Ukraine Invasion War Crimes Deterrence and Accountability Act

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, the select committee has now conducted over 800 interviews and depositions of witnesses who have knowledge of the events of January 6. This includes more than a dozen former Trump White House staff members.

Mr. Speaker, when you hear my colleagues make political, partisan attacks on the select committee, I hope that all of us can remember some basic facts: Through these interviews, we have learned that President Trump and his team were warned in advance, and repeatedly, that the efforts they undertook to overturn the 2020 election

would violate the law and our Constitution; they were warned that January 6 could, and likely would, turn violent; and they were told repeatedly by our State and Federal courts, by our Justice Department, and by agencies of our intelligence community, that the allegations of widespread fraud, sufficient to overturn an election, were false and were unsupported by the evidence.

Yet, despite all of these specific warnings, President Trump and his team moved willfully through multiple means to attempt to halt the peaceful transfer of power, to halt the constitutional process for counting votes, and to shatter the constitutional bedrock of our great Nation.

As a Federal judge has recently concluded, the illegality of President Trump's plan for January 6 was ``obvious.''

We are here today to address two specific witnesses who have refused to appear for testimony before the committee.

The committee has many questions for Mr. Scavino about his political social media work for President Trump, including his interactions with an online forum called ``theDonald.win'' and with QAnon, a bizarre and dangerous cult.

Mr. Scavino worked directly with President Trump to spread President Trump's false message that the election was stolen and to recruit Americans to come to Washington on January 6 to ``take back their country.'' This effort to deceive was widely effective and widely destructive, and Donald Trump's stolen election campaign succeeded in provoking the violence on January 6.

On this point, there is no doubt. The committee has videos, interviews, and sworn statements from violent rioters demonstrating these facts.

Mr. Navarro will also be a key witness. He has written a book boasting about his role in planning and coordinating the activity of January 6. We have many questions for Mr. Navarro, including about his communications with Roger Stone and Steve Bannon regarding the planning for January 6.

As Judge Carter recently concluded: ``Based on the evidence, the Court finds it more likely than not that President Trump corruptly attempted to obstruct the joint session of Congress on January 6, 2021.''

In the case of both of these witnesses, Mr. Speaker, the committee would rather have their testimony than have to move this contempt citation. When you hear my colleagues attack the select committee, remember Mr. Scavino and Mr. Navarro have chosen not to appear. They did not have to make this choice, but they did.

In America, no one is above the law. Neither Mr. Trump nor Mr. Scavino nor Mr. Navarro is some form of royalty. There is no such thing in America as the privileges of the crown. Every citizen has a duty to comply with a subpoena.

Mr. Speaker, when you hear my colleagues challenge the committee's legislative purpose, remember the D.C. Circuit and the Supreme Court of the United States have affirmed our legislative purpose. Too many Republicans are, once again, ignoring the rulings of the courts, as many of them did in the run-up to January 6.

Mr. Speaker, the tale of what happened following the 2020 election, resulting in the violence of January 6, is a tale of stunning deceit. It is a tale of lies about our election and contempt for the rulings of our courts.

The election claims made by Donald Trump were so frivolous and so unfounded that the President's lead lawyer did not just lose these cases; he lost his license to practice law. The New York Supreme Court found: ``There is uncontroverted evidence that Mr. Giuliani communicated demonstrably false and misleading statements to courts, lawmakers, and the public at large in his capacity as lawyer for former President Donald J. Trump and the Trump campaign in connection with Trump's failed effort at reelection in 2020.''

Mr. Speaker, those in this Chamber who continue to embrace the former President and his dangerous and destructive lies ought to take a good, hard look at themselves. At a moment of real danger to our Republic, when the need for fidelity to our Constitution is paramount, they have abandoned their oaths in order to perform for Donald Trump. That will be their legacy.

Mr. Speaker, this is not a close call. Mr. Navarro and Mr. Scavino have chosen not to comply with a congressional subpoena. They are in contempt. I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on this resolution, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I think it is very important, as our colleagues consider their vote on this resolution, to keep in mind the facts.

Number one, neither Mr. Scavino nor Mr. Navarro has appeared in front of this committee. As I mentioned earlier, we have interviewed over 800 witnesses. The vast majority of them have cooperated fully and answered our questions. Some of the witnesses have taken the Fifth. Some of the witnesses have answered some questions and asserted a privilege on other questions.

But the notion that somehow the former President can instruct someone not to appear, that is not sustainable, that is not found anywhere in the law. If Mr. Scavino or Mr. Navarro wants to assert some kind of a privilege--and again, our questions for them have to do with their activities that are political activities that are not covered by executive privilege, but if they wish to assert that privilege, they can appear and do so.

Madam Speaker, I would also note that in Trump v. Thompson, the D.C. Circuit held, and then we were upheld in the Supreme Court, that the committee's need for this information outweighs the former President's rights to any kind of confidentiality.

I think it is important for those facts to be clear and to be on the Record.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Aguilar).

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I know my colleague and friend, Mr. Armstrong, knows very well that, first of all, executive privilege is a qualified privilege.

Secondly, former President Trump has not asserted executive privilege.

Third, I have tremendous respect, obviously, for Justice Kavanaugh, but my colleagues continue to quote Justice Kavanaugh without noting that the opinion in the D.C. circuit, which was upheld by the Supreme Court, in that opinion the judge found a number of things, including ``to allow the privilege of a no-longer sitting President to prevail over Congress' need to investigate a violent attack on its home and its constitutional operations would gravely impair the basic function of the legislature.''

The Court also held that under any of the tests advocated by former President Trump, the profound interests in disclosure advanced by President Biden and the Select Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack on the United States Capitol far exceed his generalized concerns for executive branch confidentiality.

And I would just repeat again, Madam Speaker, that Mr. Scavino and Mr. Navarro both have chosen not to appear in front of the committee to answer questions that are clearly outside of any potential claim of privilege they may have, and even if they believe there is a claim of privilege, they are obligated to appear and make that assertion. They cannot simply refuse to respond to the committee's subpoena.

Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Murphy).

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I think it is again very important as our colleagues are contemplating their vote on this resolution that they keep in mind the facts. And we are hearing a number of things that are not consistent with the facts.

First of all, with respect to the establishment of the committee, Mr. Davis knows, and my colleagues know that we initially attempted to have a bipartisan commission, which, in fact, Leader McCarthy instructed Mr. Katko to negotiate with Chairman Thompson. Mr. Katko did that, secured everything the Republicans asked for, at which point, Mr. McCarthy walked away from the bipartisan commission, and then went over to the Senate side and lobbied against the establishment of a bipartisan commission.

The establishment of the select committee, again, is not what we would have hoped. The 35 Republicans who voted for the bipartisan commission wanted a bipartisan outside commission, but we cannot let this attack go uninvestigated.

Mr. Davis also knows that with respect to the membership of the committee, Speaker Pelosi said that she would not name two Members who had been identified by Mr. McCarthy; that is completely consistent with the resolution. And Mr. McCarthy then himself withdrew the other three and determined that he would not participate.

Finally, Madam Speaker, I continue to hear this allegation that the committee is not investigating what happened at the Capitol, not investigating what happened with respect to the Capitol Police, not investigating what happened with respect to security that day. That is just not true. The committee has an entire team that is very focused on and investigating what happened with respect to security at the Capitol.

And it is also the case, though, Madam Speaker, we must all remember that the former President provoked a violent assault on this body, and the extent to which there were security lapses, the extent to which people did not anticipate that there would be a violent assault on the Capitol, provoked by the former President, is not the fault of the Capitol Police. That is the responsibility of the former President.

And I would also note, Madam Speaker, that Mr. Davis voted ``yes'' on the bipartisan commission when it came up.

Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Raskin), my good friend and colleague.

I yield the gentleman an additional 30 seconds.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further speakers. I am prepared to close. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, it does not feel really good today. It feels sad, and it feels tragic that so many in my own party are refusing to address the constitutional crisis and the challenge that we face.

The ranking member of the Judiciary Committee went to law school. I am not sure if he passed the bar. But he knows that we all have an obligation to abide by the rulings of the courts.

So, yes, it was a false story. Yes, it was a big lie. In fact, former Vice President Pence has said that what President Trump wanted him to do was ``un-American.'' It was also unconstitutional, and it was illegal.

Mr. Speaker, what gives me tremendous hope though is although so many in my party in this body have put loyalty to Donald Trump ahead of their oath to the Constitution, the committee has interviewed scores of Republicans from around the country who, in fact, have shown the kind of tremendous bravery and dedication to public service that every American can be proud of: Republicans who were appointed by President Trump to posts in the Department of Justice; Republicans who stood firm; Republicans who threatened to resign and who refused to participate in President Trump's efforts to corrupt the Department of Justice with the stolen election lies--yes, lies--that led to January 6.

We have heard from Republicans serving in State legislatures, in State and local governments who also stood firm.

Mr. Speaker, it is crucially important that this body hold these gentlemen in contempt. It is crucially important that they have to abide by their subpoena.

I urge a ``yes'' vote, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Select Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack on the United States Capitol, I call up the report (H. Rept. 117-284) and accompanying resolution recommending that the House of Representatives find Peter K. Navarro and Daniel Scavino, Jr., in contempt of Congress for refusal to comply with subpoenas duly issued by the Select Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack on the United States Capitol, and ask for its immediate consideration.

Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Select Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack on the United States Capitol, I call up the resolution (H. Res. 1037) recommending that the House of Representatives find Peter K. Navarro and Daniel Scavino, Jr., in contempt of Congress for refusal to comply with subpoenas duly issued by the Select Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack on the United States Capitol, and ask for its immediate consideration.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include any extraneous material on this measure.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I want to start our debate by talking a little bit about what the American people ought to expect of their leaders, of those who hold positions of public trust and the responsibilities that come with it.

I have been thinking about those responsibilities for more than 50 years, in all the time I have been fortunate enough to hold a position of public trust. It doesn't matter if you are an alderman, a mayor, Member of Congress, President of the United States, or a staff member working as a civil servant, or a political appointee. When you work for the public, when the people's taxes pay your salary, those jobs come with serious rules and serious obligations.

Dan Scavino and Peter Navarro both held positions of public trust. Mr. Scavino was a top communications official in the Trump White House. Mr. Navarro was a trade adviser. They each drew salaries paid by the American people to the tune of over $180,000 per year. They both were to abide by certain rules and obligations. They both swore oaths of allegiance to the Constitution.

The select committee wants to talk to both of them, but about a lot more than their White House jobs. We want to talk to them about their roles in trying to overturn the 2020 election. We subpoenaed them for their records and testimony. They told us to buzz off. Not a single record. No-shows for their deposition.

Their excuse was: As former White House employees, the information we wanted--again, information about overturning an election--was shielded by executive privilege, a protection for the President to make sure sensitive, official conversations stay private.

In other words, they are arguing that their roles in trying to overturn an election had to stay secret because they had official roles as advisers to the ex-President.

If they want to make those claims, ridiculous as they sound, here is what the law requires: They need to show up and make those claims on the record, under oath. They refused to do that. That alone means they are in contempt of Congress. But I want to dig a little deeper into the argument these men are making.

As I mentioned before, these are rules and obligations that bind public servants. One of the most important rule is that you can't do campaign work on government time or using taxpayer money. Pretty straightforward. Plenty you can do on your own time, but not when you are on the clock. That is the law.

If you have heard of the Hatch Act, it has probably been when a Cabinet Secretary or White House official had crossed the line from their official duties into political matters. In fact, in 2020, Mr. Navarro was dinged by a government watchdog for violating the Hatch Act by using his official role to attack President Joe Biden. That law prohibits, among other things, someone from using ``official authority or influence for the purpose of interfering with or affecting the results of an election.''

Sounds familiar? In the case of Mr. Navarro and Mr. Scavino, trying to affect the result of an election wasn't knocking on doors or putting signs in people's front yards. They were trying to help a defeated President stay in power. It is not conceivable that their involvement in that effort could have legally overlapped with their official duties.

But beyond that, it was a betrayal of the oath these men took. It was a betrayal of the public trust. Even if you do it on your own time, trying to overturn an election is still trying to overturn an election. We know that the people who stormed this building on January 6 had the same goal: trying to overturn an election. That is what the select committee is investigating. That is why we need to hear from Mr. Scavino and Mr. Navarro.

But as the select committee works to provide answers to the American people, these two are saying: ``I worked at the White House when all this took place. Even if I was plotting to overturn the government, I was collecting a government salary at the time, so I don't have to talk about it.''

Can you imagine? I have served my community and my country most of my life. Like my colleagues in this body, I have labored to uphold my oath and do right by the people I serve. I know my constituents expect that of me.

To run into this kind of obstruction, this kind of cynical behavior, as we investigate a violent insurrection, is just despicable. It can't stand.

Dan Scavino and Peter Navarro must be held accountable for their abuses of the public trust. They must be held accountable for their defiance of the law. They are in contempt of Congress, which is a crime, and I call on my colleagues to do their duty to defend this institution and the rule of law and to vote ``yes'' on this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, just for the record, let me say that we are here for this contempt process today, but the President's own daughter complied with the wishes of the committee. I would think that if his daughter complied with the wishes of the committee, everyone else should, even the people who worked for him.

Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the distinguished majority leader of the House.

Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Kinzinger), a distinguished veteran of the Air Force and a member of the select committee.

Madam Speaker, I yield the gentleman an additional 30 seconds.

Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lofgren), the chairperson of the Committee on House Administration and a member of the select committee.

Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentlewoman from Virginia (Mrs. Luria), a veteran of the United States Navy.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further speakers, and I am prepared to close. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, let me say for the record, if there is any Member on the other side who feels the strength to come and testify before our committee, I invite them, right now, to let us know and we will gladly entertain whatever information they have as to what happened on January 6. Some of them ran out of this building fearing for their lives, so there is no question that something happened.

And H. Res. 503 says, absolutely, we have to find the facts and circumstances as to what happened and why and make recommendations; and that is what we have to do.

We have the constitutional power to issue subpoenas. If people do not follow subpoenas, we have the right to bring them before this body and recommend contempt citations; and that is what we are doing today.

So it doesn't matter if they were a father, a mother, a sister, or a brother, had children; if they break the law, they break the law. No one is above the law, and that is the point we are trying to make.

We asked the individuals, subpoenaed them to come before the committee, and they chose not to come and, therefore, they broke the law, and that is why we are here today.

So, Mr. Speaker, as I have mentioned, when I testified before the Rules Committee, it is absurd that there should be any disagreement at all about why we are here for this contempt resolution.

If you listen to the arguments from some of my friends on the other side, they have very little to say of substance of this matter. We hear excuses. We hear attacks about process. We hear scare-mongering about the select committee.

Let me remind my colleagues, we have conducted over 830 interviews and depositions. And again, I invite any of them to come talk to us if they want to. Now, if, for some reason, they are reluctant or afraid, then I feel sorry for them.

Our constitutional democracy was challenged on January 6. We have to fix this. Over 200 years, we have operated in complete freedom, and all of a sudden, this institution was attacked; and we have to fix that.

We are the number one democracy in the world, but we lead by example. Democrats are leading by example. The select committee is leading by example by bringing these two gentlemen who broke the law, who decided that it is better to deal with the law of Donald Trump rather than the Constitution of the United States of America.

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleagues, especially my friend from Wyoming (Ms. Cheney).

Mr. Speaker, I urge every Member to support adoption of this resolution, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 7276) to direct the President to submit to Congress a report on United States Government efforts to collect, analyze, and preserve evidence and information related to war crimes and any other atrocities committed during the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine since February 24, 2022, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 7276, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 7276, the Ukraine Invasion War Crimes Deterrence and Accountability Act introduced by my good friend and the ranking member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. McCaul.

I want to thank Mr. McCaul for working collectively across the aisle as we do on many bills, but on this important bill, for his leadership on it. It is very timely and very important.

Mr. Speaker, each day we see a growing body of horrifying evidence of atrocities that Russian troops have wreaked on Ukrainian citizens. Mr. McCaul and I traveled to Poland, and we saw with our own eyes the refugees fleeing Ukraine because of Putin's war; not knowing whether they would see their husbands or fathers or uncles ever again; not knowing what their tomorrow would be.

This week, the images, the videos, and the firsthand accounts from Bucha were nothing short of chilling, and as it did seeing the refugees cross the border in Poland, it pains my heart to know that this is likely just the tip of the iceberg of what Ukrainians have suffered.

In attempting to justify his war of choice on Ukraine, Putin's relentless dehumanization of Ukrainians has laid the foundation for atrocities so vile it churns one's stomach.

We have seen this before, Mr. Speaker. It is the same dehumanization that has led to every genocide before. I fear what we have seen in Bucha is happening throughout Ukraine right now, and it will only get worse.

Nothing we do on this floor today will erase the generational trauma that Putin's forces have inflicted on Ukrainians, but we can and must ensure that the United States of America is doing everything in its power to collect evidence that can be used to prosecute Russian war crimes and other atrocities. Hopefully, that will deter further systemic human rights abuses in this conflict.

H.R. 7276 would require the administration to detail efforts to collect, analyze, and preserve evidence of war crimes, and to describe the process through which a domestic, foreign, or international court or tribunal could request and obtain information related to war crimes or other atrocities from the United States.

Every day of this illegal and unprovoked war further unites the global community against Russia's aggression in Ukraine. The images that we continue to see day in and day out are shocking to the conscience and also a call to action.

To the leaders of the nations who have yet to condemn this barbaric war of choice, I ask them to please watch these videos of civilians being bombed and, as we did both in Poland and with those who visited us here in the House of Representatives, listen to the survivors who witnessed their neighbors and their friends shot in the streets or in their homes, some bound with their hands behind their backs.

The camera of history is rolling, Mr. Speaker, and it will remember those countries that remain silent.

Russia's aggression in Ukraine must stop. We must unequivocally condemn the atrocities that are being carried out by Putin and his Russian invading forces. Those who are responsible, Mr. Speaker, must be brought to justice, no matter how long it takes or how hard it may be.

The Ukraine Invasion War Crimes Deterrence and Accountability Act will help in collecting the necessary evidence so that we can do just that: Hold those individuals accountable for the atrocities that they have committed.

Mr. Speaker, I ask all of my colleagues to join and support this crucial legislation.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).

Madam Speaker, I have no further requests for time at this moment, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time for the purpose of closing.

Madam Speaker, what we are witnessing Russian troops do in Ukraine represents some of the worst of humankind. Right now, the world is watching horrifying war crimes taking place. The world is watching the extent to which Putin is willing to flout international norms and values in the pursuit of its brutality, and the world is also watching what we as a nation are going to do about it.

The Department of State has officially concluded that Russian forces have committed war crimes in Ukraine which were made vividly clear by the horrifying images emerging over this past weekend from Bucha. Investigations into these war crimes are already beginning and must continue.

I am saying today, as chair of the House Foreign Affairs Committee working along with my friend and partner, the ranking member, Mike McCaul, we will work tirelessly to make sure that justice is delivered and that the administration works strenuously in concert with partners and allies to this end because meaningful justice for these crimes helps prevent such atrocities in the future.

This legislation requires the administration to detail efforts to preserve evidence and hold perpetrators accountable for the atrocities that are committed and to detail the means for domestic, hybrid, or international courts and their tribunals to request access to such information.

This legislation, the Ukrainian Invasion War Crimes Deterrence and Accountability Act, will ensure that victims and perpetrators alike know that the United States of America and the world, we have got to get those off the seat, those who abstain in the U.N., they see the same thing. We need them to stand and have a voice.

The world is watching. The world will hold Putin and the Russian Armed

Forces and those who are in their duma and those who keep pushing this war that is caused by one man, Vladimir Putin--these abhorrent war crimes which continue to go on--accountable. It is a war of choice that Putin has decided to place on Ukraine.

That is why, Madam Speaker, I am so proud to partner with Mike McCaul in bringing H.R. 7276 to the floor today so that my children, my grandchildren, my great-great-grandchildren, will know how I stood at this time in history and how the United States Congress stood at this time in history.

Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I thank my dear friend, Chairman Meeks, for working with me on this important legislation. This is a historic time, and it is a historic bill.

This is the largest invasion in Europe since World War II, with war crimes in Europe the likes of which we haven't seen since my father's generation in my father's war.

Mr. Speaker, the world is watching, and history will judge us all by how we act, by our actions. As the chairman said, the tape is filming; the reel is filming this. We are seeing these horrific images coming out of Ukraine as I speak, and sadly, there will be many more. We have just hit the surface.

Corpses are littering the streets of Bucha, their hands tied behind their backs and bullets in their heads. Some are decapitated.

A pregnant woman, covered in blood--these monsters bombed a maternity hospital, for God's sake--as she gets wheeled out, holding on to her womb or baby. Sadly, and tragically, both she and her baby did not survive that day.

Mothers are raped in front of their children, and young girls are raped in front of their families--girls.

The bodies of families are half-buried together in shallow graves, with their hands still sticking out of the ground.

My God, what is happening in this world? I never imagined or thought I would see this in my lifetime. This is of centuries ago, not today.

The bombing of apartments and public buildings providing refuge to children and the elderly, including a theater in Mariupol that had the word ``children'' written outside so large in Russian that the satellites could see it--we could see it from satellites. What do the Russians do? They bombed it. They bombed it knowing that there were children inside.

Today, just today, most disturbing, we have reporting out of Ukraine that Russia is bringing in mobile crematoriums to deal with the carnage because there are so many bodies in the streets. They are bringing in mobile crematoriums in an effort to hide the evidence of their crimes.

These are Putin's war crimes, and he will be held responsible. He and his cronies, and the Russian troops who have carried them out, must be held accountable.

Sadly, these are not the first war crimes committed by Putin's troops, as the people of Chechnya, Georgia, and Syria can attest.

We cannot wait for the next atrocity before we act. We must do what we can now to deter Russian leaders, commanders, and troops in the field from committing further war crimes.

That is why we introduced this legislation. It will ensure the United States helps the people of Ukraine gather, analyze, and maintain the evidence of these war crimes.

It will also put Russian troops--I think ``troops'' is probably not the right word--these Russian monsters and their leaders on notice that the world is watching.

The world is watching them right now, and we are taking names. We are

taking the names of these war criminals; we are taking photographs; we are taking surveillance; and we are taking the satellite imagery to document this injustice, this crime against humanity. And we will seek justice.

Mr. Speaker, I am very proud of the bipartisan efforts that our committee has made. But on the topic, I just have to--my God, I can't believe we are here even talking about this. I can't believe this is actually happening in this world, in this century.

These horrific atrocities in Bucha have made one thing crystal clear: No country can remain neutral in the face of this evil. The entire world needs to rally against Mr. Putin and these war crimes. Passing this bill is a step forward to getting justice done.

I was a Federal prosecutor for a good part of my life, and I have dealt with a lot of victims. I have seen a lot of really awful things that man can do to mankind. I have to say, Mr. Speaker, this is probably--in fact, it is absolutely the worst thing I have seen in my lifetime.

The world is watching, and history will judge us all. All nations will judge us all by what we do here and now.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Hill).

Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith).

Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time for the purpose of closing.

Madam Speaker, we rise today not as Republicans or Democrats but as Americans and as a united Congress on behalf of the American people condemning these atrocities.

Madam Speaker, there is a group called the Wagner Group that is entering Ukraine right now. They are the worst of the worst. They are mercenaries. They are cold-blooded killers. Mr. Putin has sent them to Africa to kill people in Mali and Libya, and they have been in the Donbas previously. They have a saying, these Wagner thugs, these monsters, that our business is killing, and business is good.

This is sick. They rape women and girls. They kill for a living, and, yes, now they are entering Ukraine.

Sadly, Madam Speaker, I am not sure Bucha is the last we are going to see of this, and when the dust clears from Mariupol, God knows what we are going to find there. God only knows. When they are talking about mobile crematoriums to hide the evidence of so much carnage and so many bodies to be burned. This has to stop.

We are standing together united as Americans condemning this, and as a former Federal prosecutor, yes, to indict Mr. Putin for his crimes against humanity.

Mr. Putin thought his legacy after this fiasco was going to be reclaiming the glory of the empire. He would be known as great as the czars or maybe Stalin. Maybe he is like Stalin. His legacy is not going to be reclaiming the empire. His legacy is going to be that of a war criminal. That will impact his psyche, and that will impact all those around him, including his oligarchs, that no one is safe here, that you will be indicted internationally, and that you will be brought to justice.

For without justice in the face of these crimes against humanity, what good are we? So this is an historic moment.

I want to thank the chairman, as always, on this committee for working with me to stand up against evil, because that is exactly what this is.

Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, let me thank the leadership of our chairman and the working relationship with the ranking member.

Mr. Speaker, I was in Lithuania as the Russians were coming in, and I spent a couple of days there with the hopes and dreams of many people that, in actuality, there would not be an invasion of Russia into Ukraine, even though we were being briefed on the 30,000 to 40,000 troops in Belarus.

Even on that day, we spoke to Ukraine parliamentarians, who indicated that they were leaving the meeting we were in and taking a 17-hour trip back to Ukraine as their son was standing up to join the Ukrainian military.

Little did we expect--as some people said, ``just a couple of days''--that we would be at a point where--we will not call it World War III, but we will call it the most brutal, vicious, and murderous effort in Europe and the world almost since World War II.

I cannot fathom the bodies found in a pit. I cannot understand moms and babies dying in the street. I cannot understand or accept the numbers of civilians targeted, their bodies strewn throughout the various cities.

The movement to the east, the destruction of Odessa, and the unwillingness of Vladimir Putin to even think of being serious at the peace table--it is important to say pronounced war crimes have been committed, that he must be at The Hague.

I believe Europe should be more pronounced in its annunciation. I frankly believe that there is a heavier penalty that he must pay. I don't believe he should sit at another table of Western civilization.

Most importantly, I rise to support this legislation and believe America is right to insist on Mr. Putin being tried for war crimes.

Madam Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 7276 the Ukraine Invasion War Crimes Deterrence and Accountability Act, to direct the President to submit a report to Congress on the United States efforts to collect and analyze evidence and information related to the war crimes committed by the Russian Federation during their full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

This legislation requires the Administration to detail the process our government will undertake to collect, analyze, and preserve evidence of these war crimes, so that perpetrators of these and other atrocities are held accountable.

There is no question of whether the Russian Federation, under the direction of Vladimir Putin has been defying the laws of war throughout its unprovoked, unjust, and unlawful invasion of Ukraine.

H.R. 7276 will ensure the U.S. maintains a coordinated effort to collect evidence to be used to prosecute Russian war crimes in Ukraine.

This bill will help to deter future war crimes by ensuring Russian troops and their commanders know the world is watching closely.

In the three decades since gaining its independence, Ukraine has sought its own path to sovereignty and has pursued closer economic, social, and political ties with the free market and democratic nations of the West.

Since 2013, the Russian Federation under the direction of President Vladimir Putin, has imposed a campaign of political, economic, and military aggression against Ukraine.

In February 2014, the Russian military began the invasion of eastern regions in Ukraine, including the Crimean Peninsula. The military also backed separatist insurgents in the Donbass region, where fighting has killed over 14,000 people.

Today the world is witnessing the unprovoked aggression and invasion ordered by Vladimir Putin.

President Putin and his associates must be held personally liable for the war crimes committed against the people of Ukraine.

Russia claims it is not attacking civilians, yet thousands of people have been killed, mostly from explosive weapons with a wide impact area, including shelling from heavy artillery and multi-launch rocket systems, and missile and air strikes.

Families are being separated by war, adults and children are being ruthlessly killed, and civilian infrastructure has been completely obliterated in parts of eastern Ukraine.

These reckless Russian attacks have leveled homes, preschools, post offices, museums, sports facilities, hospitals, and factories.

Power and gas lines have been severed, bridges and railway stations blown up intentionally to restrict refugee movement within the country.

Civilians have been killed in their cars, while waiting in bread lines, and while seeking treatment in hospitals.

Remnants of a missile were found in a Ukrainian zoo, residential neighborhoods have been shelled to pieces and morgues are overflowing with bodies.

Additionally, a rogue Russia is violently crushing political speech opposing the war from its own citizens.

As Russian ground forces advance in Ukraine, Ukrainians are sheltering from artillery shells and cruise missiles in subways and bomb shelters.

But in addition to the conventional military forces that Russia brings to bear, Russia has been utilizing nonconventional warfare for years.

Russia has been running a long-running campaign to cast Ukrainians as Nazis and the perpetrators of genocide against Russian-speakers in eastern Ukraine in order to justify an invasion.

The western world must continue to march in lockstep against this senseless Russian invasion of a sovereign nation.

We will make it clear to President Putin that there is no possibility for him to win this war when our alliances are as united and as fortified as they are now and will continue to be throughout the entire duration of this conflict.

Putin may seize ground, but he will never hold it.

Thank you, and I look forward to discussing recommended measures to hold Russia accountable for this manufactured war.