Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, and still I rise. And I rise today to say that those who tolerate hate, perpetuate hate--it is not enough, Mr. Speaker, for us to prosecute the purveyors of the hate. Those who pull the trigger, those white supremacists, it is not enough to prosecute them individually. We have to prosecute hate itself. If we fail to do so, we fail our country.

This is a country that allows us the freedom to move about, to go into stores and to other places of business. Business itself is going to suffer if we don't stop this.

I beg the business community, the Chamber of Commerce: Come out of the shadows.

Where is the business community? Denounce this white supremacy.

Where is the clergy? Denounce this white supremacy.

Join me in a moment of silent prayer for all of those who have suffered.

Madam Speaker, I thank Mr. Raskin for the time, and I thank Mr. Levin for what he has done to bring this resolution to fruition.

Madam Speaker, today I rise to defend the rights of our staff to organize. This really is about respect. We should respect their rights: Their right to have a decent day's pay for a hard day's work, their right to have the best healthcare that we can afford.

I respect them, I support them, and I respect the right of all workers to organize. Hence, I will vote for the legislation.

Madam Speaker, I include in the Record the following Proclamations regarding Holocaust Remembrance Day:

Joint Resolution Designating April 28 and 29 of 1979 as

``Days of Remembrance of Victims of the Holocaust''. Whereas

six million Jews and millions of other people were murdered

in concentration camps as part of a program of extermination

carried out by the Nazi party during World War II; Whereas

the people of the United States should recognize that all

acts of bigotry are rooted in the cruelty of spirit and the

callousness that led the Nazis to commit atrocities against

millions of people, and should dedicate themselves to the

principle of human equality; Whereas the people of the United

States should recognize that tyranny creates the political

atmosphere in which bigotry flourishes, and should be

vigilant to detect, and ready to resist, the tyrannical

exercise of power; Whereas on April 28 and 29 of 1945 the

Armed Forces of the United States liberated the surviving

victims of Nazi internment in the concentration camp in

Dachau, Germany, and revealed to the world evidence of a

tragic human holocaust that must never be forgotten; and

Whereas the Nazi concentration camp in Dachau, Germany, is

not only a shocking symbol of Nazi brutality and destruction,

but also a symbol of the danger inherent in tyranny, the

pernicious quality of bigotry, and the human capacity to be

cruel: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the Senate and House

of Representatives of the United States of America in

Congress assembled. That April 28 and 29 of 1979 are

designated as ``Days of Remembrance of Victims of the

Holocaust'', and the President is authorized and requested to

issue a proclamation calling upon the people of the United

States to observe such days with appropriate ceremonies and

activities. Approved September 18, 1978.

Madam Speaker, and still I rise, a proud, liberated Democrat.

I rise today on this occasion of remembrance, remembrance of the victims of the Holocaust. I rise to associate myself with comments that have been made by others.

I would first note for the Record that there was a joint resolution approved on September 18, 1978, a joint resolution designating April 28 and 29 of 1979 as Days of Remembrance of Victims of the Holocaust.

President Carter, who signed H.J. Res. 1014, Public Law 95-371, approved on September 18, 1978, indicated in a public statement, ``The resolution was passed unanimously by both Houses of Congress. This reflects our Nation's wholehearted conviction that the lessons of the Holocaust must never be forgotten.''

Madam Speaker, I acknowledge and associate myself with a statement from President Joe Biden, dated April 22, 2022. It is styled, ``A Proclamation on Days of Remembrance of Victims of the Holocaust, 2022.''

In this statement, he indicates, among many other things that I associate myself with, ``The world must never forget the truth of what happened across Europe during the Holocaust or forget the horrific crimes and suffering the Nazi regime inflicted on millions''--I underscore it by saying it twice--``millions of innocent people.''

A Proclamation on Days of Remembrance of Victims of the Holocaust, 2022

On Yom HaShoah, Holocaust Remembrance Day, and throughout

this week of remembrance, we reflect on the horrors of the

Holocaust when the Nazi regime systematically murdered 6

million Jews and millions of other innocents, including Roma,

Sinti, Slavs, persons with disabilities, LGBTQI+ individuals,

political dissidents, and many others. We stand with Jewish

people in the United States, Israel, and around the world in

grieving one of the darkest chapters in history. We honor the

memories of the victims. We embrace the survivors. We commit

to keeping alive the promise of ``never again.''

The world must never forget the truth of what happened

across Europe during the Holocaust or forget the horrific

crimes and suffering the Nazi regime inflicted on millions of

innocent people. Entire families were wiped out. Communities

were shattered. Survivors were left with agonizing memories

and fading tattoos etched into their skin by the Nazis,

reducing them to numbers. It is forever recorded into the

history of mankind, and it is the shared responsibility of us

all to ensure that the Shoah is never erased from our

collective memory--especially as fewer and fewer survivors

remain. The truth must always be known and shared with future

generations in perpetuity.

I have taught my own children and grandchildren about the

horrors of the Holocaust, just as my father taught me. I have

taken my family to bear witness to the darkness at the Dachau

concentration camp so that they could understand why we must

always speak out against antisemitism and hatred in all of

its pernicious forms. The legacy of the Holocaust must always

remind us that silence in the face of such bigotry is

complicity.

Remembrance is our eternal duty, but remembrance without

action risks becoming an empty ritual. As individuals, we

must never be indifferent to human cruelty and human

suffering. As nations, we must stand together across the

international community against antisemitism, which is once

again rearing its ugly head around the world. We must combat

other forms of hatred and educate new generations about the

Holocaust. We must reject those who try to deny the Holocaust

or to distort its history for their own ends. We recognize

that, just as the Holocaust was an act of pure antisemitism,

so too Holocaust denial is a form of antisemitism. We watch

with dismay as the term ``Nazi'' is deployed to make flawed

historical parallels. Efforts to minimize, distort, or blur

who the Nazis were and the genocide they perpetrated are a

form of Holocaust denial and, in addition to insulting both

the victims and survivors of the Holocaust, spread

antisemitism.

My Administration has stepped up our efforts to counter all

the ugly forms antisemitism can take, including Holocaust

denial and distortion. We co-sponsored a United Nations

resolution that charged the international community with

combating Holocaust denial through education. We are

partnering with the German government to improve Holocaust

education and counter Holocaust denial and distortion. A

renowned scholar of the Holocaust and antisemitism, Deborah

Lipstadt, was recently confirmed as Special Envoy to Monitor

and Combat Antisemitism.

In addition to speaking out against the evils of

antisemitism, I signed--and my Administration continues to

implement--legislation that gives us more tools to combat

crimes that are based on a victim's actual or perceived race,

religion, national origin, sexual orientation, gender, gender

identity or disability. We issued the first-ever National

Strategy for Countering Domestic Terrorism. My Administration

has implemented increased funding for a program that helps

threatened nonprofits--including houses of worship and other

religious affiliated entities--to improve their safety and

security. On International Holocaust Remembrance Day, I met

with Bronia Brandman and the Vice President met with Ruth

Cohen--both Auschwitz survivors--at the White House so we

could bear witness to their stories, combat Holocaust denial

and distortion, and give life to the lessons of that most

terrible period in human history.

Those like Bronia and Ruth who survived the Holocaust and

went on to build new lives inspire our Nation and the world,

and they are living testaments to the enduring resilience of

the human spirit. It is the responsibility of all of us to

recognize the pain that they carry and to support them by

ensuring that the cruelty of the Holocaust is never

forgotten. Today and every day, we stand against antisemitism

and all other forms of hate and continue our work to ensure

that everyone can live in a world that safeguards the

fundamental human dignity of all people.

Now, Therefore, I, Joseph R. Biden Jr., President of the

United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested

in me by the Constitution and the laws of the United States,

do hereby proclaim April 24 through May 1, 2022, as a week of

observance of the Days of Remembrance of Victims of the

Holocaust, and call upon the people of the United States to

observe this week and pause to remember victims and survivors

of the Holocaust.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand this

twenty-second day of April, in the year of our Lord two

thousand twenty-two, and of the Independence of the United

States of America the two hundred and forty-sixth.

Joseph R. Biden, Jr.

Madam Speaker, I rise to place in the Record a statement from Speaker Pelosi styled, ``Pelosi Statement on Holocaust Remembrance Day.'' Among the many things said that I agree with is this statement: ``This occasion serves as a reminder of the profound danger posed by hateful violence when met with indifference.'' Hateful violence when met with indifference.

Pelosi Statement on Holocaust Remembrance Day

``On Holocaust Remembrance Day, we pause to reflect on the

unfathomable evils of the Shoah. As we mourn the six million

Jews and countless others murdered across Europe, we also

honor the survivors who have bravely shared their stories so

that such atrocities may never be repeated. More than seven

decades later, we remain outraged by the Nazis' barbaric

crimes and unwavering in our commitment to fulfilling

humanity's sacred promise: Never Again.

``This occasion serves as a reminder of the profound danger

posed by hateful violence when met with indifference. In

2020, I had the solemn privilege of leading a Congressional

delegation to Poland and Israel to commemorate the 75th

anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz, bearing witness

to hate's destructive consequences. The epidemic of

antisemitism still remains today, threatening Jewish

communities both at home and around the world. Shadows of

these same dark forces have reached into more communities,

from the surge of bigoted violence across the country to

crimes against humanity being perpetrated abroad, including

against Ukraine.

``Our nation must never fail to call out and defeat these

perilous threats wherever and whenever they arise. In 1943,

my father Thomas D'Alesandro appealed to `the American sense

of justice and decency' as he implored the Roosevelt

Administration to take action against the horrors of the

Holocaust. Today, driven by those fundamental American

values, the Congress is working to preserve our collective

memories of the past, educate the next generation and speak

out against all of hate's vile manifestations. Congressional

action has helped forge a safer, more just society: from

combating antisemitism by strengthening Holocaust education

resources and establishing Congressionally mandated Days of

Remembrance to fighting hate-fueled violence by enacting the

COVID-19 Hate Crimes Act and the Emmett Till Antilynching

Act.

Today, joining with House colleagues to honor those

murdered in the Shoah, I recalled the moving words inscribed

on San Francisco's Holocaust Memorial: `In remembrance is the

secret of redemption.' Let us

reflect on that truth as we seek to find redemption in a

future of dignity and justice for all. May we never forget

the horrors inflicted on so many innocent souls, and may we

never relent in our righteous fight to put an end to the

scourge of hate.''

Madam Speaker, I rise and desire that the statement from Majority Leader Hoyer be acknowledged. His statement is styled, ``Hoyer Statement on Holocaust Remembrance Day.'' And I associate myself with many of the things in this statement, but the thing that I want to associate myself with the most are the final words in his statement: ``Never Forget. Never Again.'' I associate myself with his statement.

Hoyer Statement on Holocaust Remembrance Day

``On Yom HaShoah, we remember the six million Jews and

millions of others murdered by the Nazis during the

Holocaust. The genocide perpetrated by Adolf Hitler and his

fascist collaborators--and enabled by the indifference of

millions of people in Germany and across Europe--continues to

bear scars to this day, with the families of victims and

survivors still living with immense trauma and grief. The

Holocaust was not only an immeasurable tragedy for the Jewish

people; it was also a low point for humanity, when the worst

evils of human hatred were unleashed in a way that was

methodical and on an industrial scale in an effort to

dehumanize and destroy an entire ethnic group. First by

enacting degrading racial laws and forcing Jewish people to

live in squalid ghettos and wear identifying marks for the

purposes of ostracism and discrimination, and later through a

systematic program of either deportation to labor and death

camps or the massacre of entire communities by mobile killing

squads, the Nazis taught the world a lesson on what happens

when antisemitism and other forms of racism and bigotry are

allowed to fester unchecked and are taken to their extreme.

Every human being who inhabits our planet has a

responsibility to learn the lessons of the Holocaust because

it is a warning to all of humanity. `Never Again!' must be a

promise kept by all. ``Terrifyingly, however, we are now

seeing in our day a dangerous rise in violent antisemitism

here at home and around the world. Extremists of all kinds

have revived Nazi tropes, and too many make light of Adolf

Hitler and the reality of his crimes against humanity. There

ought to be no celebration or even condoning of him or those

who helped him perpetrate the Holocaust. At the same time,

some have chosen to invoke the Holocaust flippantly when

engaging in debates about policy, which is not only deeply

inappropriate but also insulting to its victims, its

survivors, and their families. In much the same vein, the

misuse of the Holocaust and Nazism by Vladimir Putin in an

attempt to justify his unjustifiable and criminal invasion of

Ukraine--as well as the disgusting misuse of the Holocaust to

criticize the Jewish State of Israel, a democracy based in

human rights and the rule of law--is a cynical and disturbing

effort to twist history upside down. Together, all who

support truth and cherish human rights and human dignity must

oppose such statements and efforts.

``The Nazis tried to destroy the Jewish people, but their

resilience, defiance, and heroism--and the sacrifices of so

many brave American servicemembers who were liberators and

rescuers--overcame Hitler's evil plans. Today, the success

and vibrancy of the State of Israel and the flourishing of

Jewish communities in America and around the world is a

living testament to Nazism's defeat and to the triumph of

justice. I'm proud to be the Majority Leader in a House that

affirms, again and again, that antisemitism has no place in

our country or in our politics--and to continue serving as a

leader in the broad, bipartisan coalition in Congress

ensuring that our ally Israel remains safe and strong and

that America and Israel can be successful together in rooting

out hatred, injustice, and antisemitism on Earth. ``Never

Forget. Never Again.''

Madam Speaker, I have Jewish friends, as I believe most people do, and I have spoken to them about the horrors of the Holocaust. I have been to Israel, and I have been to Yad Vashem. I assure you, a visit to Yad Vashem can become a seminal moment in your life because of what it shows with clarity about the horrors of the Holocaust.

I am so proud that our leadership has gone on record in remembrance, and I am proud that this Congress passed a resolution signed by President Carter initially for days of remembrance.

Madam Speaker, and still I rise. I thank Mr. Meeks for what he has done to bring this legislation to fruition, as well as Mr. Wilson.

I rise and I stand where I stand because we should all stand together. I stand here because we are engaged in a war for the world, and Ukraine is the front line of democracy in this war.

We cannot allow a ruthless, reckless, careless dictator to dictate the terms of engagement. The terms of engagement for us will have to be set by us.

Our President has said no boots on the ground. I agree, but that doesn't mean that we can't have planes in the air that Ukrainians will pilot. That doesn't mean that we can't have tanks on the ground with the Ukrainians manning them. It doesn't mean that you can't have torpedoes in the water that Ukrainians are going to fire. It simply means this: We have no choice. If we allow this to happen, what happens when some other dictator decides that he is going to threaten?

I believe that this legislation is a continuation of what President Biden has said he would do. No boots on the ground. We provide the armaments; they provide the army.

We are engaged in a war for the world. We must win. Ukraine must be victorious in this battle.

Madam Speaker, and still I rise. And still I rise to be grateful to the Honorable Nydia Velazquez and Earl Blumenauer for what they have done to bring this bill to the floor.

And still I rise for this job protections bill. This bill will not only protect jobs for restaurants; it also protects jobs in the $1 trillion supply chain. It will protect jobs for those distributors to restaurants. It will protect the jobs for those who transport to the distributors. It protects jobs for the farmers who produce the produce that we have in the restaurants.

There is a right time for all things. This is the right time. This is the right place. We are the right people to do the right thing and protect small businesses and, more importantly, protect the jobs that fuel America, the engines of opportunity.

Mr. Speaker, and still I rise. I thank Mr. Nadler, Ms. Lee, and Mr. Perlmutter.

Mr. Speaker, I rise because I see this as a bill that will benefit some of the least, the last, and the lost; people who have been denied access to housing, denied access to loans, denied access to things that we need to succeed in the United States of America.

Mr. Speaker, I plan to support it. I ask that my colleagues support it because it is tough being a Black man with a criminal record in the United States of America. This bill will help a lot of Black men have opportunities that they have been denied.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.

Mr. Speaker, and still I rise. In the richest country in the world, we cannot allow healthcare to become wealth care; available to those who can afford it.

Mr. Speaker, this is why I support H.R. 6833, the Affordable Insulin Now Act, because diabetes can kill, and insulin can save lives, if you can get it.

Some things bear repeating. Insulin saves lives if you can get it. Mr. Speaker, this bill will ensure that millions who need it will be able to get it. In the richest country in the world, Mr. Speaker, we cannot allow healthcare to be wealth care.

Mr. Speaker, and still I rise. Mr. Speaker, and still I rise. And I rise as a proud Member of this august body.

I rise with gratitude for the time that I have been afforded. I rise, understanding that time is precious. And I rise understanding that tonight, I have a topic that is going to be of interest to many and provocative to some, but still I rise.

I rise with the topic of institutionalized racism emanating from Capitol Hill. Institutionalized racism emanating from Capitol Hill.

This is hardly where one would expect institutionalized racism. And there are a good many people who say there is no such thing as institutionalized racism.

I trust that after tonight's message, many minds will be changed, and perhaps some hearts will be changed because if you know the truth, it can set you free. It can free your heart, it can free your mind, it can free your body, and it can free your soul.

So let's take the acts of truth tonight and slam it into the tree of circumstance and let the chips fall where they must. And still I rise.

Mr. Speaker, it is said that a picture is worth a thousand words. A picture is worth a thousand words. Here is a picture. This is a picture of the Russell Senate Office Building. The Russell Senate Office Building.

I think it appropriate that we get a better understanding of who Russell was. In 1972, some 50 years ago, the Old Senate Office Building, that would be this building, was named after Senator Richard Brevard Russell, Jr., an unapologetic racist, a white supremacist.

He was the chief legislative architect of the South's bitter opposition to the civil rights. He claimed that America was a White man's country. And he said:

And we are going to keep it that way.

Richard Brevard Russell, Jr., a Senator.

During his first run for the State legislature in 1920, he solicited the support and influence of every White voter and pledged he would serve only them, he would serve only them, if elected.

Russell said while campaigning in 1936:

As one who was born and reared in the atmosphere of the old

South, with six generations of my forebearers now resting

beneath southern soil, I am willing to go as far and make as

great a sacrifice to preserve and ensure white supremacy and

the social, economic, and political life of our State as any

man who lives within her borders.

These are the words of Richard Russell, Senator Richard Russell. Senator Richard Russell whose name is on the Russell Senate Office Building, a building maintained with tax dollars. A building constructed with tax dollars. A building that I have to go into from time to time.

I try to limit my traversing through the building, but from time to time I must. But at some point, I am going to limit all of my movement into the building. I won't be going into it at some point.

And at some point, people of African ancestry are not going to go into this building. It is a symbol of national shame, not national pride. A symbol of national shame. The Russell Senate Office Building.

Senator Richard Russell successfully filibustered anti-lynching bills. We just passed an anti-lynching bill after many decades. One of the reasons why it took so long is because of Senator Richard Russell.

He blocked bills to eliminate poll taxes. He stood in the way of voting rights, especially for people of color. He also blocked bills to desegregate public schools, and this was done after Brown v. Board of Education.

He co-authored the ``Southern Manifesto'' to slow the integration of public schools after the Supreme Court unanimously ordered in its Brown case that schools would be desegregated with all deliberate speed. Senator Richard Russell. Russell Senate Office Building.

Senator Russell proclaimed:

There is no such thing as a little integration.

This is what he said in 1957, he said:

They, meaning Black people, are determined to get into our

White schools, and into White restaurants, and into White

swimming pools.

He went on and indicated that he would warn his Senate colleagues that this would mean a mongrel race which would result in destroying America. Senator Richard Russell. A Senate office building named in honor of Senator Richard Russell.

He proposed a voluntary racial relocation program to adjust the imbalance of the Negro population between the South and the rest of the country, literally proposed moving Black people to some other States because there were too many in the South. Senator Richard Russell. The Russell Senate Office Building.

When President Truman fought to end segregation in the military, Russell responded with vile, racial libels. Here is what he stated, Senator Richard Russell, these are his words:

The incidence of syphilis, gonorrhea, chancre, and other

venereal diseases is appallingly higher among members of the

Negro race.

One would say that by this standard, all of us have been maligned, those of us who are members of the Negro race, as he called it.

He declared:

And allowing Black and White troops to serve together is

sure to increase the numbers of men who will be disabled

through communicable diseases.

The words of Senator Richard Russell.

Yes, the Senate Russell Office Building is named after a self- proclaimed white supremacist. It is a symbol of national shame.

On March 30, 1964, the Southern Bloc of 18 Democratic Senators and one Republican Senator, led by Senator Richard Russell, launched a filibuster to prevent the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, stood in the way of what we now consider some of the great legislative actions that were taken up by the House and the Senate.

Senator Russell proclaimed:

We will resist to the bitter end any measure or any

movement which would tend to bring about social equality--

some things bear repeating--we will resist to the bitter end

any measure or any movement which would tend to bring about

social equality and intermingling and amalgamation of the

races in our States.

He voted against the 1964 Civil Rights Act which he called short- sighted and disastrous. He added that the civil rights bill's true intended effect was to intermingle races, eliminate States' rights, and abolish the checks and balance system.

A great President from the State of Texas, the Honorable President Lyndon B. Johnson, signed the Civil Rights Act into law. And, as a result, Senator Richard Russell led a southern boycott of the 1964 Democratic National Convention.

I would that many who contend that there is no institutionalized racism could walk in the shoes of those of us who face it, who understand that for us, racism is more than a word.

It can sometimes be a way of life that you have to contend with, even into 2022. The Russell Senate Office Building.

You think I get great pleasure walking through a building named after a person who proclaimed himself a white supremacist? I get no great pleasure in moving through the facility.

And I find this to be very interesting. What the Senate does--the Senate named it. It was the Old Senate Office Building. What the Senate does, the Senate can undo.

This building does not have to bear the name of a white supremacist. This can be changed. We but only have to have the will to do it.

And, unfortunately, too many of us find ourselves having to deal with our concerns of this nature siloed. Siloed. Well, this concerns Black people, and as a result, Black people ought to solve this problem.

That is not the approach that I have taken. Long before I came to Congress, I thought that and still believe that if invidious discrimination exists against anyone, it is everyone's duty, responsibility, and, indeed, an obligation to challenge it. Not for myself, but for humanity.

And there are times when, in so doing, you have to stand alone. But I sincerely believe in the inner sanctum of my soul that it is better to stand alone than not stand at all.

So I stand here tonight acknowledging that on many occasions when it has come to the rights of others, check my voting record. Check my voting record. Where were you, Al Green, when we took up the rights of the LGBTQ community? I was there.

Where were you when we took up the rights of the Latino community? I was there. Babies at the borders.

Where were you when we took up the rights of the Jewish community, those standing up against those who are anti-Semitic? I was there.

So I ask tonight: Where are we, friends, on the Russell Senate Office Building that, to this day, honors a self-proclaimed white supremacist?

This is institutionalized. It is institutionalized because the Congress, by and through the Senate as an institution, made it so.

You want to see institutionalized racism? A picture is worth a thousand words. There it is. That is it. The Russell Senate Office Building. All people of good will ought to want to see this changed.

I am not the first person, by the way, to say that it should be changed. I may be one of many, but as long as I am here, I am going to be fighting to

change the name of the Russell Senate Office Building.

Institutionalized racism. A picture of it, worth a thousand words. Emanating from Capitol Hill, a place where we passed civil rights laws, a place where we stand, one would assume, against all forms of invidious discrimination.

No one would have a building on Capitol Hill bear the name of a self- proclaimed white supremacist, but there it is. The Russell Senate Office Building.

Now, friends, I have not said what we should name the building after the name Senator Richard Russell is removed. I have not said that we should name it after any given person. I have not said that we should have a certain process in place to select the name.

I have said let it revert to the name that was there before we named it after a self-proclaimed white supremacist. Let it revert to what it was before, and that was the Old Senate Office Building.

Let it revert and then establish the proper protocols and all of the processes and whatever methodology you choose to select the name.

I believe that we won't make that mistake again, the mistake that we made with Senator Richard Russell, but let's let it revert, and that, we could do overnight. That, we could do overnight.

There is no requirement that we wait months, years, weeks. No requirement. We could change the name to the Old Senate Office Building overnight. We would only have to have the will to do it and believe that in so doing, it won't look like someone made us do it.

You know, that always enters into politics it seems. I shouldn't say always. Too often, we don't do things because we don't want it to seem as though someone made us do it. We have to find our own way to get it done.

We have to allow the parade to turn the corner and then run out in front of it and claim that we were there all the time.

Do whatever you must, but let's take the name off. Let's take Richard Russell's name off of the building.

Friends, if a picture is worth a thousand words, I contend that a song speaks for itself and its writer. A song speaks for itself and its writer. Let's now move on from the Russell Senate Office Building, and let's move on to Stephen Foster. Stephen Foster.

Stephen Foster has a memorial day. Stephen Foster Memorial Day in the United States is a Federal observance day, and we do observe Stephen Foster Day on January 13 annually. Stephen Foster Memorial Day.

Who, pray tell, was Stephen Foster? Well, let's talk about Mr. Foster and some of the lyrics in some of his songs. Not all of his songs, but too many of his songs contained lyrics that are offensive to people of color.

Before we examine the lyrics, let's do this. Let's just explain that you don't get a day in your honor without the consent of the House and the Senate and the President of the United States of America. You don't get a day in your honor without voting. People have to vote. The President has to sign an order.

I will be reading for you the resolution in just a moment, but for now let's look at some of the songs, songs by Stephen C. Foster. Stephen C. Foster. Songs by Stephen C. Foster containing the n-word. Some of you may be familiar with ``Oh! Susanna.''

``Oh! Susanna.'' I trust at home that you can read this. He uses what I consider a demeaning vernacular.

I jump'd aboard the telegraph and

trabbled down de ribber,

De lectrick fluid magnified, and kill'd

500 n-words.

We are not allowed to say the word on the floor, and I appreciate that. I never say it. I am not one of those persons who--in my private life I don't use that word. Song by Stephen C. Foster.

Stephen C. Foster, by the way, was declared the Father of American Music. The Father of American Music. The date that we commemorate or celebrate, however you choose, is January 13 annually. The date was created by H.J. Res. 308, 82nd Congress, introduced in the House on August 2, 1951, passed the House on October 15, 1951, some 74 days after introduction. But 74 days after its introduction, it passed the House. It passed the Senate on October 19, 1951, some 78 days after introduction, and was signed into law by the President of the United States on October 27, 1951, some 86 days after introduction.

One can only but pray that legislation, righteous legislation that benefits people who have been demeaned, people who have been discriminated against, righteous legislation that would benefit them and prevent future discrimination, righteous legislation, would only pray that we could get such timelines for righteous legislation.

Stephen Foster performed in blackface. For those who are not familiar--and by the way, he started this at the age of 9, so he was influenced--blackface, this is a form of art--and I am being kind-- wherein persons who are of European ancestry paint their faces black, and in a sense they perpetrate a vision of Black people as happy-go- lucky dancers, jumping around, simple and good-natured creatures in minstrel shows.

Minstrel shows were a form of racist entertainment developed in the early 19th century consisting of comic skits, variety acts, dancing, and music performances that depicted people specifically of African descent. The shows were performed by mostly White people in makeup, or blackface as I have explained, for the purpose of playing the role of Black people. Minstrel shows lampooned Black people as dimwitted, lazy, buffoonish, superstitious, and happy-go-lucky. Stephen Foster was a master of minstrel music.

Christy's Minstrels, the most successful minstrel shows of the time, made an arrangement with Foster for the show to be the first to sing his songs. Mr. Foster, if you have a song, a minstrel song, we want to be the first. I can imagine Mr. Christy saying that. He would have the rights to be the first to sing these songs, present these plays demeaning Black people. And Mr. Foster complied.

Before I read the resolution, let's take a look at another song, another song written by the Father of American Folk Music to this day, with a day that is celebrated on January 13 in his honor. The father.

``Old Uncle Ned,'' an excerpt:

Dere was an old n-word,

Dey call'd him Uncle Ned.

He's dead long ago, long ago!

No more work for poor Old Ned.

He's gone where the good n-words go.

The Father of American Folk Music institutionalized racism in song, institutionalized racism because this institution made it so. We. Not us personally, but this House made it so. More about that in just a moment.

Let's look at another song.

``Oh! Lemuel!'' These are excerpts. It reads:

Go down to de cotton field!

Go down, I say!

Go down and call de n-word boys all:

We'll no more today.

The Father of American Folk Music. Proclaimed as such by the United States House of Representatives. Institutionalized as such with the concurrence of the United States Senate. Ordered as such with the signature of the President of the United States of America.

One final one. I shall not read it. I will simply place it before you. I trust that the camera allows you to see the words. ``Away Down Souf,'' s-o-u-f.

So now we find ourselves with a day honoring Stephen Foster by way of a joint resolution, joint resolution authorizing the President--of the United States of America, I might add parenthetically--to proclaim January 13 of each year as Stephen Foster Memorial Day.

It reads, in part, not in total:

``Whereas Stephen Collins Foster has become a national expression of democracy.''

``Stephen Collins Foster has become a national expression of democracy through his clear and simple embodiment of American tradition in his world-famous lyrics.''

So says the House, the Senate, and the President such that we honor him on January 13 every year.

The resolution reads:

``Whereas the songs of Stephen Collins Foster belong to the people''--don't count me among the people that these songs belong to-- ``belong to the people and are the musical essence of democracy. . . .'' This is the musical essence of democracy. What a sad state of affairs that we have to contend with.

``Whereas the songs of Stephen Collins Foster belong to the people and are

the musical essence of democracy so that he is now recognized as the father of American folk music and the true interpreter of the fundamental spirit of music.''

Stephen Collins Foster. ``Whereas Stephen Collins Foster symbolizes in his works the unity of mankind through music.'' This is the unity of mankind through music, so says the House, the Senate, and the President, and a day in honor of Stephen Collins Foster. His works symbolize the unity of mankind.

``Resolved by the Senate,'' these are the words. Do a little bit of research, and you can read it in its entirety. I have given you excerpts, but these are the words. ``Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled: That the President of the United States is authorized to issue a proclamation designating January 13 of each year as Stephen Foster Memorial Day, and calling upon the people throughout the United States of America to observe such day with appropriate ceremonies, pilgrimages to his shrines, and musical programs featuring his compositions.'' I assume that would be minstrel shows. ``Approved October 27, 1951.''

I was alive when this was approved. I am the son of a segregated South. I know what racism looks like. I have seen the cross that the Klan burned in my yard. I know what it sounds like having been called these words. I know what it hurts like. I have been to some funerals.

Now, my dear friends, my dear brothers and sisters--and I say such because I am a student of Dr. King. I believe, as he proclaimed, that there really is but one race, and that is the human race. I believe that all persons were created equal from a base black, as Dr. King put it, to a treble white. He went on to say:

Fleecy locks and black complexion

Cannot forfeit nature's claim;

Skins may differ, but affection

Dwells in White and Black the same.

And, ``Were I so tall as to reach the pole or grasp the ocean at a span, I must be measured by my soul. The mind is the standard of the man'' and woman.

I believe this. Because I believe it, I believe that we all have a responsibility to eliminate this institutionalized racism emanating from the Capitol of the United States of America, institutionalized by the Congress, signed into law by the President, institutionalized by the Senate Russell Office Building.

I love my country. I sing the national anthem. There are some parts of it that we may want to address at some point, but I love my country. I say the Pledge of Allegiance. I love my country. It means something to me to have been born in the United States of America. I just want to make America the beautiful a more beautiful America for all Americans.

I want every little Black baby to grow up in a world where we don't have a self-proclaimed white supremacist honored with our tax dollars on a building built with our tax dollars. They deserve that. I would do it for any other subset of this society. I would stand up for you.

When will we stand up against institutionalized racism emanating from the Capitol of the United States of America?

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding the time.

Madam Speaker, and still I rise. I rise tonight to take a stand on behalf of the pro-choice movement and women who have had to make the choice, women who have had to make this tough decision, this choice.

Let's get the record straight. Henceforth and forevermore, let it be known that you are either pro-choice or you are anti-choice.

It is easy to be anti-choice when you don't have to make the choice. It is easy to be anti-choice when it is not your wife who was raped. It is easy to be anti-choice when it is not your daughter who has had the incestuous relationship, without her permission, I always say. But even with her permission, it is wrong.

It is easy to make the choice when it is not your child or your wife. You can be anti-choice then. But I only wonder how many persons who have been anti-choice, when confronted with having to make this choice, became pro-choice. We will never know. You can be anti-choice before the public and then pro-choice when it serves your purpose.

I sincerely believe, Madam Speaker and Mrs. Fletcher, that the long arm of the law has no place in a woman's womb. This is not where the law belongs. This is the property of a woman, and she should make these decisions herself with those who she has trust in, those who care for her, those who she believes will help her to come to the right conclusions.

I stand for those who are pro-choice. For those who are anti-choice, I say: Thank God you have not had to make the choice.

And still I rise, Madam Speaker. And I rise today reminded that Dr. King addressed this very issue decades ago. He addressed it when he shared his poem with us:

Fleecy locks and black complexion cannot forfeit nature's

claim. Though skin may differ, affection dwells in black and

white the same. And were I so tall as to reach the pole or to

grasp the ocean at a span, I must be measured by my soul

because the mind is the standard of the man and woman.

I have lived enough now, at 74 years, to have seen a time when Black people would bleach their skin. The product was called Bleach and Glow, so that they could be as white as they could get.

I have lived long enough to see them process their hair so that they could make it as straight as they could get it.

I have lived long enough now, however, to see Black people having decided that they are going to be themselves; they are going to wear their hair as they chose; and they are not going to allow themselves to be discriminated against because of it.

I have lived long enough, now, to understand that it is not the color of skin or the texture of hair; it is the character within that determines the worth of men and women.

I have lived long enough to understand that Black people are American people, too. And when you say the American people don't want it, you cannot exclude Black people. Black people would have this be on the floor. This is a kitchen-table issue in Black households because when Johnny comes home and he has been fired because of his hair, that is a kitchen-table issue. That is unemployment. That impacts unemployment.

So we have a duty and obligation to do what we are doing with the understanding that we are going to be ourselves.

Madam Speaker, and still I rise. And I rise today with a very simple message: Those who believe that if we leave the world alone, the world will leave us alone are entirely wrong.

Madam Speaker, the world would find its way to our door as it has done so now with Ukraine.

I had the honor of hearing the President of Ukraine speak this morning, and if there is something I came away with without question it is this: It is that this war is about more than Ukraine. It is about freedom-loving people wherever they may be. It is about people who will not tolerate seeing women and babies being killed live on television. It is about a belief that if you can do something to end an injustice, you have to do it.

This is why I rise today to say, Madam Speaker, that if there is a vote for planes for Ukraine, I will vote to support planes for Ukraine. And I will do so because I believe that this is needed for their defense.

While some would say: But the defense currently would not be planes because they don't have to fight planes--that they are using long-range projectiles to bomb Ukraine--my point is this: Let's not wait until the skies over Ukraine have been darkened with Russian planes before we send the help that they need.

I don't mind the world knowing that we are part of this. I don't think we can allow a standard to be set such that in the future the precedent is if you send in planes you are escalating. I think if we send in planes, we are meeting the challenge that is necessary to defend Ukraine.

Again, those who believe that if we leave the world alone it will leave us alone are entirely wrong. This is about liberty and justice for all; government of the people, by the people, and for the people of Ukraine and the rest of us as well. This is about freedom-loving people wherever they may be.

If there is a vote for planes, then I will vote for planes for Ukraine.

And still I rise, Mr. Speaker. And I rise on this historic occasion to compliment the chairperson and the ranking member of the Foreign Affairs Committee. What they are doing today will be hailed in the annals of history as that which was necessary to help our friends in a time of need.

Mr. Speaker, those who say that if we leave the world alone, the world will leave us alone are wrong. The world will find its way to our door just as it is now because Dr. King's words are so right. Life is an inescapable network of mutuality tied to a single garment of destiny. What impacts one directly impacts all indirectly. What is happening to Ukraine directly impacts us indirectly.

We have a duty, a responsibility, and an obligation to help them and to make sure that when the final word is written, it will be said that we did all that we could to protect democracy.

Mr. Speaker, and still I rise. And I rise today understanding that the greatness of America will not be measured by the number of nuclear-powered submarines we have. Its greatness won't be measured by our B-1 bombers or our number of soldiers in uniform. The greatness of our Nation will be measured by how do you treat the persons who fly the B-1 bombers; how do you treat the persons who will take on the challenges of the world who become the front line of democracy; how do you treat them when they return home? This is how the greatness of America will be measured.

The greatness of America will be measured by what kind of housing do we give them, do we help them to transition from military life to a job in civilian life? The greatness of America will be measured by the kind of insurance that they get so that they can have the best healthcare the world can afford.

This bill, this legislation, among other things, expands healthcare services for a larger group of veterans who were exposed to toxic substances, Agent Orange, for example. Many men have died and suffered and didn't get the healthcare that they earned because we allowed a nebulous notion as to what Agent Orange was doing to them to persist. There is a presumption now.

This bill increases the number of veterans without service-connected disabilities who can receive healthcare. If I had my way, you would get all of your healthcare whether service-connected or not. But I don't have my way. But I am going to support this bill because I want my record to show that when I had the chance to help the veterans, I did what I could, and I voted ``yes.'' I didn't cop out. I stood tall with them. I want my record to show that I came to this floor and encouraged my colleagues to vote ``yes.''

Mr. Speaker, and still I rise, Mr. Speaker, and still I rise, proud to be an American, proud to be a Member of this august body, proud to say that I am a free man, unbought, unbossed, and unafraid, proud to speak truth to power and to speak truth about power, proud that my family who loved me dearly instilled in me a belief that I could do anything that anyone else could do.

But they also taught me that there were obstacles in life, and that you will do some things, Alexander--that is my first name--because of, and you will do a good many things in spite of. And that has been the history of African Americans in this country. We have done a good many things because of people of good will who have befriended us, but we have also done a good many things in spite of people of ill will who have done all that they could to defeat us. But still we rise. Still we rise.

And today, I would like to discuss the topic: If not now, when? If not now, when? And this topic I embrace because of the Supreme Court of the United States of America and the possibility of a person of African ancestry who happens to be a female being appointed. If not now, when?

Let's examine the facts. This is Black History Month. This is Black history. And there are facts that are undeniable, indisputable, incorruptible.

Here are the facts, and here is why we find ourselves giving this speech today, making these statements today. Here are the facts. We have had a total number of Presidents of 45. Forty-five Presidents of the United States, one of color. One of color. Forty-five, one of color. Number of women, zero, of any color, any persuasion.

The Presidency of the United States has been an all-male institution, and for the most part, overwhelmingly so, it has been a White male institution. Just the facts. That is all.

Forty-five, one of color, zero women.

Now, there are some people who find it offensive to hear facts. They find these facts to somehow cause them some degree of consternation. My dear friends, can you imagine how these facts impact people of color? How they feel, knowing that we have had 45 Presidents, but only one of color? How these facts impact women? Forty-five Presidents, not one woman?

So if it causes you some degree of consternation, just imagine what it does to people who happen to be women. Forty-five men, zero women.

Now, let's take a look at the Senate. If not now, when? Let's look at the Senate. Total number of Senators in the United States of America. The total number is 1,944. 1,944 persons have had the honor, privilege, and pleasure of serving in the United States Senate. And it is a preeminent privilege, a superlative pleasure, and a splendiferous honor to serve in the United States Senate. 1,944 have had this great, singular honor.

Number of men: 1,886. 1,944 total Senators. Total men: 1,886.

Let's look at the number of men of color: 27. Number of women: 58. Number of White men: 1,857. The Senate has been around for over 200 years. For over 200 years--in fact, more than 230 years--we can say that the Senate has been overwhelmingly White and overwhelmingly White men.

There are some people who find it uncomfortable to hear these things said. Can you imagine how it must make these persons who have been excluded from the Senate, can you imagine how they feel? Can you imagine what they think when they would want to know that their children could have served in the Senate or had the opportunities that others have had? Yes, these are opportunities that have been denied some people.

I love my country. It means something to me to be an American. I believe that we ought to have liberty and justice for all. That is why I do all that I can to make it real. I want to make real the great and noble American ideals, government of the people, by the people, and for the people. That has got to include all of the people. All persons are created equal. That has got to include all persons.

Number of men: 1,886.

Now, the Senate of the United States of America is the institution that confirms persons who will be on the Supreme Court. So for over 200 years, we have had White men making the nominations--Presidents, remember 45, White men for the most part; one, Barack Obama, a recent addition to the august club--White men have been nominating. And White men have been nominating other White men. White men nominating other White men. 1,886 White men confirming other White men.

This is Black History Month. If not now, when will we tell the truth about what is going on?

Let's now look at the Supreme Court itself. The Supreme Court, the highest court in the land. First assembled in 1790, more than 200 years ago, more than 230 years ago, more than 232 years ago, 233-plus some months to be exact. Since this date when the Court was first assembled, we have had a total number of 115 justices. On the first court there were 6. Total number of 115 justices. The number of men: 110. 110 men. Number of women: 5. Number of Black women: Zero. 230-plus years, 115 persons nominated and approved to the Supreme Court, 110 of them men. Number of women: 5. Number of Black women: Zero.

If not now, when? When? We have had 200-plus years to appoint an African-American female to the Court. If not now, when?

Well, Congressman Green, Black women haven't been qualified. Really? If you believe that, there is nothing wrong with Congressman Green, there is something wrong with you.

Over this period of time, we have had 40 persons to serve on the Supreme Court who haven't been lawyers; 40 nonlawyers. Over this period of time, we have had justices who had no undergraduate degree; 5 no undergraduate degree; 40 not lawyers.

The rules apply as they are applied, and the rules have been flexible. By the way, there is no requirement that you be a lawyer to serve on the Supreme Court of the United States of America.

Mr. Speaker, 40 nonlawyers, 5 persons with no degree at all; yet, not one Black woman on the Supreme Court. There are people who don't want this subject embraced. They don't want it discussed because they would like to kind of see this happen, somehow it just occurs and everybody lives happily ever after.

A lot of suffering has taken place to get to this point, and we ought not allow the truth about the consequences of being Black to escape us. It is just true that color has been a barrier to some people being on the Supreme Court--zero Black women, 115 Justices.

If not now, when? When will we have a President who has the courage to do what should have been done many years ago. I thank God for President Biden, a man of his word and a man of courage. Courage makes the difference.

There were great orators when Dr. King lived. There were persons who understood the issues as well as, and some who understood the issues better than Dr. King. What separated Dr. King from his contemporaries was his courage. He had the courage to do what others were afraid to do. They wouldn't speak up. They wouldn't speak out. Because they knew there were consequences for speaking up and speaking out. But Dr. King had the courage to look faith in the eye and say, I will do that which others could do, and some might even do better, but I will do it. He had the courage. So did John Lewis.

It was courage. This separates those who can do yet don't do from those who get things done.

President Biden made a commitment. President Biden is honoring his commitment. Others have appointed persons to the Court because of who they were. This woman who will be appointed is not going to be a person without credentials. She will be a person who is prepared. She will be a person who is going to serve us well, and she will be a person who will make a difference on a court that over 200 years has had 115 Justices, not one of them a Black woman; 115 Justices and not one a Black woman over some 230-plus years. If not now, when?

Now is the time. President Biden is the person, and we are the people who ought to want to see it happen. I don't have a candidate that I am pushing. I refuse to push a candidate, but I don't refuse to tell the truth about the circumstances that exists.

Mr. Speaker, just to make things perspicuously clear:

First assembled, 1790, Supreme Court.

Number of Justices on the first court, 6.

Total number of Justices since 1790, 115.

Total number of men, 110.

Five women, not one Black woman.

And let us not forget that the Senate of the United States of America has had a total of 1,944 persons, and 1,886 of them have been men; 45 Presidents, not one woman.

What we have here is the definition of the good old boys club. The good old boys. White men who took care of other White men in the sense that they were supporting each other. White men were nominating, White men were approving, and White men got the job. This is the good old boys club. But we are breaking up the good old boys club. Diversity is breaking up the good old boys club. And many of the good old boys are not happy. They like things the way they were when their club was exclusively White and male.

I don't support the good old boys club. I am a free man, unbought, unbossed, and unafraid. Speak truth to power and about power. This is about power. This is about the good old boys club that has had its own form of affirmative action, exclusionary affirmative action. Over 200 years of excluding, and you want to now complain that there is a possibility that one Black woman may be on the Court? And it upsets a good many persons to know that a Black woman may be on the Court.

Mr. Speaker, 230-plus years. If not now, when? And if not this President, which President? I love my country. I believe that change is that which we bring about. Yes, the arc of the moral universe bends toward justice, as Dr. King put it, but it bends toward justice because we put our hand on the arc of the moral universe and we use our strength and our might and our willpower to bend it toward justice. Not just for some, but for all. We, the people, includes all of the people.

Mr. Speaker, I look forward to seeing this great day when there will be the first African-American female on the Court, and I assure you that I will never forget the President who made it happen. If not now, when?

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.