Floor Statements

Madam Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.

Madam Chair, I rise today to urge my colleagues to support the amendment I am offering, along with my southern California colleagues, Mr. Brad Sherman and Mr. Henry Waxman. The amendment would allow the Burbank Bob Hope Airport to implement a nighttime curfew between 10 p.m. and 7 a.m.

Thousands of residents of southern California's San Fernando Valley, who live under the flight paths or near the terminals at Bob Hope Airport, endure the house-shaking noise of air traffic during the day and suffer the jarring interruption of their sleep caused by roaring jets, sometimes late at night.

To address the concerns of those affected by airport noise across the Nation, the FAA established a process to consider an individual community's request for a curfew. However, the process was designed to be difficult, so difficult that, in the decades since it was established by the FAA, only one airport in the Nation has successfully completed an application--Bob Hope Airport--and then it was summarily turned down.

When Congress enacted the 1990 Airport Noise and Capacity Act, ANCA, it intended for ANCA to permit airports to obtain noise restrictions if they met certain requirements.

At that time, Congress exempted several airports from the law's requirements for FAA approval of new noise rules, if they had preexisting noise rules in effect to address local noise problems.

Bob Hope Airport, located in Burbank, California, was one of the first airports in the country to impose a curfew and has a long history of curfews, but was unfortunately not given the protection of the grandfather provision of ANCA that several other similar airports received.

My amendment would correct this inequity and put Bob Hope on the same footing as several other airports across the country that had curfews before ANCA's passage by correcting the omission of not allowing Bob Hope Airport to implement, on a permanent and mandatory basis, the curfew which it had in effect informally since the 1980s.

After spending $7 million and 9 years of effort, the FAA rejected Bob Hope's request for a curfew, erroneously contending that the small number of flights impacted by the curfew would impose too great a strain on the country's aviation system and impose too great a cost on users. In reality, the FAA approached the process in reverse, beginning with its conclusion, the one it wanted to reach, and working backwards to try to justify its intended and desired result.

It is important that my colleagues understand the impact of this amendment on aviation in southern California. There will be no impact on commercial flights. Almost all commercial airlines already voluntarily abide by the voluntary nighttime curfew of Bob Hope; and the impact on general aviation will be limited to 2 nighttime landings, 4 days a week by large jet aircraft, and a handful of nighttime turboprop takeoffs.

Because of the FAA's dismissive attitude toward legitimate local concerns, it is clear to us the only way to provide relief to our residents is through this legislative action. Madam Chair, I strongly urge my colleagues to support this amendment to correct an omission in ANCA. Local problems require local solutions, not solutions imposed by a Federal agency with a predetermined agenda.

With that, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Chair, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding.

I rise in support of the Intelligence Authorization Act for Fiscal Years 2014 and 2015.

This bill provides the resources and support the intelligence community needs to accomplish their mission while enhancing oversight in several important respects. I want to commend the bipartisan leadership of Chairman Rogers and Ranking Member Ruppersberger on this bill. I congratulate them on, again, advancing an Intelligence Authorization Act. I also want to acknowledge my colleague from Nevada, Dr. Heck, for his work with me on the Technical and Tactical Subcommittee. Chairman Heck did a fabulous job supporting investments in technology and capacity that will pay dividends in years to come.

In addition to funding our intelligence priority, the bill includes important new provisions to improve greater oversight of the NSA and other IC elements. It creates an independent inspector general within the NSA who will be fully empowered to investigate abuse, waste, and fraud. The bill also requires an annual report to the Intelligence Committees on violations of law and executive order, including Executive Order 12333. This provision fixes a blind spot under current law and improves the Intelligence Committee's capacity for oversight.

While I support the bill, I was disappointed that an amendment I proposed with my colleague Walter Jones was not made in order. This amendment would have required an annual public report on the total number of civilian and combatant casualties caused by drone strikes. By publicly reporting on the use of drones, we would provide additional accountability and transparency, helping to ensure the legitimacy of the actions that we take overseas. The report would also provide a counterpoint to the inflated estimates of civilian casualties frequently seen in the news, in part due to active efforts of our enemies to mislead.

I plan to continue working with my colleagues on the committee to provide greater transparency, but this is a very simple method of doing so. In sum, it would simply require that there be an annual accounting of how many combatants are killed and how many noncombatants are killed. It would also have required that the administration or the DNI define those terms so we understand who is being defined as a combatant or noncombatant.

The President has set a high standard for the use of drones, that they not be used unless there is a near certainty there will be no civilian casualties. This is a way of holding us accountable to meet that very high standard. It is also, I think, all the more important when we consider that, while we may be the first Nation to use drones in this capacity, we will not be the last, and the standard that we set or fail to set will be one that may be emulated by others around the world.

I support this bill. I wish we had the opportunity on the floor to vote on this amendment, but I look forward to working with the committee in the years that follow to incorporate this provision and others to improve transparency and accountability.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the Martin Severance Chapter of the National Society of the Daughters of the American Revolution upon its 100th anniversary.

The National Society of the Daughters of the American Revolution (NSDAR) is a historic institution, with more than 120 years of service. The NSDAR has 177,000 members across the world; they aim to preserve history and improve their communities.

The Martin Severance Chapter of the NSDAR was founded by Mrs. Adeline Belle Barry and named in honor of her ancestor Martin Severance, a sergeant and veteran of both the Revolutionary War and the French and Indian War.

The Martin Severance Chapter has been a part of the Pasadena community since the beginning. Its members supported the Pasadena Red Cross during both World Wars and have participated in storied local institutions including the Tournament of Roses Parade. The Martin Severance Chapter currently supports high school students, homeless veterans, local libraries, and teachers. The Chapter has reinstated the American History Essay contest, and ``adopted'' the women at Villages of Cabrillo, Long Beach, a part of the homeless veterans' community Advance program. Additionally, the Chapter annually presents DAR Good Citizens Awards and JROTC Medals to local high school students.

In honor of their centennial, the Chapter is preserving the memory of the American Independence and those who fought for freedom. The Chapter will award grants to Pasadena Unified School District teachers who meet core curriculum standards in Colonial American History. The Martin Severance Chapter is also working on a living history project that presents female patriots to elementary school children in the Pasadena area--chapter members will portray historically significant revolution-era women and share their stories, costumes, and legacies with students and community organizations.

I ask all members to join with me in commending the Martin Severance Chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution for preserving the history of the American Revolution for future generations and for 100 years of dedicated service to the greater Pasadena community.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the memory of Dr. John A. Davitt, retired Superintendent-President of Glendale Community College, who passed away on Saturday, May 24, 2014.

John received his Bachelor's Degree at the University of San Francisco in 1954, a Master's Degree in Secondary Education in 1958, also from the University of San Francisco, and his Doctorate in Community College Administration from the University of Southern California. Before coming to Glendale Community College (GCC), John served as a 1st Lieutenant in the U.S. Army, taught at a junior high school in San Francisco, was a counselor at Merritt College in Oakland, and was an Assistant Professor at California State University, Los Angeles.

Dr. Davitt began his 38 years of service at GCC in 1968, when he took a position as a history professor. Serving as Administrative Dean of Personnel Services, Vice President, and in 1985, Superintendent- President, he brought his inclusive, enthusiastic and open style of management to GCC, transforming the GCC campus into an innovative and productive center for learning. The longest-tenured head of a community college in California, Dr. Davitt cared deeply about the institution and took pride in GCC being a top transfer college.

An active volunteer in the Glendale and La Canada Flintridge communities, John's record of community service is impressive. He served on the boards of the Glendale Chamber of Commerce, Flintridge Sacred Heart Academy, Glendale Roundtable, Glendale Symphony and the Glendale College Foundation. In addition, he served on Holy Family High School's Board of Regents, Crestview Preparatory School's Board of Directors, Glendale Memorial Hospital's Community Liaison Council, St. Bede's Pastoral Council and the Archdiocese of Los Angeles' Board of Education.

Some of the honors Dr. Davitt received include the Presidential Leadership Award from the California Community College Foundation, Glendale Chamber of Commerce's Lifetime Achievement Award, the GCC Alumni Association Award for Outstanding Contributions to GCC, induction into GCC's Athletic Hall of Fame and the naming of the John A. Davitt Administration Building at GCC.

Married for over half a century, John and his wife Gael, have four children, Terry Davitt, Laure Heale, Vincent Davitt and Michael Davitt.

John Davitt will be sorely missed. He was a respected leader among community college presidents across the state and nation, a dedicated public servant and admired by all as a man of impeccable character. I ask all members to join me in remembering one of our community's most admired citizens, Dr. John A. Davitt.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the USA FREEDOM Act. This bill ends the bulk collection of American's telephone records and puts in place reforms to surveillance authorities to protect privacy and increased transparency.

I have long advocated that the telephone metadata program should end in favor of a system in which telecommunications providers retain their own records so they can be queried based on a court-approved, reasonable, articulable suspicion standard. That is precisely what this bill puts in place. It allows us to keep the capabilities that we need to protect the Nation from terrorist plots while protecting privacy and civil liberties.

There are remaining ways that the bill can be improved, and I hope as it heads to the Senate there will be opportunities to do so. In particular, I would like to see provisions to introduce an adversarial process in the FISA Court. The FISA Court and the public trust would benefit from an independent advocate in the limited number of cases that call for significant statutory interpretation or novel legal issues. I hope that the Senate will include such provisions, which would be both wise and constitutionally sound.

With that, I urge a ``yes'' vote, and I compliment my chair and ranking member on the extraordinary job they have done.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor Hagop Jack Manjikian and Knar Rita Manjikian for the books they have published on the Armenian Genocide. An estimated 1.5 million Armenians perished between 1915 and 1923, but the statistics only tell part of the story. The first person accounts of the Genocide, which the Manjikians had translated to English in order to reach a broad audience, put a human face on the violence and suffering experience by the Armenians, as well as their unflagging will to survive.

``The Fatal Night''--(Volume 2) Mikayel Shamtanchian was among the hundreds of Armenian intellectuals rounded up on the night of April 24, 1915, and deported to the interior of Turkey, where the Turkish genocide of Armenians began. The author beat the odds and survived the first genocide of the 20th century. His memoir, The Fatal Night, is a detailed account of the extermination of Turkey's Armenian cultural and civic leadership in 1915. Shamtanchian recorded the fates of the innocent Armenian luminaries who perished in Anatolia--the echoes of ``Lord, Have Mercy,'' the last hymn sung by the Armenian priest and music ethnologist Komitas and a throng of exiles held in a Turkish military fort, and the pangs of authors Daniel Varuzhan and Sevak as they were slaughtered in the field of death called Ayash. The book provides a partial list of the Armenian intellectuals, civic leaders and priests who were martyred during the Genocide.

``Death March'' (Volume 3)--Shahen Derderian was barely eight years old when the Ottoman Turkish government deported his family, along with the entire Armenian community of his native Sebastia (now Sivas). The uprooting was part of an elaborate Turkish plan to exterminate the Armenian population of Anatolia. In the ensuing forced marches, the Sebastia caravan--one among countless others--was subjected by the Turkish police and hired criminals to a systematic spree of murder, robbery, rape, and death by starvation and disease. Young Shahen Derderian survived the carnage through sheer miracle. In Death March, he tells a harrowing story of dehumanization and loss, whose enormity would eventually be matched only by the Armenian survivors' spirit of renewal.

``The Crime of the Ages'' (Volume 4)--In 1919 Sebuh Aguni chronicled the large-scale plunder, deportations, and massacres that were systematically perpetrated by the Turkish government in its effort to exterminate the Armenian population of Turkey. The Crime of the Ages-- the first English translation of Aguni's study--is an invaluable work of historiography as it encompasses not only firsthand victim accounts of the Turkish atrocities, but a wealth of evidential information culled from Turkish, European, and American official sources. Brimming with the eloquent, vivid narrative of a journalist and survivor, The Crime of the Ages portrays, in prodigious documentary detail, one of history's most heinous crimes, the Genocide of the Armenians.

``Defying Fate'' (Volume 5)--For the fifth volume of the Genocide Library, we chose the memoirs of Mr. and Mrs. Aram and Dirouhi Avedian, both of whom were survivors of the Genocide of Armenians by the Turks. Aram Avedian's writing consisted of a small book of handwritten notes titled ``The dark days I've lived.'' Dirouhi Avedian's memoirs comprised a relatively longer, though still compact, handwritten diary titled ``My life.'' Originally written in Armenian and translated to English, their memoirs reveal a childhood of sorrow and anguish as they relate how they lost their families and how they survived thanks to the kindness of strangers. Their infrangible faithfulness toward their cultural identity leads them to risk their lives and escape their circumstances. Amidst the tragedy, a happy ending emerges.

``Our Cross'' (Volume 6)--Our Cross is a collection of autobiographical short stories about survivors of Mets Yeghern, the 1915 Genocide of the Armenians. M. Salpi (Aram Sahakian) was a medical officer in the Turkish army during the First World War. In the course of his service, he met many Armenian soldiers and officers who recounted to him the plight of their families following the deportations and massacres of their communities by the Turkish government. After his capture by the British, Sahakian was appointed resident doctor at an Armenian refugee camp in Port Said, Egypt. Here, as well as during his sojourns in Syria and Lebanon, he met numerous Genocide survivors who struggled to rebuild their lives. Sahakian found their experiences at turns heartbreaking and inspiring, and went on to portray them in his writings. Complementing the laser-sharp observations of a man of science with the compassion and sensitivity of someone who himself had walked the path of devastation, Sahakian's stories pulsate with unforgettable images and characters, each a microcosm of a nation's cataclysm but also its irrepressible will to endure.

I hereby ask all Members to join me in honoring Hagop Jack Manjikian and Knar Rita Manjikian for their efforts to keep the memories of those who experienced the Armenian Genocide alive.

Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. Chairman, when Congress passed the Authorization for Use of Military Force just days after 9/11, it provided the President with the broad authority to strike against those who ``planned, authorized, committed or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, or harbored'' them.

That authorization no longer properly encompasses the scope of military action that we are taking in the ongoing fight against terrorism. While the AUMF was originally directed at a fairly narrow range of actors, it has been used to sanction targeted strikes against groups and militants with little relation to the individuals who actually planned, authorized, and perpetrated the attacks on 9/11.

Article I, section 8 of the Constitution invests Congress with the power to declare war. It is our most awesome responsibility, and it is central to the success of our military efforts overseas. We owe it to the men and women we send into combat to properly define and authorize their mission.

This amendment would not immediately repeal the 2001 AUMF. Instead, it would sunset one year from the date of enactment, providing time for Congress and the administration to consider what authorities are needed to protect the Nation.

I think a more narrow authorization, constrained in focus and duration, may very well be necessary, but let's be clear. Even in the absence of an AUMF, the administration would retain the necessary authority to respond to threats from al Qaeda.

At a hearing in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee this morning, Stephen Preston, General Counsel for the Department of Defense, testified:

The AUMF is not the only authority the President has to use

force to keep us safe. The President has authority, under the

Constitution, to use military force as needed to defend the

Nation against armed attacks and imminent threat of armed

attack.

Over the course of the last year, there has been a growing recognition of the outdated nature of the current AUMF. In Syria, for example, one of the most violent groups on the ground is the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, ISIL, which grew out of al Qaeda in Iraq.

Though originally part of the al Qaeda brand, ISIL has since been excommunicated from al Qaeda, and recent months have seen intense fighting between ISIL and the Nusra Front, al Qaeda's preferred jihadi group.

That raises the question of whether action against ISIL would be covered by the current AUMF, and if it is not, do we really want to be in a situation where Ayman al-Zawahiri is able to chose which groups are subject to the authorization for the use of force by the United States and which are not? That is not something I think we want to delegate to our enemies.

Last year, during consideration of the defense appropriations bill, I offered a similar amendment that gained the bipartisan support of 185 Members of the House, indicating strong support on both sides of the aisle, for bringing our actions into conformity with the law.

Since then, the legally precarious nature of our military actions under the AUMF has only become more pronounced. This amendment will force Congress and the administration to do something about it.

Madam Chair, I reserve the balance of my time

Madam Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee).

Madam Chair, I want to respond to a couple of the points that have been made in opposition, the first, that if the sunset goes into effect and nothing is enacted, subsequently, there will be no authority to take action against our enemies.

That ignores the President's authority under article II, or it is a very, very constrained view of the President's authority under article II as Commander in Chief, one not shared by this President, one certainly not shared by President Bush and, indeed, one not shared by any President, I think, in U.S. history.

This is not an effort to legislate away the threats that we face. That cannot be done, but it is an effort to compel Congress and the administration to bring our use of force into conformity with the laws passed by Congress and to restore our responsibility as the body with the power to declare war and to define the scope of any conflict.

Without a sunset, I am convinced that, a year from now, we will be exactly where we are today, continuing to rely on an increasingly legally unreliable AUMF, and I have confidence that, spurred on by the necessity of acting--and we are not requiring that we act tomorrow, we give a deadline of a year from an enactment--that should not be too much to ask of this Congress. Congress will step up to its responsibility.

Madam Chair, I demand a recorded vote.

Madam Chair, I want to thank Rules Committee Chairman Pete Sessions for making this amendment in order, and I want to thank Chairman McKeon for his service and for allowing this amendment to be part of the en bloc package.

My amendment adds the voice of the House to those of many Americans, including Navy Secretary Ray Mabus, who would like to see the names of the 74 sailors lost aboard the USS Frank E. Evans added to the Vietnam Memorial.

The USS Frank Evans, a destroyer, was launched near the end of World War II and was recommissioned for the Korea and Vietnam conflicts. After participating in combat off the coast of Vietnam, the Evans was deployed for the Operation Sea Spirit training exercise in the South China Sea.

On the morning of June 3, 1969, the Evans was training with an Australian navy carrier when the two ships collided.

The Melbourne ripped the American destroyer in two. The bow sank in just 3 minutes, leaving only a stern section afloat. Seventy-four sailors perished.

Although they were in the South China Sea, these sailors' names have been excluded from the Vietnam Memorial because the Evans was outside the designated combat zone which determines inclusion on the wall.

Although these men did not die in direct combat, they were instrumental in advancing military objectives in Vietnam and participated in the conflict just days before the collision.

I thank the chairman for allowing this amendment which would encourage the addition of their names to the wall.

My amendment adds the voice of this House to those of many Americans, including Navy Secretary Ray Mabus, who would like to see the names of the 74 sailors lost aboard the USS Frank E. Evans added to the Vietnam Memorial.

The USS Frank E. Evans, a destroyer, was launched near the end of World War II and was recommissioned for the Korea and Vietnam conflicts. After participating in combat off the coast of Vietnam, the Evans was deployed for the ``Operation Sea Spirit'' training exercises in the South China Sea.

On the morning of June 3, 1969, the Evans was training with the Australian Navy carrier HMAS Melbourne, when the two ships collided. The Melbourne ripped the American destroyer in two. The bow sank in just three minutes, leaving only the stern section afloat. Seventy-four sailors perished.

Although they were in the South China Sea, these sailors' names have been excluded from the Vietnam Veterans Memorial because the Evans was outside the designated combat zone which determines inclusion on the Wall. Although these men did not die in direct combat, they were instrumental in advancing American military objectives in Vietnam and had participated in the conflict just days before the collision. This happenstance should not obscure their valor, patriotism, and ultimate sacrifice for their country, especially as other exceptions to the stated policy have been made, including by Ronald Reagan, who waived the combat zone criteria to add 68 names of U.S. Marines who were killed when a ``rest and recreation'' flight to Hong Kong crashed.

It has been nearly 45 years to the day since that June night in 1969, and the passage of time has made duller and less distinct, boundaries and criteria that may have seemed reasonable and clear back then. The 74 sailors from the Evans belong with the other 58,000 Americans who gave their lives in Vietnam--on the Wall--where Americans from every corner of this great nation can give our silent thanks for their having given the ``last full measure of devotion.''

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor Hagop Jack Manjikian and Knar Rita Manjikian for the books they have published on the Armenian Genocide. An estimated 1.5 million Armenians perished between 1915 and 1923, but the statistics only tell part of the story. The first person accounts of the Genocide published by the Manjikians put a human face on the violence and suffering experienced by the Armenians, as well as their unflagging will to survive.

``The Fatal Night'' (Volume 2)--Mikayel Shamtanchian was among the hundreds of Armenian intellectuals rounded up on the night of April 24, 1915, and deported to the interior of Turkey, where the Turkish genocide of Armenians began. The author beat the odds and survived the first genocide of the 20th century. His memoir, The Fatal Night, is a detailed account of the extermination of Turkey's Armenian cultural and civic leadership in 1915. Shamtanchian recorded the fates of the innocent Armenian luminaries who perished in Anatolia--the echoes of ``Lord, Have Mercy,'' the last hymn sung by the Armenian priest and music ethnologist Komitas and a throng of exiles held in a Turkish military fort, and the pangs of authors Daniel Varuzhan and Sevak as they were slaughtered in the field of death called Ayash. The book provides a partial list of the Armenian intellectuals, civic leaders and priests who were martyred during the Genocide.

``Death March'' (Volume 3)--Shahen Derderian was barely eight years old when the Ottoman Turkish government deported his family, along with the entire Armenian community of his native Sebastia (now Sivas). The uprooting was part of an elaborate Turkish plan to exterminate the Armenian population of Anatolia. In the ensuing forced marches, the Sebastia caravan--one among countless others--was subjected by the Turkish police and hired criminals to a systematic spree of murder, robbery, rape, and death by starvation and disease. Young Shahen Derderian survived the carnage through sheer miracle. In Death March, he tells a harrowing story of dehumanization and loss, whose enormity would eventually be matched only by the Armenian survivors' spirit of renewal.

``The Crime of the Ages'' (Volume 4)--In 1919 Sebuh Aguni chronicled the large-scale plunder, deportations, and massacres that were systematically perpetrated by the Turkish government in its effort to exterminate the Armenian population of Turkey. The Crime of the Ages-- the first English translation of Aguni's study--is an invaluable work of historiography as it encompasses not only firsthand victim accounts of the Turkish atrocities, but a wealth of evidential information culled from Turkish, European, and American official sources. Brimming with the eloquent, vivid narrative of a journalist and survivor, The Crime of the Ages portrays, in prodigious documentary detail, one of history's most heinous crimes, the Genocide of the Armenians.

``Defying Fate'' (Volume 5)--For the fifth volume of the Genocide Library, we chose the memoirs of Mr. and Mrs. Aram and Dirouhi Avedian, both of whom were survivors of the Genocide of Armenians by the Turks. Aram Avedian's writing consisted of a small book of handwritten notes titled ``The dark days I've lived.'' Dirouhi Avedian's memoirs comprised a relatively longer, though still compact, handwritten diary titled ``My life.'' Originally written in Armenian and translated to English, their memoirs reveal a childhood of sorrow and anguish as they relate how they lost their families and how they survived thanks to the kindness of strangers. Their infrangible faithfulness toward their cultural identity leads them to risk their lives and escape their circumstances. Amidst the tragedy, a happy ending emerges.

``Our Cross'' (Volume 6)--Our Cross is a collection of autobiographical short stories about survivors of Mets Yeghern, the 1915 Genocide of the Armenians. M. Salpi (Aram Sahakian) was a medical officer in the Turkish army during the First World War. In the course of his service, he met many Armenian soldiers and officers who recounted to him the plight of their families following the deportations and massacres of their communities by the Turkish government. After his capture by the British, Sahakian was appointed resident doctor at an Armenian refugee camp in Port Said, Egypt. Here, as well as during his sojourns in Syria and Lebanon, he met numerous Genocide survivors who struggled to rebuild their lives. Sahakian found their experiences at turns heartbreaking and inspiring, and went on to portray them in his writings. Complementing the laser-sharp observations of a man of science with the compassion and sensitivity of someone who himself had walked the path of devastation, Sahakian's stories pulsate with unforgettable images and characters, each a microcosm of a nation's cataclysm but also its irrepressible will to endure.

I hereby ask all Members to join me in honoring Hagop Jack Manjikian and Knar Rita Manjikian for their efforts to keep the memories of those who experienced the Armenian Genocide alive.

Mr. Speaker, since its establishment in 1948, Israel has been one of America's closest allies. Today, we celebrate Israeli Independence Day, or Yom Ha'atzmaut, to honor the proclamation of State of Israel. As a strong supporter of Israel, I join millions of my fellow Americans in wishing Israelis a Happy Independence Day.

Zionism, the movement to create a Jewish homeland, emerged in the 1800s as a response to centuries of anti-Semitism. Theodore Herzl, a Zionist pioneer, created the World Zionist Organization to initiate the preliminary steps to attaining a Jewish state free from persecution. Waves of immigrants flowed

towards the region over the next half century, culminating in European Jewry's attempts to flee Hitler in the 1930s.

After World War II, the desire for a Jewish state became even stronger and world wide support for Zionism grew as the truth of the Holocaust was revealed in all its horror. On May 14, 1948, the Jewish Agency declared the creation of the State of Israel.

Conflicts with the countries surrounding Israel meant that Israel was not the safe haven the Jewish people had envisioned. Nonetheless, and despite the dangers, Israel has thrived as an oasis of idealism, technological wonder, and democracy in the midst of the desert. Strong support for Israel is a core national security interest of the United States, as well as an expression of the decades-long alliance between our two nations.

I ask all Members to join me in commemorating the 66th anniversary of Israel's Independence.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the Burbank Community YMCA upon its ninetieth anniversary.

The YMCA is an extraordinary organization that has been strengthening communities across the nation since 1851 and has members of all ages and backgrounds. The YMCA invented volleyball, brought the Boy Scouts organization to the U.S., was instrumental with helping launch organizations such as the Red Cross, and is the nation's largest provider of child care.

The Burbank Community YMCA, founded in 1924, began in a single room and now boasts an impressive 57,000 square foot health and activities center and an 18,000 square foot Child Development Center. In 1932, through fundraising and capital campaigns, the Burbank Y membership purchased the First Baptist Church, which served as an all-purpose building, and also received its charter as an independent YMCA association. Throughout the years, the Burbank Y has significantly expanded the facilities, by adding the aquatics center and indoor pool in 1957, a three-story physical fitness facility in 1976, and the Y's Choice Cafe in 2008, to provide healthy refreshments as well as a social gathering area.

The Burbank Community YMCA has a wide array of programs to help individuals, families, and children reach their full potential, and become stronger in spirit, mind and body. Programs include family, adult and senior fitness, youth sports such as basketball, aquatics, martial arts and gymnastics, and classes in the arts, such as music and dance. Offering the opportunity to build strength of character and body in an encouraging environment is what makes the Burbank YMCA such an essential and beloved institution.

For the past 90 years, the Burbank Y has provided members of the community the opportunity to become stronger mentally and physically and has helped people make a positive difference in their own lives. The residents of Burbank are fortunate to have such a venerable institution in their community.

I ask all Members to join me in commending the Burbank Community YMCA for ninety years of care and dedication to the greater Burbank area.

Mr. Chair, on rollcall No. 213, had I been present, I would have voted ``aye.''

Mr. Speaker, I come to the floor today to urge my colleagues to vote against the creation of this select committee. Because this is not a select committee to investigate what happened in Benghazi, which has been done many times already, it is not a select committee to investigate what we can do to better protect our embassies, consulates, and diplomatic corps, which appears to have generated little interest in the majority, it is not even a select committee to probe where we were in the hunt for those responsible, which involves classified information and is something done best in closed session.

No. This is a proposal to create a select committee on talking points.

I have been involved with the investigation into Benghazi from day one as a member of the Intelligence Committee because, like every other American, I wanted to know what happened, why it happened, and how we can keep it from happening again. And I want to bring to justice those who perpetrated this horrible attack.

But almost 18 months later, and after eight reports from House and Senate committees and the Accountability Review Board, the questions that this select committee purports to investigate have been asked and answered time and time and time again. There is no question that this select committee on talking points will waste potentially millions of taxpayer dollars in a purely partisan exercise and serve as little more than a fundraising vehicle for Republicans.

Up until last Friday, the Speaker of the House resisted the siren call from his base for yet another wasteful committee. Here is what he said just a month ago:

There are four committees that are investigating Benghazi.

I see no reason to break up all the work that has been done

and to take months and months and months to create some

select committee.

I agree with the Speaker's previous assessment.

Democrats made a proposal to structure the committee so that it had equal numbers of members of each party, so that it required cooperation on subpoenas and depositions, and so that it guaranteed equal access to evidence and material collected by the committee. Yet, in each case, we were rejected.

If this isn't a fair investigation and select committee, there is no reason for Democrats to vote for it or to participate in it. Let's end the political circus and focus our efforts on preventing another Benghazi and accelerating the hunt for the murderers of four Americans, including Ambassador Stevens.

Mr. Speaker, this week, we observe Holocaust Remembrance Day--Yom HaShoah or the Day of Destruction--to remember those lost in the tragic genocide during World War II. I join with all Americans, as well as people around the world, to honor the tens of millions of lives that were lost. While this day is primarily an occasion to remember those who were lost, it also serves as a warning that we cannot let these atrocious acts of violence happen again.

On Yom HaShoah in Israel sirens ring out, and no matter what they are doing, people stop and reflect for two minutes. We too pause and remember those who perished as well as recommit ourselves to never again turn a blind eye to the precursors that led to this mass genocide. The Nuremberg Laws passed in 1935 capitalized on anti- Semitism's already widespread growth. These restrictions were followed by the destruction of Jewish communities, the construction of death camps, families torn apart, and lives lost.

As we reflect on the 6 million Jews lost 70 years ago, we must also remember the victims from other senseless genocides throughout history. From working towards the recognition of the Armenian genocide to today's atrocities in Sudan and the Central African Republic, we must be committed to saying ``never again.'' The violation of basic human rights cannot be ignored and we must come together to stand up for those who do not have the voice to stand up for themselves.

I ask all Members to join me in remembering those lost in the genocide and pledge that this senseless violence will never be forgotten or repeated.

Mr. Speaker, 20 years ago, a plane carrying Rwanda's president was shot down, unleashing a genocide carried out by the country's dominant Hutu tribe against its Tutsi minority.

Hundreds of thousands of people, estimates of the dead range up to 1 million, were killed in a matter of weeks. Many were butchered with machetes, their mutilated bodies left to rot in the African sun. Women were brutally raped. Entire families were slaughtered at once. The goal was simple: to kill every Tutsi in Rwanda. The killing went on for 3 months, wiping out nearly three-fourths of the Tutsi population, until rebel forces toppled the government and took over a deeply traumatized nation.

In the two decades since, Rwanda has made remarkable progress in a broad range of economic, health, and social indicators. It has taken on the delicate task of bringing those responsible for the genocide to justice without tearing the country apart. Rwanda's saga, even as we mourn the dead, is ultimately a story of triumph and hope.

For us in America and the West, Rwanda stands as mute testimony to our failure to live up to the post-Holocaust promise of ``never again.'' We cannot undo the past, but we can heed the lessons of Rwanda by acting now to prevent genocide in the Central African Republic. Today's U.N. Security Council vote is a first step, and Congress should act by providing resources. I urge us to do so quickly. Lives are on the line.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor Brenda Levin of Los Angeles, upon receiving the 2014 Rose Award from the Los Angeles Parks Foundation. The Rose Award is being given to Ms. Levin for her extraordinary contributions to the quality of life in Los Angeles.

Ms. Levin received her education in graphic design at Carnegie Mellon and New York Universities and in architecture at the Harvard Graduate School of Design. Born in New York, Ms. Levin moved to Los Angeles in 1976 and worked for architect John Lautner for two years. Ms. Levin's first project in Los Angeles with the firm Group Arcon was renovation of the James Oviatt building. She then established her own architecture and urban planning firm, Levin & Associates Architects, in Los Angeles in the year 1980.

In the 1980s, Ms. Levin connected with the urban revitalization pioneers, who successfully revived segments of the city that had been disregarded. Ms. Levin is known for revitalizing Los Angeles's urban, historic, and cultural forum and pioneering in the preservation of significant historical landmarks. Noteworthy examples of her historic preservation and adaptive re-use work on Los Angeles's most valued icons include: the Bradbury Building, Grand Central Market, Wiltern Theater, Los Angeles City Hall, and Griffith Observatory.

Ms. Levin's portfolio also incorporates designing new institutional, commercial, and multi-family housing facilities. In addition, she has been involved in the design of cultural buildings such as: The Boone Gallery at the Huntington Library, National Center for the Preservation of Democracy, the Autry National Center and Southwest Museums. More recent projects include Dodger Stadium, Wilshire Boulevard Temple, the Hercules Campus at Playa Vista, and Los Angeles County's Ford Amphitheatre.

Ms. Levin's exceptional work has been recognized with numerous awards. She is a Fellow of the American Institute of Architects and the AIA/Los Angeles selected her recipient of the 2010 Gold Metal, the highest honor bestowed upon an individual. A significant virtue of Ms. Levin's work has been the preservation of historical sites for generations to come.

I hereby ask all Members of Congress to join me in honoring Brenda Levin for her exemplary service and commitment to the Los Angeles community.