Recognizing the plight of the Tibetan people on the 50th anniversary of His Holiness the Dalai Lama being forced into exile and calling for a sustained multilateral effort to bring about a durable and peaceful solution to the Tibet issue.

I thank the gentleman for yielding. I thank him and Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen for bringing this important legislation to the floor, not only in Congresswoman Ros-Lehtinen's situation as the ranking member but as a cosponsor of the legislation.

Thank you, Mr. Berman, for carrying on a proud tradition of Mr. Lantos as ranking member on Foreign Affairs and then as chairman. He also served, as you know, as Chair of the Human Rights Task Caucus in the Congress of the United States.

It is with great sadness, Mr. Speaker, that I rise in support of this resolution. I so had wished decades ago that we wouldn't be standing here now still pleading the case for the people of

Tibet. I thank Rush Holt for giving us this opportunity again, with Congresswoman Ros-Lehtinen, sponsoring this legislation; Howard Berman, as I mentioned, the chairman; Frank Wolf, and Mr. McGovern, the co- Chairs of the Human Rights Caucus in the Congress carrying on a strong tradition, Jim McGovern's carrying on that tradition.

But as Mr. Rohrabacher mentioned, and I see Mr. Smith there, we have been fighting this fight for a very long time.

My colleagues, going back a generation when the Dalai Lama first came to the Congress with his proposal for autonomy, back in 1987, would we have ever thought then that over 20 years later we would still be making this case? Remember after Tiananmen Square, which will be 20 years in June, and we've talked about human rights in China and Tibet. They said peaceful coexistence, peaceful engagement, this is going to lead to the improvement of human rights in China and Tibet. A generation has gone by, 20 years later, and what do we have? A more repressive situation in Tibet. A situation so bad it moved His Holiness in the statement he released on the occasion of the 50th anniversary to say that life for the Tibetans under the repression of the Chinese regime is ``hell on Earth.'' His Holiness used those terms. A man of nonviolence and gentle nature would be moved to use those words.

So I thank all who are responsible for bringing this resolution to the floor because, as we know, this week marks the 50th, five decades, of waiting for this peaceful evolution to take place, this peaceful evolution that was going to lead to more democratic freedoms. This was against a peaceful uprising against the Chinese Government and then led to the exiling of His Holiness out of Tibet.

With this resolution we remember that day and honor the many brave Tibetans who sacrificed their lives for freedom. Thousands of them did. With this resolution we recognize the hospitality of India for receiving the Tibetans into that great nation. His Holiness and the nation of India share a tradition of nonviolence and compassion, and we salute India for extending that to the people of Tibet as they escaped.

For the last year, Tibet has been under martial law, and the human rights situation has severely worsened, according to the State Department report. There has been no progress in the discussions with the Chinese government. It is long past time, 50 years, for Beijing to respect the human rights of every Tibetan, indeed, of every Chinese. The United States Congress continues to be a bedrock of support for the Tibetan people, and we do so in a strong, bipartisan way.

As I mentioned, in 1987, His Holiness the Dalai Lama, spoke in the Capitol at the Congressional Human Rights Caucus. I was a brand-new Member and invited there by Congressman Lantos. It was there that he outlined his ``Middle Way Approach'' that calls for autonomy for Tibet.

On Capitol Hill, over 20 years ago, His Holiness declared a statement of autonomy for Tibet. Twenty years later, we were all proud to stand with President Bush as he presented the Congressional Gold Medal to His Holiness the Dalai Lama, in the words of the President, for his ``many enduring and outstanding contributions to peace, nonviolence, human rights and religious understanding.''

Last year, as Mr. Holt mentioned, we had a congressional delegation that visited India, where we were able to meet with His Holiness. This visit, either by coincidence or karma, took place only a matter of weeks after a protest that swept across the Tibetan plateau and the crackdown by the Chinese authorities.

So when we were in India, and seeing all of these people who were escaping from Tibet and prisoners who had been tortured in prisons in Tibet telling us their stories, they were stories that were fresh and current and tragic, and we were hopeless and helpless in how we could help them in a very real way.

What we can do is put the moral authority of the Congress of the United States in the form of this resolution, with a broad bipartisan vote, down as a marker to say that we understand the situation there, that we encourage it to be different and, as Mr. Rohrabacher said, that we are on the side of the Tibetan people. But it shouldn't be a question of taking sides, it should be a question of resolution, resolving a difference, and that's what we hope the Chinese government will do.

Just on a lighter note, when we were there, in addition to visiting the prisoners, and those who had escaped over the mountains only a matter of days before, we visited the children in their schools. They were adorable. They had made flags that were Tibetan flags on one side and American flags on the other. They had flags of the country of India.

The children were so appreciative of the hospitality of India, so grateful to the American people for speaking out on behalf of them, and so proud of their Tibetan heritage. They are beautiful.

The preservation of the culture of Tibet is, of course, a very important part of our enthusiasm for change. But, as I say, on the lighter side, as we were traveling through the streets, our delegation, our bipartisan delegation with Mr. Sensenbrenner, who is the most senior Republican who came on the trip and was very powerful in his statements there, but as we were traveling through the roads, the roads were lined with people and they were waving flags, American, as I said, American, Tibetan, Indian flags along the way.

One sign caught my eye. It said ``Thank you for everything that you have done for us--so far.'' So far. So, in any event, more is expected. More will come.

I told you about His Holiness' speech and about his statement that he put out, and he called the situation there, the Tibetans who are in the depths of suffering and hardship, that they are literally experiencing hell on Earth.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to submit His Holiness' statement for the Record.

The Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama on the Fiftieth

Anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising Day

(Embargoed until 10th March, 9 a.m.)

Today is the fiftieth anniversary of the Tibetan people's

peaceful uprising against Communist China's repression in

Tibet. Since last March, widespread peaceful protests have

erupted across the whole of Tibet. Most of the participants

were youths born and brought up after 1959, who have not seen

or experienced a free Tibet. However, the fact that they were

driven by a firm conviction to serve the cause of Tibet that

has continued from generation to generation is indeed a

matter of pride. It will serve as a source of inspiration for

those in the international community who take keen interest

in the issue of Tibet. We pay tribute and offer our prayers

for all those who died, were tortured and suffered tremendous

hardships during the crisis last year, as well as those who

have suffered and died for the cause of Tibet since our

struggle began.

Around 1949, Communist forces began to enter north-eastern

and eastern Tibet (Kham and Amdo) and by 1950, more than 5000

Tibetan soldiers had been killed. Taking the prevailing

situation into account, the Chinese government chose a policy

of peaceful liberation, which in 1951, led to the signing of

the 17-Point Agreement and its annexure. Since then, Tibet

has come under the control of the People's Republic of China.

However, the Agreement clearly mentions that Tibet's distinct

religion, culture and traditional values would be protected.

Between 1954 and 1955, I met with most of the senior

Chinese leaders in the Communist Party, government and

military, led by Chairman Mao Zedong, in Beijing. When we

discussed ways of achieving the social and economic

development of Tibet, as well as maintaining Tibet's

religious and cultural heritage, Mao Zedong and all the other

leaders agreed to establish a preparatory committee to pave

the way for the implementation of the autonomous region, as

stipulated in the Agreement, rather than establishing a

military administrative commission. From about 1956 onwards,

however, the situation took a turn for the worse with the

imposition of ultra-leftist policies in Tibet. Consequently,

the assurances given by higher authorities were not

implemented on the ground. The forceful implementation of the

so-called ``democratic reforms'' in the Kham and Amdo regions

of Tibet, which did not accord with prevailing conditions,

resulted in immense chaos and destruction. In Central Tibet,

Chinese officials forcibly and deliberately violated the

terms of the 17-Point Agreement, and their heavy-handed

tactics increased day by day. These desperate developments

left the Tibetan people no alternative but to launch a

peaceful uprising on 10 March 1959. The Chinese authorities

responded with unprecedented force that led to the killing of

tens of thousands of Tibetans in the following months.

Thousands were arrested and imprisoned. Consequently, nearly

a hundred thousand Tibetans fled into exile in India, Nepal

and Bhutan. During the escape and the months that followed

they faced unimaginable hardship, which is still fresh in

Tibetan memory. At that time, I too, accompanied by a small

party of Tibetan government officials including some

Kalons (Cabinet Ministers), escaped into exile in India.

Having occupied Tibet, the Chinese Communist government

carried out a series of repressive and violent campaigns that

have included ``democratic reforms'', class struggle,

collectivisation, the Cultural Revolution, the imposition of

martial law, and more recently the patriotic re-education and

the strike hard campaigns. These thrust Tibetans into such

depths of suffering and hardship that they literally

experienced hell on earth. The immediate result of these

campaigns was the deaths of hundreds and thousands of

Tibetans. The lineage of the Buddha Dharma was severed.

Thousands of religious and cultural centres such as

monasteries, nunneries and temples were razed to the ground.

Historical buildings and monuments were demolished. Natural

resources have been indiscriminately exploited. Today,

Tibet's fragile environment has been polluted, massive

deforestation has been carried out and wildlife, such as wild

yaks and Tibetan antelopes, are being driven to extinction.

These 50 years have brought untold suffering and

destruction to the land and people of Tibet. Even today,

Tibetans in Tibet live in constant fear and the Chinese

authorities remain constantly suspicious of them. Today, the

religion, culture, language and identity, which successive

generations of Tibetans have considered more precious than

their lives, are nearing extinction; in short, the Tibetan

people are regarded like criminals deserving to be put to

death. The Tibetan people's tragedy was set out in the late

Panchen Rinpoche's 70,000-character petition to the Chinese

government in 1962. He raised it again in his speech in

Shigatse in 1989 shortly before he died, when he said that

what we have lost under Chinese communist rule far outweighs

what we have gained. Many concerned and unbiased Tibetans

have also spoken out about the hardships of the Tibetan

people. Even Hu Yaobang, the Communist Party Secretary, when

he arrived in Lhasa in 1980, clearly acknowledged these

mistakes and asked the Tibetans for their forgiveness. Many

infrastructural developments such as roads, airports,

railways, and so forth, which seem to have brought progress

to Tibetan areas, were really done with the political

objective of sinicising Tibet at the huge cost of devastating

the Tibetan environment and way of life.

As for the Tibetan refugees, although we initially faced

many problems such as great differences of climate and

language and difficulties earning our livelihood, we have

been successful in re-establishing ourselves in exile. Due to

the great generosity of our host countries, especially India,

Tibetans have been able to live in freedom without fear. We

have been able to earn a livelihood and uphold our religion

and culture. We have been able to provide our children with

both traditional and modern education, as well as engaging in

efforts to resolve the Tibet issue. There have been other

positive results too. Greater understanding of Tibetan

Buddhism with its emphasis on compassion has made a positive

contribution in many parts of the world.

Immediately after our arrival in exile I began to work on

the promotion of democracy in the Tibetan community with the

election of the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile in 1960. Since

then, we have taken gradual steps on the path to democracy

and today our exile administration has evolved into a

fully functioning democracy with a written charter of its

own and a legislative body. This is indeed something we

can all be proud of.

Since 2001, we have instituted a system by which the

political leadership of Tibetan exiles is directly elected

through procedures similar to those in other democratic

systems. Currently, the directly-elected Kalon Tripa's

(Cabinet Chairperson) second term is underway. Consequently,

my daily administrative responsibilities have reduced and

today I am in a state of semi-retirement. However, to work

for the just cause of Tibet is the responsibility of every

Tibetan, and as long as I live I will uphold this

responsibility.

As a human being, my main commitment is in the promotion of

human values; this is what I consider the key factor for a

happy life at the individual, family and community level. As

a religious practitioner, my second commitment is the

promotion of inter-religious harmony. My third commitment is

of course due to my being a Tibetan with the name of ``Dalai

Lama'', but more importantly it is due to the trust that

Tibetans both inside and outside Tibet have placed in me.

These are the three important commitments, which I always

keep in mind.

In addition to looking after the well being of the exiled

Tibetan community, which they have done quite well, the

principal task of the Central Tibetan Administration has been

to work towards the resolution of the issue of Tibet. Having

laid out the mutually beneficial Middle-Way policy in 1974,

we were ready to respond to Deng Xiaoping when he proposed

talks in 1979. Many talks were conducted and fact-finding

delegations dispatched. These however, did not bear any

concrete results and formal contacts eventually broke off in

1993.

Subsequently, in 1996-97, we conducted an opinion poll of

the Tibetans in exile, and collected suggestions from Tibet

wherever possible, on a proposed referendum, by which the

Tibetan people were to determine the future course of our

freedom struggle to their full satisfaction. Based on the

outcome of the poll and the suggestions from Tibet, we

decided to continue the policy of the Middle-Way.

Since the re-establishment of contacts in 2002, we have

followed a policy of one official channel and one agenda and

have held eight rounds of talks with the Chinese authorities.

As a consequence, we presented a Memorandum on Genuine

Autonomy for the Tibetan People, explaining how the

conditions for national regional autonomy as set forth in the

Chinese constitution would be met by the full implementation

of its laws on autonomy. The Chinese insistence that we

accept Tibet as having been a part of China since ancient

times is not only inaccurate, but also unreasonable. We

cannot change the past no matter whether it was good or bad.

Distorting history for political purposes is incorrect.

We need to look to the future and work for our mutual

benefit. We Tibetans are looking for a legitimate and

meaningful autonomy, an arrangement that would enable

Tibetans to live within the framework of the People's

Republic of China. Fulfilling the aspirations of the Tibetan

people will enable China to achieve stability and unity. From

our side, we are not making any demands based on history.

Looking back at history, there is no country in the world

today, including China, whose territorial status has remained

forever unchanged, nor can it remain unchanged.

Our aspiration that all Tibetans be brought under a single

autonomous administration is in keeping with the very

objective of the principle of national regional autonomy. It

also fulfills the fundamental requirements of the Tibetan and

Chinese peoples. The Chinese constitution and other related

laws and regulations do not pose any obstacle to this and

many leaders of the Chinese Central Government have accepted

this genuine aspiration. When signing the 17-Point Agreement,

Premier Zhou Enlai acknowledged that this was a reasonable

demand, but not the right time to implement it. In 1956, when

establishing the Preparatory Committee for the ``Tibet

Autonomous Region'', Vice-Premier Chen Yi pointing at a map

said, if Lhasa could be made the capital of the Tibet

Autonomous Region, which included the Tibetan areas within

the other provinces, it would contribute to the development

of Tibet and friendship between the Tibetan and Chinese

nationalities, a view shared by the Panchen Rinpoche and many

Tibetan cadres and scholars. If Chinese leaders had any

objections to our proposals, they could have provided reasons

for them and suggested alternatives for our consideration,

but they did not. I am disappointed that the Chinese

authorities have not responded appropriately to our sincere

efforts to implement the principle of meaningful national

regional autonomy for all Tibetans, as set forth in the

constitution of the People's Republic of China.

Quite apart from the current process of Sino-Tibetan

dialogue having achieved no concrete results, there has been

a brutal crackdown on the Tibetan protests that have shaken

the whole of Tibet since March last year. Therefore, in order

to solicit public opinion as to what future course of action

we should take, the Special Meeting of Tibetan exiles was

convened in November 2008. Efforts were made to collect

suggestions, as far as possible, from the Tibetans in Tibet

as well. The outcome of this whole process was that a

majority of Tibetans strongly supported the continuation of

the Middle-Way policy. Therefore, we are now pursuing this

policy with greater confidence and will continue our efforts

towards achieving a meaningful national regional autonomy for

all Tibetans.

From time immemorial, the Tibetan and Chinese peoples have

been neighbours. In future too, we will have to live

together. Therefore, it is most important for us to co-exist

in friendship with each other.

During the Kuomintang period, and particularly since the

occupation of Tibet, the Communist Chinese have been

publishing distorted propaganda about Tibet and its people.

Consequently, there are, among the Chinese populace, very few

people who have a true understanding about Tibet. It is, in

fact, very difficult for them to find the truth. There are

also ultra-leftist Chinese leaders who have, since last

March, been undertaking a huge propaganda effort with the

intention of setting the Tibetan and Chinese peoples apart

and creating animosity between them. Sadly, as a result, a

negative impression of Tibetans has arisen in the minds of

some of our Chinese brothers and sisters. Therefore, as I

have repeatedly appealed before, I would like once again to

urge out Chinese brothers and sisters not to be swayed by

such propaganda, but, instead, to try to discover the facts

about Tibet impartially, so as to prevent divisions among us.

Tibetans should also continue to work for friendship with the

Chinese people.

Looking back on 50 years in exile, we have witnessed many

ups and downs. However, the fact that the Tibet issue is

alive and the international community is taking growing

interest in it is indeed an achievement. Seen from this

perspective, I have no doubt that the justice of Tibet's

cause will prevail, if we continue to tread the path of truth

and non-violence.

As we commemorate 50 years in exile, it is most important

that we express our deep gratitude to the governments and

peoples of the various host countries in which we live. Not

only do we abide by the laws of these host countries, but we

also conduct ourselves in a way that we become an asset to

these

countries. Similarly, in our efforts to realise the cause of

Tibet and uphold its religion and culture, we should craft

our future vision and strategy by learning from our past

experience.

I always say that we should hope for the best, and prepare

for the worst. Whether we look at it from the global

perspective or in the context of events in China, there are

reasons for us to hope for a quick resolution of the issue of

Tibet. However, we must also prepare ourselves well in case

the Tibetan struggle goes on for a long time. For this, we

must focus primarily on the education of our children and the

nurturing of professionals in various fields. We should also

raise awareness about the environment and health, and improve

understanding and practice of non-violent methods among the

general Tibetan population.

I would like to take this opportunity to express my

heartfelt gratitude to the leaders and people of India, as

well as its Central and State Governments, who despite

whatever problems and obstacles they face, have provided

invaluable support and assistance over the past 50 years to

Tibetans in exile. Their kindness and generosity are

immeasurable. I would also like to express my gratitude to

the leaders, governments and people of the international

community, as well as the various Tibet Support Groups, for

their unstinting support.

May all sentient beings live in peace and happiness.

The Dalai Lama,

10 March 2009.

I would also like to quote from the statement put out by the State Department last night. In part it says ``We urge China to reconsider its policies in Tibet that have created tensions due to their harmful impact on Tibetan religion, culture, and livelihoods. We believe that substantive dialogue with the Dalai Lama's representatives, consistent with the Dalai Lama's commitment to disclaiming any intention to seek sovereignty or independence for Tibet, can lead to progress in bringing about solutions and can help achieve true and lasting stability in Tibet.''

I am very pleased with the statement from the State Department.

Mr. Speaker, the situation in Tibet challenges the conscience of the world. If freedom-loving people around the world do not speak out for human rights in China and Tibet, then we lose moral authority to talk about it in any other place in the world.

On the 15th anniversary of the Dalai Lama being forced into exile, we must heed his guidance and his transcendent message of peace, and we must never forget the people of Tibet in their ongoing struggle.

That is why I urge my colleagues to support this resolution and thank my colleagues for giving us this opportunity to do so today.

Thank you. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this important resolution, and I want to thank my friend, Congressman Rush Holt, Speaker Nancy Pelosi, and the chairman and ranking member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee for their leadership in the long struggle for freedom, dignity, and human rights in Tibet.

Mr. Speaker, for six decades the history of Tibet has been marked by violence. Even before 1949, the People's Liberation Army of China entered the eastern areas of Tibet during the Long March. In 1959, they finally occupied the capital of Lhasa.

Fifty years ago, on March 10, the Tibetan people rose up in Lhasa against Chinese rule. The backlash was furious and brutal. On March 17, the Dalai Lama fled Lhasa for his own safety, joined by some 80,000 Tibetans, for life in exile. Tens of thousands who remained were kill or imprisoned.

Thanks to the thriving exile communities in India, Europe, and the United States, Tibetan cultural identity, language, and religion have survived. They have focused world attention on the Tibetan struggle. But each and every year, the situation inside Tibet grows worse, with more repression, more arrests, more displacement, more deliberate destruction of the Tibetan language, culture, and religion.

One year ago, new protests rose up in Tibet. They were the result of greater controls over religious and cultural activity, development that mainly benefited Chinese migrants, and forced resettlement of farmers and nomads. Thousands and thousands were arrested. To date, there has been no full accounting by Chinese authorities of those arrested, detained, tried, sentenced, or released, and no access to those detained by the International Committee of the Red Cross or other international observers, and all the time the Tibetan people daily become more of a minority in their own land.

Mr. Speaker, as the new cochair of the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission, it is humbling to follow in the

footsteps of Thomas Lantos. The Congressional Human Rights Caucus, which he founded, was the very first to give the Dalai Lama a voice on Capitol Hill in 1987.

On this 50th anniversary, let's be very, very clear that the American people in this House stand with His Holiness. We will not rest until meaningful and full autonomy for the Tibetan people is achieved--and the Dalai Lama and his people can fulfill their dream of returning home to Tibet.

I thank the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee for generously giving me this time.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this important resolution, which recognizes the plight of the Tibetan people on the 50th Anniversary of His Holiness the Dalai Lama's exile and calls for a sustained multilateral effort toward a peaceful solution to the Tibet issue. I thank my friend Rush Holt, and the distinguished Ranking Member of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, as well the Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, for their leadership on human rights and for bringing this resolution expeditiously to the floor.

Mr. Speaker, last Friday my friend and distinguished colleague, Frank Wolf and I were formally reappointed Co-Chairs of the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission, the successor body of the Congressional Human Rights Caucus, which I had the honor to co-chair with Frank Wolf after our former colleague Tom Lantos passed away.

I mention this because of the historic significance of the Congressional Human Rights Caucus in getting the voice of the Tibetan people heard in the United States.

In 1987, it was Congressman Tom Lantos who had invited His Holiness the Dalai Lama to attend a meeting of the Congressional Human Rights Caucus as the first official government entity in the United States, despite stiff opposition from many quarters including the U.S. Administration to do so. Many were fearful what such an invitation would do to our bilateral relations with the People's Republic of China, and the PRC used every conceivable tool to prevent this historic meeting from happening.

Those voices of those critics in the United States soon fell quiet after the meeting took place, as the moral authority of his Holiness and his perstintly peaceful way to fight for meaningful autonomy of the Tibetan people attracted more and more support and with the American people and in Congress.

Twenty years later, it was this body that awarded His Holiness the Congressional Gold Medal in recognition of his life-long dedication to the causes of peace and non-violent resolution to the Tibet issue.

Mr. Speaker, the history of Tibet has long been marked by violence. Even before 1949, the People's Liberation Army of China entered the eastern areas of the traditional Tibetan territory on The Long March. In 1951, they finally occupied the Tibetan capital of Lhasa.

On this day fifty years ago, the Tibetan people rose up in Lhasa against Chinese rule, and the backlash was furious and brutal. As a consequence, His Holiness the Dalai Lama fled Lhasa on March 17, 1959, for his own safety. He was joined by some 80,000 Tibetans in exile. Tens of thousands of Tibetans who remained were either killed or imprisoned.

The human rights situation became so dire that in 1959, 1961 and 1965 (before China became a member of the United Nations), the UN General Assembly passed resolutions condemning the human rights violations in Tibet and affirming Tibetans' right to self-determination.

Supported by thriving exile communities in India, the United States, Europe, Tibetan cultural identity, language and religion has survived and the world is paying attention to the Tibetan struggle.

In 2002 Congress passed the Tibetan Policy Act, the cornerstone of U.S. policy toward Tibet. The legislation codified the position of Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues in our State Department, to ensure that U.S. policy promotes a dialogue between the Chinese government and the representatives of the Dalai Lama, and this Act and its policies must remain the cornerstone of our policy regarding Tibet also under this Administration.

The policy of the United States Government has to be to continue promoting substantive dialogue between the Government of the People's Republic of China and the Dalai Lama or his representatives to resolve peacefully the dispute and to allow for the return of the Dalai Lama.

However, the United States cannot stand as a mere neutral facilitator in this dialogue, when the Chinese government time and time again uses these proceedings to hold out hope, only to drag out negotiations with His Holiness without ever making any progress or without ever achieving any concrete results. All this, while the Tibetan people become a minority in their own territory because of government-controlled migration, and the Tibetan culture is further eroded.

We cannot stand by neutrally, when the Chinese government kidnaps a six-year-old child, Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, whom His Holiness has recognized as Panchen Lama, and allow the Chinese government to replace him with a more convenient Panchem Lama of their own choice.

On this 50th anniversary, let's be very clear that the American people and this Congress will always stand unwaveringly with His Holiness in this peaceful endeavors, and will not rest until meaningful and full autonomy for the Tibetan people is achieved, and His Holiness can fulfill his dream of returning to Tibet.

Mr. Speaker, Tom Lantos' voice has fallen silent, but we cannot let our voices to fall silent too. We always need to speak out for the Tibetan people.

[From the Boston Globe, Mar. 10, 2009]

Sad Anniversaries in Tibet

The authorities in Beijing are nervous today, fearful that

remembrance of things past will incite new disorder. They

have good reason: On this date two tragic anniversaries are

commemorated. First, of the massacres Chinese troops

perpetrated 50 years ago, killing 86,000 Tibetans, to crush a

Tibetan revolt against harsh Chinese rule. And March 10 is

also the one-year anniversary of China's violent crackdown on

Tibetans protesting for cultural and religious freedom.

China's attempts to expunge Tibet's separate identity cast

doubt on Beijing's claim to be a rising power with benign

intentions. There is a whiff of colonialism in China's

treatment of Tibet and Tibetans.

Chinese policymakers are not content to deny Tibet's

distinct identity. They demean the ethical and spiritual

values of Tibetan Buddhism, and they refuse to grant Tibetans

even the limited autonomy proposed by their leader-in-exile,

the Dalai Lama. The core objective of Beijing's Tibet policy

is to submerge the Tibetan population under waves of Han

Chinese migrants who receive special incentives to settle in

Tibetan areas.

Given China's efforts toward a demographic smothering of

Tibetans in their homeland, it is no wonder that Chinese

officials feel compelled to lie, brazenly, about the

temperate program for reconciliation proposed by the Dalai

Lama. In talks last fall with Chinese representatives, the

Dalai Lama's envoys presented 11 proposals for limited

Tibetan autonomy. The Chinese refused to discuss a single one

of the 11 ideas, pretending that all 11 were thinly disguised

demands for independence.

Beijing takes this rigid position--repeating the

transparent falsehood that the Dalai Lama really wants

political independence for Tibet--because Chinese policy is

to make no concessions to the Tibetan government-in-exile and

instead to wait for the spiritual leader of Tibetan Buddhists

to die. The flawed premise of this policy is that Tibetan

resistance to Chinese dominance will evaporate after the

Dalai Lama is gone. But as the clashes last March in Tibetan

regions demonstrated, younger Tibetans are likely to be less

patient, and less devoted to nonviolence, than the Dalai Lama

and his government-in-exile in Dharamsala, India.

China's rulers are fortunate to have the chance to come to

terms with the Dalai Lama on Tibetan autonomy within China.

Few other governments confronting oppressed ethnic or

religious groups have been so lucky.

President Obama should appoint a special envoy for Tibet,

someone who can help China's leaders see that it is in their

own interest to give Tibetans the cultural and religious

autonomy the Dalai Lama has proposed.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished chairman for yielding.

Yesterday marked the passage of 50 years since the Tibetan people in Lhasa first rose in protest against the harsh actions of the People's Republic of China to undermine the Tibetan self-government. I am honored to introduce this resolution recognizing the long hardship borne by the Tibetan people, a great people, who continue to labor peacefully for freedom in Tibet and maintain a Tibetan cultural identity and democratic community, even in exile. Importantly, this resolution also recognizes the government and the people of India, who generously have hosted the exiled government and people of Tibet in the city of Dharamsala since 1960. The perseverance and charity exhibited by these peoples should be a model for all.

For 50 years the situation in Tibet has deteriorated with too little attention from the outside world. Tibetan culture has been eradicated systematically and relentlessly. Basic freedoms,

like freedoms of speech and religion and association and movement, have been repressed. Human rights abuses have been all too common and continue to occur. At this time last year, the Chinese Government was engaged in a fierce crackdown on nonviolent Tibetan protesters that resulted in serious injuries to civilians and an undetermined but significant number of deaths. Even today reports indicate that the Chinese Government has imposed a virtual state of martial law in the Tibetan plateau.

Over the same 50 years and in the face of such adversity, the Dalai Lama has sought to bring wisdom to human affairs and has used his position and leadership to promote compassion and nonviolence in the search for a lasting solution to this issue.

Last year I had the opportunity to travel to India with a congressional delegation led by Speaker Pelosi. We witnessed firsthand the dedicated Tibetans who crossed the rugged Himalayas to escape oppression, including young children. We also had lengthy meetings with the Dalai Lama, whose commitment to peaceful, steady progress is a powerful beacon of hope to all people seeking freedom and equality. It is long past time for this commitment to be reciprocated by the Chinese Government.

The so-called ``Seventeen Point Agreement'' that was signed by Chinese authorities in 1951 provided that ``the central authorities will not alter the existing political system in Tibet. The central authorities also will not alter the established status, functions, and powers of the Dalai Lama. Officials of various ranks shall hold office as usual.'' A few years later, in March of 1959, just days after the Dalai Lama's flight from Lhasa, the Chinese Government abolished the local Tibetan governing structure. The agreement also explicitly stated that ``when the people raise demands for reform, they must be settled through consultation with the leading personnel of Tibet.'' Clearly the terms of this agreement have not been upheld. Tibetans and the international community are asking that the Chinese Government implement autonomy as promised but never granted genuinely.

In this spirit the resolution before us calls for an immediate cessation of the repression and abuses being imposed upon the people of Tibet. We urge the Chinese Government to engage in a constructive dialogue with the Dalai Lama in a sustained effort to craft a permanent and just solution that protects the rights and dignity of all Tibetans. The distinctive culture of Tibet must be preserved, and we throughout the world should want it preserved, and a vibrant future must be guaranteed. I'm hopeful that the new administration will answer the call of this resolution to use all of the diplomatic, programmatic, and multilateral tools at its disposal to encourage China to adopt such a course.

Last year this body agreed to a resolution introduced by Speaker Pelosi that addressed the rights of the Tibetan people. Today we reiterate that message and recommit ourselves to a sustained effort. Today is a day when this body once again brings a national spotlight to the plight of the Tibetan people, honors those who struggle nonviolently against brutal suppression, and reaffirms our commitment to freedom around the world. It is a day when we recognize, in the words of the Dalai Lama, ``the importance of universal responsibility, nonviolence, and interreligious understanding.''

I would like to thank Chairman Berman and the House Foreign Affairs Committee for their leadership and action on this issue. I appreciate the support of Ranking Member Ros-Lehtinen and the hard work of Mr. Halpin of the minority staff as well as Mr. Hans Hogrefe of the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission. The immense contributions of Todd Stein and the International Campaign for Tibet should also be acknowledged. And I would like to pay special tribute to Speaker Pelosi, who has long been a strong champion of human rights in Tibet and around the world, and to thank her for her help with this resolution.

We call on the leaders of China for justice and freedom.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I thank our esteemed chairman of the committee, Mr. Berman from California.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in enthusiastic support of this House resolution because it conveys a continued deep concern of both the Congress and the American people for the plight of the people of Tibet, a concern first demonstrated by our late committee chairman, Tom Lantos. Our chairman, Mr. Berman, continues this human rights legacy. I'm honored to join with my colleague, Congressman Holt, in cosponsoring this important resolution commemorating the 50th anniversary of the uprising in Tibet against Chinese Communist rule.

The history of the people of Tibet for the past half century has been one of grace under fire and of courage in the face of extreme adversity. Beijing's Communist overseers displayed once again their calloused hostility to the cultural, religious and linguistic rights of the Tibetan people by their harsh and bloody crackdown in Tibet exactly 1 year ago. The iron grip of Beijing, however, cannot silence, cannot repress, cannot extinguish the resilient Buddhist spirit of the people who occupy the land known as the ``Rooftop of the World.''

The forced exile of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and his flight into India 50 years ago is a continuing source of profound sorrow for the people of Tibet. This resolution, therefore, Mr. Speaker, also takes note of the warmth and the support with which the government and the people of India have greeted the Dalai Lama and other exiles from Tibet.

Tibet's tragic loss of its spiritual leader, however, has proven to be the world's gain. No steadier voice on the issues of religious freedom and human rights has been heard in the corridors of power than that of the quiet, but determined, voice of the Dalai Lama. He has risen from being a humble refugee to becoming both a Nobel Peace Prize recipient and the conscience of the civilized world.

The Chinese Foreign Minister is in Washington this very week for an official visit, the very week that we commemorate the uprising in Tibet. Just prior to his departure from Beijing to Washington, the Chinese Foreign Minister stated, ``The Dalai side still insists on establishing a so-called greater Tibet on a quarter of China's territory; you call this person a religious figure?''

Mr. Speaker, this resolution can serve as a response to the foreign minister. The U.S. Congress has a message for the Foreign Minister of China's Communist regime, and that is that the Dalai Lama is not only a religious figure, but a person of such renown that he was granted the Congressional Gold Medal. I was honored to serve as one of the sponsors for this legislation awarding the Dalai Lama the Congressional Gold Medal during the last Congress.

Our message to the Chinese regime is contained in the forceful language of this resolution calling for the preservation of the religious and human rights of the people of Tibet. The U.S. Government must keep faith with the people of Tibet. We must press the Chinese regime on issues of human rights and religious freedom in Tibet. The U.S. Congress will not fail in our commitment to Tibet and to its people.

Now is the time for all of us to reflect on the enormous resilience of a captive Tibet and its suffering people over the past five decades. Now is the time to call on the Communist leaders in Beijing--sitting behind the walls of their enclosed compound--to hear the cries from the international community for justice in Tibet. Now is the time for our colleagues to reconfirm their support for the Dalai Lama and for his oppressed people.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, at this time I would like to yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Rohrabacher), who is the ranking member of the Subcommittee on International Organizations, Human Rights and Oversight.

Mr. Speaker, I am proud to yield 4 minutes to my good friend from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), the ranking member on the Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health.

I would like to yield an additional minute to the gentleman.

Mr. Speaker, I'd like to yield 3 minutes to a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs--and they are all gentle people in South Carolina--the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Inglis.)

To wrap up our side of the aisle on this important resolution, I yield such time as he may consume to the co-Chair of the Tom Lantos Congressional Human Rights Commission, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf).

I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 226) recognizing the plight of the Tibetan people on the 50th anniversary of His Holiness the Dalai Lama being forced into exile and calling for a sustained multilateral effort to bring about a durable and peaceful solution to the Tibet issue.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution and yield myself as much time as I may consume.

This resolution recognizes the plight of the Tibetan people on the 50th anniversary of His Holiness the Dalai Lama's exile and calls for a sustained multilateral effort toward a peaceful resolution to the Tibet issue.

The resolution is introduced by my good friends, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Holt) and our ranking member, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen of Florida. I thank them for their leadership in ensuring that the House commemorates this important date.

In 1949, the People's Liberation Army of China entered the eastern areas of the traditional Tibetan territory. In 1951, they occupied the Tibetan capital of Lhasa. Fifty years ago this month, the Tibetan people rose up in Lhasa against Chinese rule.

On March 17, 1959, His Holiness the Dalai Lama fled Tibet after the People's Liberation Army commenced an assault on his residence. He was followed into exile by some 80,000 Tibetans. Tens of thousands of Tibetans who remained were killed or imprisoned.

Under the leadership of the Dalai Lama, Tibetans have sought to overcome adversity and hardship. Exiled communities have been established in India, the United States, Europe, and elsewhere, to preserve Tibetan cultural identity, language and religion. They have succeeded abroad, but at home, the uniqueness of the Tibetan people remains threatened by Chinese policies.

Over the years, the Congress has repeatedly championed the rights of Tibetans, applauded efforts by the Dalai Lama to seek a peaceful resolution to the dispute between China and Tibet, and funded programs to assist Tibetan refugees.

In 2002, Congress passed the Tibetan Policy Act, the cornerstone of U.S. policy toward Tibet. This legislation codified the position of Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues and emphasized that it should be U.S. policy to promote a dialogue between the Chinese Government and representatives of the Dalai Lama in order to achieve a settlement based on meaningful and genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people.

In 2007, Congress awarded the Congressional Gold Medal to His Holiness the Dalai Lama in recognition of his life-long dedication to the causes of peace and non-violent resolution to the Tibet issue.

I know that many of our friends in China are distressed by the continued congressional focus on Tibet. To them I say this resolution is not anti-Chinese. We have deep respect for both peoples. But after eight rounds of fruitless meetings between the Chinese Government and representatives of the Dalai Lama, it appears to many of us that China is not serious about achieving resolution of this difficult issue.

It's time for China to negotiate in good faith. I urge the Chinese Government to re-examine their policies in Tibet and to provide the Tibetan people genuine autonomy in their traditional homeland.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, at this point I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Holt), the sponsor of the resolution.

Mr. Speaker, it's my privilege to now recognize really the leader in this institution on human rights generally and most particularly on the issue of what has happened to the Tibetan people and to His Holiness the Dalai Lama, the Speaker of the House (Ms. Pelosi).

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentlelady from Illinois (Ms. Schakowsky).

I would be pleased to yield an additional minute to the gentlelady.

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the chairman of the Human Rights Commission, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern).

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and urge a ``yea'' vote.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.