Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Res. 505, which condemns the tragic murder of Dr. George R. Tiller of Wichita, Kansas. I would like to thank the author of the bill, Congresswoman Louise…
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Res. 505, which condemns the tragic murder of Dr. George R. Tiller of Wichita, Kansas. I would like to thank the author of the bill, Congresswoman Louise Slaughter and Judiciary Chairman John Conyers for their expeditious work in bringing this bill to the floor.
We mourn the loss of Dr. Tiller, a husband, father of four, and grandfather of ten. We also mourn the loss of a man who was a friend to women and young girls around the world, who he saw through their most desperate hours of need.
Dr. Tiller, born and raised in Wichita, was the son of a physician. In medical school, Dr. Tiller planned to become a dermatologist. After his father, mother, sister, and brother-in-law died in a 1970 plane crash, he returned to Kansas to close his father's family practice. His father's patients pleaded with him to return and take over the practice. Eventually, his clinic evolved from general family practice to focusing on reproductive services.
Acts of terror and intimidation were an all too common occurrence at his clinic. In 1986, Dr. Tiller's clinic, the Women's Health Care Services, was bombed. In 1991, it was blockaded for six weeks. In 1993, Dr. Tiller was shot in both arms while trying to enter the clinic. In May 2009, vandals cut wires to security cameras and made holes in the clinic roof.
Dr. Tiller was murdered on Sunday, May 31, 2009. He was shot in his place of worship, the Reformation Lutheran Church. Dr. Tiller served as an usher and his wife, Jeanne, sang in the choir.
I would like to insert into the Record an article by Judith Warner that was published in her New York Times blog. One of Dr. Tiller's cases mentioned by Ms. Warner, that involving a 9 year-old girl who had been raped by her father, is particularly haunting.
This child was 18 weeks pregnant and her small body just would not be able to physically bear the burden of labor and delivery. There
was no doctor or hospital in her rural, Southern town that would provide her with an abortion. She was referred to Dr. Tiller, the doctor of last resort. Dr. Tiller took her case for free. He kept her under his personal care for three days. The young girl and her sister stated that even in this difficult and heart-wrenching situation, he could not have been more wonderful in his care.
On Saturday, memorial services were held for Dr. Tiller. His family and friends remembered him for his generosity and his sense of humor. Let us also remember him for his courage.
Mahalo nui loa (thank you very much).
[From the New York Times, June 4, 2009]
Dr. Tiller's Important Job
(By Judith Warner)
The 9-year-old girl had been raped by her father. She was
18 weeks pregnant. Carrying the baby to term, going through
labor and delivery, would have ripped her small body apart.
There was no doctor in her rural Southern town to provide
her with an abortion. No area hospital would even consider
taking her case.
Susan Hill, the president of the National Women's Health
Foundation, which operates reproductive health clinics in
areas where abortion services are scarce or nonexistent,
called Dr. George Tiller, the Wichita, Kan., ob-gyn who last
Sunday was shot to death by an abortion foe in the entry
foyer of his church.
She begged.
``I only asked him for a favor when it was a really
desperate story, not a semi-desperate story,'' she told me
this week. Tiller was known to abortion providers--and
opponents--as the ``doctor of last resort''--the one who took
the patients no one else would touch.
``He took her for free,'' she said. ``He kept her three
days. He checked her himself every few hours. She and her
sister came back to me and said he couldn't have been more
wonderful. That's just the way he was.''
Other patients of Dr. Tiller's shared their stories this
week on a special ``Kansas Stories'' page hosted by the Web
site ``A Heartbreaking Choice.''
One New York mother wrote of having been referred by an
obstetrician to Tiller after learning, in her 27th week of
pregnancy, that her soon-to-be son was ``so very sick'' that,
once born, he'd have nothing more than ``a brief life of
respirators, dialysis, surgeries and pain.'' In-state doctors
refused to perform an abortion.
``The day I drove up to the clinic in Wichita, Kansas, to
undergo the procedure that would end the life of my precious
son, I also walked into the nightmare of abortion politics.
In this world, reality rarely gets through the rhetoric,''
wrote another mother, from Texas, of the shouts, graphic
posters and protesters' video camera that greeted her when
she came to see Tiller.
Our understanding of what late abortion is like has been
almost entirely shaped in public discourse by the opponents
of abortion rights. In recent years, discussions of the
issue have been filled with the gory details of so-called
partial-birth abortion; the grim miseries that drive some
women and girls to end their pregnancies after the first
trimester have somehow been elided.
``Late abortion is not a failure of contraception. It's for
medical reasons,'' Eleanor Smeal, the president of the
Feminist Majority Foundation, who has worked to defend
abortion providers like Tiller against harassment and
violence since the mid-1980s, told me this week. ``We've made
pregnancy a fairy tale where there are no fetal
complications, there's no cancer, no terrible abuse of girls,
no cases where to make a girl go all the way through a
pregnancy is to destroy her. These are the realities of the
story. That's what Dr. Tiller worked with--the realities.''
There was a great deal of emotion in the air this week as
the reality of Tiller's death set in. Much of it was
mournful, some was celebratory, some was cynical and self-
serving.
There were the requisite expressions of disapproval and
disavowal by politicians from both sides of the abortion
divide. And yet it seemed to me that even from pro-choice
politicians, the response was muted. In death, as in life, no
one wanted to embrace this man who had specialized in helping
women who learned late in their pregnancies that their
fetuses had gross abnormalities.
It seemed that no one wanted to be too closely associated
with the muck and mire of what Tiller had to do in carrying
out the risky and emotionally traumatic second- and third-
trimester abortions that other doctors and hospitals refused
to do. In news reports, there was a tendency to frame the
``abortion doctor's'' murder almost as a kind of combat
death: a natural occupational hazard.
Yet Tiller--who went to work in a bulletproof vest, lived
in a gated community and drove a bulletproof car--was a
doctor, not a soldier. And it is precisely this kind of
thinking--this viewing of his life and work through the lens
of our most gruesome cultural warfare, this slippage and
mixing up of medicine and politics--that left him largely
unprotected at the time of his death.
Someone resembling Scott Roeder, the man charged in Dr.
Tiller's murder, was seen on Saturday trying to pour glue
into the lock on the back door of a Kansas City clinic.
Before that, abortion providers around the country had been
telling local law enforcement and the United States Justice
Department that harassment at their clinics was on the rise,
and they were scared. The Feminist Majority Foundation had
been hearing all spring that the atmosphere outside clinics
was heating up in the wake of the new pro-choice president's
election. ``We all lived through Clinton, the shootings in
'93 and '94. We were concerned some of the extremists said
they had to take the fight 'back to the streets,''' Smeal
said.
There are legal protections in place that ought to keep
abortion providers like Tiller safe. The Freedom of Access to
Clinic Entrances (FACE) Act, passed by Congress after the
1993 murder of Dr. David Gunn outside his Pensacola, Fla.,
women's health clinic and the attempted murder of Tiller that
same year, prohibits property damage, acts or threats of
force, and interference with and intimidation of anyone
entering a reproductive health care facility.
When the federal law is backed by complementary state laws,
and when local law enforcement officers apply those laws
assiduously, serious violence greatly declines. When the
law's not applied strenuously, when vandalism goes
uninvestigated, when protesters are allowed to photograph or
videotape patients arriving at women's health clinics, when
death threats aren't followed up, more serious acts of
physical violence follow. In fact, when intimidation occurs
at a clinic, the reported rate of violence triples, the
Feminist Majority Federation's 2008 National Clinic Violence
Survey found.
``We really do need to arrest people who are trespassing.
Arrest people who are gluing locks. Committing more minor
violations of the law so criminal activity doesn't escalate,
so these criminals don't feel emboldened,'' said Vicki
Saporta, the president of the National Abortion Federation.
``In places where the laws are enforced, you don't see
violence escalate. Protesters generally go someplace where
there's a more hospitable climate,'' she told me. But, she
added, in a lot of communities, law enforcement views clinic
violence as a political problem. ``They don't view it for
what it is: criminal activity outside of a commercial
establishment,'' she said. ``Law enforcement can't treat this
as a political issue. It's a criminal issue.''
We as a nation cannot continue to provide a hospitable
environment for the likes of Roeder because the thought of
what happens to fetuses in late abortions turns our stomachs.
We have to accept that sometimes terrible things happen to
young girls. We have to face the fact that sometimes desired
pregnancies go tragically wrong. We have to weigh our
repugnance for late abortion against the consequences for
women and girls of being denied life-saving medical
treatment.
Only a tiny handful of doctors in this country will, like
Dr. Tiller, provide abortion services for girls or women who
are advanced in their pregnancies. These doctors aren't well
known to patients or even to other doctors, but they're
closely monitored by antiabortion groups, who know where they
work, where they live and where they worship. Roeder may have
been a lone gunman, but in the largest possible sense, he did
not act alone. The location of Tiller's gated community was
prominently featured on an easily-accessed Web site, along
with a map of the streets surrounding his house. It was
really only a matter of time before someone was unbalanced
enough to take the bait.
Most Americans, I'm sure, do not believe that a 9-year-old
should be forced to bear a child, or that a woman should have
no choice but to risk her life to carry a pregnancy to term.
By averting our eyes from the ugliness and tragedy that
accompany some pregnancies, we have allowed anti-abortion
activists to define the dilemma of late abortion. We have
allowed them to isolate and vilify doctors like Tiller.
We can no longer be complicit--through our muted
disapproval or our complacency--in domestic terror.