. Moran of Virginia in my opening comments, and I know he spoke on the rule on this issue, but I now recognize him again, the gentleman from Virginia, Mr. Jim Moran, for 7 minutes.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Scott), a cosponsor of this legislation, who helped us tremendously in reaching the point where we are today.

Mr. Speaker, in conclusion, I would observe that, before the eastern counties of Virginia seceded from the Union at the start of the Civil War, the legal western counties that are now West Virginia were part of the Commonwealth of Virginia, so we, too, owe these tribes our gratitude.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.