Floor Statements

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Veterans' Affairs be discharged and the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of H.R. 3672.

I further ask that the bill be considered read a third time and passed and the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate Committee on Veterans' Affairs be discharged and the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of S. 475.

I further ask that the bill be considered read a third time and passed and the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table, with no intervening action or debate.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to consideration of S. Res. 297, which was submitted earlier today.

I ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table, with no intervening action or debate.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to consideration of S. Res. 298, which is at the desk.

I ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table, with no intervening action or debate.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Veterans' Affairs be discharged from further consideration of S. 1096 and the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration.

I ask unanimous consent that the Hassan substitute amendment be considered and agreed to; that the bill, as amended, be read a third time and passed; and that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of Calendar No. 101, S. 112.

I ask unanimous consent that the bill be considered read a third time and passed and that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it adjourn to then convene for pro forma session only, with no business being conducted, at 9:30 a.m. on Friday, July 14, 2023; further, that when the Senate adjourns on Friday, July 14, it stand adjourned until 3 p.m. on Tuesday, July 18; that on Tuesday, following the prayer and pledge, the Journal of proceedings be approved to date, the morning hour be deemed expired, the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day, and morning business be closed; that following the conclusion of morning business, the Senate proceed to executive session to resume consideration of the Bloomekatz nomination, postcloture; further, that all postcloture time be considered expired at 5:30 p.m. and that, if the nomination is confirmed, the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table and the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action.

Mr. President, for the information of the Senate, Members should expect two rollcall votes beginning at 5:30 p.m. on Tuesday.

Mr. President, if there is no further business to come before the Senate, I ask that the Senate stand adjourned under the previous order, following the remarks of the Senator from Virginia.

I ask for the yeas and nays.

I ask for the yeas and nays.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the following interns in Senator Boozman's office be granted floor privileges until July 31, 2023: Heath Brandt, Mary Eichenberger, and Ryan Munley.

Mr. President, earlier this week, we commemorated the 158th Juneteenth, which celebrates the liberation of the last remaining enslaved Black Americans at the end of the Civil War. On this date in 1865, U.S. Army Maj. Gen. Gordon Granger arrived in a Confederate outpost in Galveston, TX, where he delivered the news to 250,000 still- enslaved Texans that all slaves were free.

Though President Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863, the final emancipation of African-American slaves was not reached until 2 years later, with the end of the Civil War and then ratification of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution.

African-American communities have celebrated Juneteenth as Emancipation Day as far back as 1886 in Texas, but it was not until June 2021 that Congress voted to make Juneteenth a Federal holiday, which President Biden signed into law.

Maryland has had its own complicated history when it comes to the abolition of slavery. Indeed, President Lincoln limited the application of the Emancipation Proclamation only to States that had seceded from the Union during the Civil War. Maryland itself was divided on the issue of slavery in the Civil War.

According to the 1860 census numbers taken before the Civil War, Maryland's population contained almost an equal number of free and enslaved African Americans. Slavery had deep roots in Southern Maryland and Eastern Shore. As described by the University of Maryland historian Ira Berlin, the ``Free State'' even saw cases of its own households divided, where brothers were fighting in battle on different sides of the Civil War.

Baltimore was growing into a center of trade and industry. It was populated by a mostly free workforce, with one of the largest urban populations of free Blacks in the United States, larger than in Philadelphia or New York, Professor Berlin said. And it was the political epicenter of the Maryland abolition movement, with a leading newspaper, the Baltimore American, instrumental in the push to end slavery.

But outside the city, in the vast agricultural areas of Southern Maryland and the Eastern Shore, slavery was a way of life, much as it was in the rest of the White South, where tobacco was giving way to labor-intensive crops such as cotton, rice, and sugar.

Professor Berlin goes on to say:

Southern Maryland was certainly a southern state; it is

agriculture, plantations . . . in some ways it is not much

different from Mississippi, both in size and in their

lucrative nature. Slaveholders' determination to maintain

their human property was a crucial element in the white

southern culture.

Let me just go on and point out, other large swaths of Maryland, from Prince George's to Montgomery County, north to Frederick and west, were also pro-slavery, although Frederick itself was a divided community.

After the Civil War broke out, President Lincoln called for soldiers to be raised from the militias of the States in order to put down the insurrection. According to an account from the National Park Service:

These troops were to be transported to Washington, D.C., so

that they might protect the Capitol. At this time, the most

efficient means to transport such large numbers of men was by

rail, and the only routes to Washington passed through

Baltimore.

Marylanders were divided in their sympathies. While many

disliked the idea of secession, they felt that it was a

state's right to secede from the union if it chose to. Many

also felt that Maryland should not permit troops to pass

through the state to attack a sister state, and others

mistrusted the President's intentions, suspecting that the

troops would be used to force Maryland to remain in the

Union.

On April 19, 1861, only five days after the surrender of

Fort Sumter, the situation in Baltimore exploded into

violence. The 6th Massachusetts Infantry arrived at the

President Street Station and began the process of changing

trains. The cars were disconnected and pulled by horses down

Pratt Street to Camden Station. As the process continued, a

crowd gathered and with each moment it became more and more

unruly. All but two of the cars had been transferred when the

crowd blocked the tracks with timbers and anchors.

The two cars returned to the President Street Station and

the soldiers disembarked to the howls and jeers of the mob.

The troops then marched back down Pratt Street, led by a man

carrying a rebel flag, and followed by the mob. At Gay Street

some of the mob began tearing up paving stones and throwing

them at the soldiers. Other men were seen brandishing pistols

and muskets. Someone fired a shot.

The frightened officers ordered the troops to fire into the

crowd. This angered the mob further, and they began to attack

the soldiers with considerable ferocity. Citizens threw

stones and bricks and fired shots at the soldiers. The

soldiers returned the fire. Rioters, soldiers, and innocent

bystanders fell dead and wounded. The Mayor bravely attempted

to stop the battle without success. Then the police arrived.

[Baltimore police intervened and placed policemen] between

the two groups and escorted the troops to Camden Station,

where they boarded the train and left Baltimore. The Pratt

Street Riot was over. The riot resulted in the first casualty

list of the war. Eight rioters, one innocent bystander and

three soldiers were killed, twenty four soldiers and an

unknown number of civilians wounded.

The city of Baltimore was later placed under military rule, with military positions strengthened in Federal Hill and Fort McHenry. As you see, we had divided paths in our State and in Baltimore.

Maryland later very narrowly approved a constitutional amendment in 1864 which abolished slavery, by a vote of over 30,000 to just under 30,000. Soldiers voted both in person and by absentee ballot, but Marylanders supporting or fighting for the Confederacy who would not sign loyalty oaths were not permitted to vote. This amendment took effect in November of 1864, just a few months before Congress proposed the 13th Amendment to the Constitution in January of 1865, which was ratified in December of 1865.

On a holiday that celebrates our fundamental right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness for all Americans, it is important to remember that those rights have not and are not always applied equally to every American. Redlining, health disparities, police brutality, and other areas of disenfranchisement are relics of our Nation's original sin and the Jim Crow laws that followed. These inequalities shape the African-American experience today.

Celebrating Juneteenth, or Freedom Day, means not only celebrating the victory but also understanding and reconciling with the hard truths. This Freedom Day comes at a time when there have been targeted attacks on facts and truth. Censoring textbooks, banning conversations about race and gender, and misrepresenting the truth systematically sanitizes our Nation's history.

As a society, we must stand together to resist hiding from the darkest parts of our past. Confronting a difficult past and having an uncomfortable conversation allows us to better address issues of inequality head-on so we can move forward, creating a culture of inclusion and belonging.

As we join the country in recognizing the importance of this anniversary, we should also celebrate how far we have come. In my home State of Maryland, for the first time ever, the first Black Governor, the first Black attorney general, and the first Black speaker of the house are all serving at the same time. The election of Vice President Kamala Harris and the appointment of Supreme Court Justice Jackson show that this country more broadly wants to see the diversity of America reflected in the highest levels of government.

Embracing diversity is in the best interest of our country. It is how we get landmark legislation like the Civil Rights Act, the Voting Rights Act, and President Biden's historic Executive order to advance effective, accountable policing and strengthen public safety.

My faith teaches me that we have a responsibility to make the world a better place. That can only be done through civility, understanding, and respecting each other. As we come together to participate in a longstanding tradition of celebrating freedom, let us also celebrate knowledge, hope, and continuing to work toward a more perfect Union and a better future for every American as promised by the preamble to our Constitution.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Madam President, I have five requests for committees to meet during today's session of the Senate. They have the approval of the Majority and Minority Leaders.

Pursuant to rule XXVI, paragraph 5(a), of the Standing Rules of the Senate, the following committees are authorized to meet during today's session of the Senate:

Mr. President, I take this time--and I will be making a unanimous consent request in regards to the superintendent of U.S. Naval Academy, but I first want to acknowledge my responsibilities on behalf of this body.

You see, I serve on the Board of Visitors of the United States Naval Academy. I was selected to be one of the Senate representatives on the U.S. Naval Academy Board of Visitors. We are extremely proud of what that academy has produced, and today it is producing the next generation of military leaders. It is consistently ranked as one of the top colleges in the United States, and it should be for training the next generation of leaders for our military.

I will just give you one example. The U.S. Naval Academy is prepared to deal with the challenges of AI and cyber security. It has new facilities there and is training experts to help defend our national security in that regard.

I also want to acknowledge on behalf of the Board of Visitors Admiral Buck, the current superintendent, who is retiring. He has done an incredible service to our Nation as the superintendent of the U.S. Naval Academy and now has completed 40 years of service to this country.

Rear Admiral Yvette Davids is exceptionally qualified to be the next superintendent of the U.S. Naval Academy. Admiral Davids is a career professional military officer who has sworn an oath to support and defend the Constitution and our country. She has consistently put service before self and the Constitution before politics.

Admiral Davids graduated from the U.S. Naval Academy in 1989 with a B.S. in oceanography and was commissioned as an ensign. She later received an M.A. in national security and strategic studies from the Naval War College in 2002 and an M.S. in national resource strategy from the Industrial College of the Armed Forces in 2012.

She has had a distinguished career at sea, highlighted by commanding multiple U.S. warships as well as a carrier strike group. Ashore, she has served in increasing roles of importance, including as a senior military adviser at the State Department and as the chief of staff at U.S. Southern Command.

Admiral Davids has led men and women in combat, and her extensive experience will be vital to leading our next generation of officers at the Naval Academy.

Admiral Davids' confirmation as the next superintendent will be the culmination of a 34-year career dedicated to defending our country, and it will be historic, as she will become the first woman to lead the Naval Academy.

The incoming class of 2027 reports to the Naval Academy for induction on June 29, just a few days from now, and the fall semester begins on August 24. Admiral Davids should be confirmed as superintendent without delay in order to complete the turnover with the ongoing superintendent and prepare for the fall semester.

The last time the Naval Academy superintendent did not have a summer change of command was over 59 years ago. It occurred in 1964 when the incumbent superintendent had a heart attack that resulted in early retirement.

The Senate needs to confirm the promotion of Rear Admiral Davids now. The U.S. Naval Academy superintendent is charged with the moral, mental, and physical development of our 4,500 U.S. Naval Academy midshipmen across four classes who represent roughly one-third of the naval officers we commission each fiscal year. The position provides direct oversight to the commandant of midshipmen, who serves as the dean of students and supervises all military and professional development training of the brigade of midshipmen, and direct oversight to the civilian academic dean, who manages the academic programs and student facilities at the U.S. Naval Academy.

The superintendent is the public face of a premier academic institution and consistently hosts government officials, international symposiums, and liaises directly with alumni and distinguished Members of Congress on all matters pertinent to the institution.

If Rear Admiral Davids is not confirmed, it would force potential courses of action that are not in the best interests of the institution. This could include having the O-6 commandant of midshipmen act as superintendent or temporarily assigning another flag officer to act as superintendent. Neither of these options provides the continuity and leadership and seniority required to oversee a world-class academic institution. The other option could be to require an involuntary extension of the current superintendent of the academy, who has already selflessly served his country for over 40 years.

I think we all recognize that the United States Naval Academy is a unique institution. It provides us the trained leadership for future generations in our military. It is an academic institution that needs the full-time attention of a CEO to manage all the aspects that go on at the Naval Academy. We need to have that person in place before the beginning of this academic year, which is just a few days off.

Delaying this promotion will adversely affect the morale and readiness of the Naval Academy and beyond. Delaying this promotion is unfair to the young men and women already at or entering the Naval Academy who have signed up to put themselves in harm's way to serve our Nation in uniform. Delaying this promotion is a gratuitous, self- inflicted wound to our national security.

So, Mr. President, I am going to make this unanimous consent request. I do that, as I said earlier, with my experience on the Board of Visitors representing this institution, charged with doing everything we can to make sure we are as supportive as possible to our men and women who wear the uniform of this Nation and to those attending the U.S. Naval Academy.

I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of the following nomination: Calendar No. 192, Rear Admiral Yvette Anne Davids, to be vice admiral; that the Senate vote on the nomination without any intervening action or debate; that, if confirmed, the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table, and the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action.

Mr. President.

Mr. President, obviously I am deeply disappointed by the objection being heard here. I really feel compelled to explain one factor of my colleague's comments.

We don't want the military involved in politics. We do everything we can to keep them insulated from the internal politics of the Congress, the Senate and the House, and that is exactly what my colleague is doing by this hold.

We are responsible to make sure that we support our men and women in harm's way. Having the military academies properly managed is part of our responsibility so that they have the tools they need to defend our Nation.

One last point that was mentioned by my colleague about having up-or- down votes on these nominations, that he would not hold that up. Well, he is. He is requiring the break of a filibuster. What he is suggesting is that he is not letting us have an up-or-down vote. That is what my unanimous consent request would have allowed. My unanimous consent request would have allowed us to have an up-or-down vote on the nomination so we don't have to go through a cloture motion, which is exactly what my colleague is suggesting we need to go through, in order to vote on hundreds of these promotions within the military; that if we followed the course he is suggesting, those plebes who are entering this month at the Naval Academy will be in their second year before we get around to voting on that nomination.

So for all those reasons, I regret that we are playing politics with our military and affecting our ability to defend our Nation.

I yield the floor.