Madam Speaker, let me begin by thanking my colleague Congresswoman Maxine Waters, the gentlewoman from California, for organizing this very important special order tonight. Let me just say to you, Congresswoman Waters, your clear voice and…
Madam Speaker, let me begin by thanking my colleague Congresswoman Maxine Waters, the gentlewoman from California, for organizing this very important special order tonight. Let me just say to you, Congresswoman Waters, your clear voice and your sound judgment as the co-founder of the Out of Iraq Caucus has helped guide this antiwar movement, not only here in the House of Representatives, but throughout the country.
Your boldness and your vision in organizing those of us who knew that this war was wrong from day one in putting together over, what, some 77 members now of the Out of Iraq Caucus, I have to salute you and thank you for that, because we will never go back again. All we can do is go forward to try to end this occupation and try to prevent another preemptive war against Iran.
It is very timely that Congresswoman Waters has called us here tonight to sound the alarm on Iran. It is truly disturbing to me to hear many of the same drumbeats on this administration 's march to war with Iran as we saw 5 years ago in the run-up to the war in Iraq. So I want to provide just a little bit of history on Iraq to draw out some of these parallels, in the hope that they will provide Congress and the American people with a clear warning signal.
Madam Speaker, this discussion is also timely today because today is April 15th, and millions of Americans across our country are right now racing the clock to beat the tax filing deadline. Lots of them are asking, how much do they owe and what is the government doing with their money?
One answer, Madam Speaker, is that in the last 5 years, this administration has spent nearly a half trillion dollars on the Iraq war and occupation. This Iraq tax, and that is what it is, an Iraq tax, comes out to approximately $16,500 for every American family of four. Has the tax been worth it? Let's look at what we have gotten in exchange.
More than 4,000 of the Nation's best and bravest have been killed. More than 30,000 others have been wounded, many suffering permanent and debilitating injuries. Tens of thousands of innocent Iraqi civilians have died, and millions have been internally displaced or sought refuge in neighboring countries. Meanwhile, the occupation of
Iraq has caused serious damage to America's international reputation and created a generation, mind you, a generation of future enemies incensed by the endless occupation of their country by a foreign power.
Madam Speaker, compounding the folly of this strategic blunder, the $500 billion which American taxpayers already have spent on this occupation is now undermining our ability to finance the investments needed to address the pressing domestic needs of the American people and to revive our sagging economy. Given what the Iraq tax has brought American families, and this $500 billion is quickly mounting to almost $3 trillion very soon, is anyone really surprised that the American people are angry and demanding change?
The saddest aspect of this whole story and this whole episode, Madam Speaker, is it did not have to be that way. Along with 125 of my colleagues, a substantial majority of House Democrats, I opposed the war, like Congresswoman Waters did, from the beginning, and we voted against the resolution authorizing the use of military force.
I offered an amendment Congresswoman Waters supported, we got 72 votes during that period, to the original use of force resolution to prohibit the administration, remember this, Congresswoman Waters, we tried, we tried, we did everything we could do to try to keep the administration from taking military action until the United Nations could complete their inspections and confirm that Saddam Hussein's regime indeed possessed weapons of mass destruction which it intended to use against us or to give to our sworn enemies.
Had the Lee amendment been adopted, we would have learned much sooner and at far less cost what the whole world knew, that evidentially we didn't know, but some of us knew, but the whole world now knows, including the American people, that Iraq did not pose an imminent threat to the United States, was not involved in the September 11th attacks, had no ties to al Qaeda and had no weapons of mass destruction.
The war and occupation has also exacted an awful toll on our military force, our structure, our readiness, and the men and women in uniform and their families. General Richard Cody, the Army Vice Chief of Staff, testified before the Congress that the Army is out of balance. The current demand of our forces in Iraq and Afghanistan exceeds the substantial supply and limits our ability to provide ready forces for other contingencies.
Because of this administration's mistake, tens of thousands of servicemen and women have been required to undertake lengthy deployments into the war zone, two, three, and some even four times. This has placed enormous strain on them and their families and increased their risk of struggling with mental health issues, including when they return home many, many post-traumatic stress issues that we have never seen before. Nearly 60,000 veterans of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have been diagnosed with posttraumatic stress disorder, and most experts in the field believe the numbers could be much higher.
Some may ask, why is it necessary to review this history? Well, as the old saying goes, those who forget history are doomed to repeat it. The other reason for reviewing this history is because it goes straight to the veracity and the credibility of this administration that brought us this debacle and which may be maneuvering to reprise its strategic and geopolitical incompetence by taking preemptive military action against Iran.
If you listen carefully, you can hear the same distant drumbeats of a coming war with Iran. The signs are very familiar. Nearly on a daily basis we read or hear these from the administration, and let me just repeat a few of these drumbeats that we hear.
They say Iran is the single greatest threat to the stability in Iraq, although when I asked General Petraeus last week if Iran was in Iraq 5 years ago, he said they weren't really ``kissing cousins.'' I think that is what his comment was. No, Iran was not in Iraq 5 years ago.
Iran is building nuclear weapons.
Iran is killing American soldiers in Iraq, arming, training and funding insurgents and terrorists.
Iran is interfering with the peace process in the Middle East.
I am reminded how the administration sent General Colin Powell, do you remember that, Congresswoman Waters, the Secretary of State, by far the most effective and respective spokesman, before the United Nations Security Council to make the case to the world that Iraq posed an imminent threat to regional peace and security. The case presented by General Powell accomplished its mission, but its factual foundation rested on falsehoods, misinformation and speculation masquerading as evidence. To this day, General Powell regards his performance that day as really a mark on an otherwise distinguished career of public service to our Nation.
General Petraeus is the 2008 version, quite frankly, of General Powell. He inspires more confidence than President Bush and is far more credible than Vice President Cheney. But so did General Powell inspire and bring this credibility to this administration, and he turned out to be wrong; terribly wrong.
Again last week, General Petraeus testified that Iranian-backed so- called special groups posed the greatest long-term threat to the viability of a Democratic Iraq. He testified that it was these groups that launched Iranian rockets and mortar rounds at Iraq's seat of government two weeks ago, causing loss of innocent life and fear in the capital and requiring Iraqi and coalition actions in response.
This is starting to sound like the groundwork being laid for the need to take defensive action against Iran. This is unacceptable. We should not be looking for an excuse to attack Iran. Congress should not stand for yet another so-called preemptive military strike, and we should take action to clearly prohibit any such attempt against Iran.
As I stated, we have been down this road before. We have learned a simple truth from five hard and bitter years in Iraq. No unjust war ever produced a just and lasting peace. It has not worked in Iraq. It will not work in Iran.
What is needed is not another rush to unwarranted, unnecessary and misguided military action, but rather a strong diplomatic surge for peace and reconciliation. And, yes, I do believe that a nuclear-armed Iran poses a danger. I believe we need to move forward with nonproliferation efforts, including looking at our own arsenal of nuclear weapons in our own country. Nuclear weapons should not be an option at this point, given the dangers of the world. So we need to address nuclear nonproliferation in the context of a strong diplomatic initiative.
One of the most important first steps we should take is to have direct, comprehensive and unconditional bilateral talks with Iran. To facilitate this goal, it is imperative for the administration to show that it is serious in this endeavor by appointing a special envoy. I think we need to appoint a special person, an individual who does nothing but ensure that we move forward to reduce the tensions in the region, and this envoy should receive the necessary support to carry out his or her mandate.
That is why I introduced H.R. 5056, the Iran Diplomatic Accountability Act of 2008. Among other things, this bill directs the President to appoint a high level envoy empowered to conduct direct, unconditional, bilateral negotiations with Iran for the purpose of easing tensions and normalizing relations between the United States and Iran. No one says this is going to be easy, but we must start somewhere.
The latest National Intelligence Estimate released last week representing the consensus view of our 16 intelligence agencies clearly indicates that Iran is nowhere close to having nuclear weapons capability. The NIE assessment underscores why it is critical for Congress to ensure that this administration's saber rattling against Iran does not turn into a march to war. We have been down this path before.
Madam Speaker, in conclusion, the last 5 years in Iraq demonstrates the folly of rushing off to start a war. We don't need another war in Iran. We need to end the war in Iraq and fully fund the redeployment of American troops so that they may be reunited with their families in the United States. We need to use our funds to support them, protect them, and bring
them home. And we need to begin to move forward to address the real issues with regard to Iran and begin to take the military option off of the table, because our President, this country always has the military option, and it makes no sense to use this or to talk about it if we truly intend to reduce tensions and look for some form of global peace and security.
Thank you, again, Congresswoman Waters for calling us together today.
I, too, want to commend the gentlelady from Texas for raising some of the constitutional issues that we have to grapple with each and every day.
I would like to talk briefly about the issue of the preemptive strike which is central to this administration's foreign and military policy.
In essence what the Bush administration has decided is that it is all right, and actually it is their standard, to be able to use force not necessarily in the face of an imminent threat, but it is all right and it is a policy of this administration to be able to use force to prevent a future perceived threat. All of this is couched in this global war on terror where oftentimes they believe they do have a blank check to use force wherever they want to go in the world.
When you look at what they are trying to do now in Iraq with regard to the security agreements, they are trying to negotiate a permanent military presence in Iraq without even coming back to Congress to try to get the authority to do that. I think minimally, and we have several bills that have been introduced into this body, that basically just say before the administration decides to use force or take military actions or strike Iran, minimally they must come to Congress to seek authorization.
Well, for the life of me, this is the People's House. I cannot figure out why we cannot have a resolution as basic as that come to this body so we can pass that. I think that should be a minimum standard to protect the American people from first of all what could be total chaos. Secondly, when you just look at the expenditure of resources and what a possible preemptive strike could cost as it relates to Iran in terms of treasury, blood, our young men and women and also our financial resources. We may just be a few voices in the wilderness crying out tonight, but we are crying out very loudly and asking the American people to look at these signs because as Congresswoman Waters said, we are sounding the alarm so we can stop what appears to be on the horizon.