Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, throughout the month of February, I would like to recognize outstanding African Americans of the 2nd Congressional District of Mississippi, and their contribution to Black History. The 23 counties of the 2nd District are well represented from both a local and national perspective.

Americans have recognized black history annually since 1926, first as ``Negro History Week'' and later as ``Black History Month.'' In fact, black history had barely begun to be studied--or even documented--when the tradition originated. Although blacks have been in America as far back as colonial times, it was not until the 20th century that they gained a presence in our history books.

Though scarcely documented in history books, if at all, the crucial role African Americans have played in the development of our nation must not be overlooked.

I would like to recognize Ms. Timaka Jones and Mr. Lawrence Browder of Humphreys County in the State of Mississippi. Ms. Jones and Mr. Browder are unique in that they are one of the few father and daughter duos, elected officials in the State of Mississippi. Before Jones began her political career, she assisted her father in becoming the first African American elected to the Office of Chancery Clerk in Humphreys County. Prior to Mr. Browder being elected Chancery Clerk, he was the first African-American Alderman in the City of Belzoni, where he served for 9 years.

As the daughter of a political father, Ms. Jones was influenced to spread her wings. After being requisitioned by former-Supervisor Arvell Bullock, she announced her candidacy for Justice Court Judge. In 1999, she won this office, being the first and youngest African-American Justice Court Judge in Humphreys County. In 2003 she fulfilled her ambition to become the first female African American Circuit Clerk.

Ms. Timaka Jones and Mr. Lawrence Browder have both been influential in helping others who have decided to run for political office in Humphreys County.

I take great pride in recognizing and paying tribute to these outstanding African Americans of the 2nd Congressional District of Mississippi who deserve mention, not only in the month of February but year round.

Mr. Speaker, throughout the month of February, I would like to recognize outstanding African Americans of the 2nd Congressional District of Mississippi, and their contribution to Black History. The 23 counties of the 2nd District are well represented from both a local and national perspective.

Americans have recognized black history annually since 1926, first as ``Negro History Week'' and later as ``Black History Month.'' In fact, black history had barely begun to be studied--or even documented--when the tradition originated. Although blacks have been in America as far back as colonial times, it was not until the 20th century that they gained a presence in our history books.

Though scarcely documented in history books, if at all, the crucial role African Americans have played in the development of our nation must not be overlooked.

I would like to recognize Mrs. Mildred J. Cain Burks, of Carroll County, Mississippi. Though small of stature, Burks was very powerful in her speech and way of life. Ms. Burks founded the Senior Citizens Lunch Program and the Boys and Girls Club in Carroll County. In addition, Ms. Burks, along with her husband, Winston Burks, started the Burks No. 506 Order of the Eastern Star.

Ms. Burks was a member of the NAACP for many years and very active during the civil rights movement of the 1960s. Ms. Burks was a very humble and dedicated woman with a purpose. She worked tirelessly for the betterment of her community especially with the younger generation.

It is with this vision that she purchased property for the children in the community to use as a park for them to play. Although she had no children, she felt she was blessed to have so many children in the community that were just like her own. Despite chronic health problems, she never gave up in trying to make a difference in the community. One of her last quotes was, ``I am not as fast as I used to be, but I'll do what I call. I have no regrets of what I've done in my life or how I used my time.''

I take great pride in recognizing and paying tribute to this outstanding African American of the 2nd Congressional District of Mississippi who deserves mention, not only in the month of February but year round.

Mr. Chairman, a better amendment title for this amendment would be The Bounty Hunter Act of 2005.

The amendment gives bail bondsmen authority to round up illegal immigrants and to have them deported without any sort of hearing or due process rights. This amendment would not make our homeland any safer or keep terrorists out. Instead, it would endanger civil rights and create fear in the immigrant community. We should not outsource the Department of Homeland Security's job to a bunch of bounty hunters.

As already has been said, the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 has very similar language to this amendment. And for those Members who have not suffered from the ills of slavery and what people went through, I want to share and encourage you to look at this amendment very clearly before it comes to a vote.

Let us give the Department of Homeland Security the 2,000 employees that we authorized for border security, not 2,000 bounty hunters. This is not a reality program. People will not be watching it on TV. We are turning over the Department of Homeland Security's enforcement responsibility to bounty hunters, people who have no training whatsoever, who absolutely can and possibly will infringe on civil rights of the people of this country.

Mr. Chairman, I encourage absolute opposition to this amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Chairman, the Republican majority claims that this bill is an effort to prevent terrorists from entering the United States, not an effort to play partisan politics over immigration reform. I would like to take them at their word, but if this bill really were about keeping terrorists out of the country, why is the Republican majority not talking about the real threats of terrorists' entry? Why is the Republican majority not concerned about the complete lack of an interagency border security plan? And why does the President's budget not fully fund the mandates in the 9/11 intelligence bill, which we passed and he signed a few short months ago? Why sign a bill if you have no intention of actually funding the items in the bill?

Mr. Chairman, just one example: The President's budget only provides for 210

new border patrol agents, even though the 9/11 intelligence bill authorized up to 2,000. We have caught at least one suspected terrorist who illegally waded across the Rio Grande. Why is the Republican majority not talking about the failure of this administration to ensure that our frontline officers are able to check suspicious individuals against a comprehensive terrorist watch list?

More than 3 years after 9/11, why are more of our frontline personnel using obsolete name-checking systems, that have trouble telling the difference between ``bin Laden'' and ``Lyndon?'' Is this real security? Does this make America safer?

This bill wholly fails to address these and other critical gaps in our border security. The bill focuses on people already in the United States instead of keeping terrorists out.

The one aspect of this bill that seems directed at keeping people out of the United States is section 102. I understand this section originated from a desire to complete approximately 3 miles of a 14-mile fence along the border near San Diego. Let me be clear: I am not against building a fence, but I do not think a fence will keep terrorists out of America.

Homeland security expert Stephen Flynn, who is a retired commander of the U.S. Coast Guard, and Jeane Kirkpatrick, Senior Fellow in National Security Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations, testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that ``Great powers have been building great walls throughout history. The Great Wall of China and the Berlin Wall went up at considerable expense and treasure and ultimately failed to block or contain the forces they purported to obstruct.''

Mr. Flynn says that efforts by the United States to ``protect'' the southwest border, including installing a fence between San Diego and Tijuana, are similarly fated to fail.

Mr. Chairman, it is clear that this is not a good bill, and we are completely in opposition to it.

Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lofgren).

Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Menendez), the chairman of the Democratic Caucus,

Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Reyes), someone who has significant knowledge about border patrol agents.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to recognize the life and legacy of Mr. James Forman, former executive secretary for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. In tribute to Mr. Forman, I would like to submit the following excerpt from the Washington Post Article, Civil Rights Activist James Forman Dies at 76; Key Organizer of SNCC, written by Joe Holley on Wednesday, January 12, 2005.

James Forman, 76, who as executive secretary of the Student

Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in the early 1960s

dispatched cadres of organizers, demonstrators and Freedom

Riders into the most dangerous redoubts of the Deep South,

died January 10 of colon cancer at Washington House, a local

hospice.

At the height of the civil rights movement, Mr. Forman

hammered out a role for SNCC among the so-called Big Five,

the established civil rights organizations that included the

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People,

the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund, the Congress of

Racial Equality and the Southern Christian Leadership

Conference. SNCC in those years was the edgier, more

aggressive organization, pushing the South specifically and

the nation generally toward change.

On numerous occasions, Mr. Forman himself was harassed,

beaten and jailed during forays to register voters and

organize protests in communities willing to use any means

necessary, including terror, intimidation and murder, to

resist the dismantling of the region's rigid system of

segregation.

``Accumulating experiences with Southern `law and order'

were turning me into a full-fledged revolutionary,'' Mr.

Forman wrote, recalling his experiences of 1962 and 1963.

Although he moved increasingly leftward during his years at

SNCC, he was edged out of the organization in the late 1960s

when Stokely Carmichael, H. Rap Brown and other, younger

members considered him insufficiently militant.

When Mr. Forman joined SNCC in 1961, it was a loose

federation of student organizations housed in a grubby,

windowless room in Atlanta, across the street from the

offices of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference on

Auburn Avenue. As an Air Force veteran who was about a decade

older than most of those involved with SNCC, he had the drive

and experience, as well as the administrative abilities, to

give focus to the organization, universally pronounced

``Snick.'' Appointed executive secretary within a week of his

arrival, he set about paying old bills, radically expanding

the staff and planning logistics for direct action efforts

and voter-registration drives in Mississippi, Alabama,

Georgia and elsewhere.

``He imbued the organization with a camaraderie and

collegiality that I've never seen in any organization before

or since,'' said Julian Bond, chairman of the NAACP and

SNCC's communications director during Mr. Forman's tenure.

``Jim performed an organizational miracle in holding

together a loose band of nonviolent revolutionaries who

simply wanted to act together to eliminate racial

discrimination and terror,'' said Del. Eleanor Holmes Norton

(D-D.C.), who was a member of SNCC. ``As a result, SNCC had

an equal place at the table with all the major civil rights

organizations of the 1960s.''

James Forman was born in Chicago on Oct. 4, 1928, and spent

his early years living with his grandmother on a farm in

Marshall County, Miss. When he was 6, his parents took him

back to Chicago, although he often spent summers in

Mississippi. Until he was a teenager, he used the surname of

his stepfather, John Rufus, a gas station manager, unaware

that his real father was a Chicago cabdriver named Jackson

Forman.

He graduated with honors from Chicago's Englewood High

School in 1947 and served with the Air Force in Okinawa

during the Korean War. After his discharge in 1952, he

enrolled at the University of Southern California.

Early in his second semester, in 1953, he was falsely

arrested, beaten and held for three days by Los Angeles

police. The experience prompted a breakdown that briefly put

him in a psychiatric hospital. Afterward, he returned to

Chicago and enrolled at Roosevelt University.

He graduated in three years, planning to be a writer or

journalist. While doing graduate work at Boston University,

he wrangled press credentials from the Chicago Defender and

took the train to Little Rock, where, in the fall of 1957,

court-ordered school integration was being resisted. From

there, he filed a few stories and looked for opportunities to

organize mass protests in the South.

After working briefly as a substitute elementary school

teacher in Chicago, he found that opportunity in Fayette

County, Tenn., a few miles from his childhood home. Seven

hundred families of sharecroppers had been evicted from

their homes for registering to vote. Joining a program

sponsored by the Congress of Racial Equality, he helped

publicize the farmers' plight, distributed food and

registered voters.

In the summer of 1961, he was jailed with SNCC-organized

Freedom Riders who were protesting segregated facilities in

Monroe, N.C. After his sentence was suspended, he went to

work full time for SNCC.

One of Mr. Forman's early challenges was to referee an

internal dispute between SNCC activists who believed in

direct action--sit-ins, demonstrations and other forms of

confrontation--and those who believed voter registration was

the most effective path to political empowerment. Mr. Forman

maintained there really was no distinction.

``The brutal Southern sheriffs,'' he wrote a few years

later, ``didn't care what kind of `outside agitator' you

were; you were black and making trouble and that was enough

for them.''

He also wrestled, as did most SNCC members, with the

meaning and utility of nonviolence. Unlike his friend and

SNCC cohort John Lewis, who considered nonviolence a way of

life, Mr. Forman considered it a tactic, nothing more. There

were times, he believed, when self-defense--fighting back--

was absolutely necessary.

Mr. Forman also was often at odds with Martin Luther King

Jr. and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. In

1961, for example, Mr. Forman objected to King's involvement

in the Albany Movement, a boycott, sit-in and voter

registration drive SNCC initiated in Georgia.

``A strong people's movement was in progress, the people

were feeling their own strength grow,'' he wrote some years

later. ``I knew how much harm could be done by interjecting

the Messiah complex--people would feel that only a particular

individual could save them and would not move on their own to

fight racism and exploitation.''

King came to Albany, spoke and left. SNCC's work in the

area continued for the next couple of years.

In the summer of 1964, Mr. Forman's SNCC brought almost a

thousand young volunteers, black and white, to register

voters, set up ``freedom schools,'' establish community

centers and build the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party.

Among those volunteers were Andrew Goodman, James Chaney and

Michael Schwerner, the three young men murdered along a muddy

road near Philadelphia, Miss., in June 1964. (According to

Julian Bond, Mr. Forman was probably not aware in the last

days of his life that Edgar Ray Killen, a preacher and

sawmill operator, had been recently charged with the

murders.)

Later that summer, Mr. Forman journeyed to Atlantic City,

where he worked to persuade Democratic Party officials to

recognize the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party at the

Democratic National Convention. Despite his efforts and

despite the powerful testimony of Fannie Lou Hamer, who told

of being fired by her boss and beaten unconscious by the

police for her work in support of MFDP, the upstart party

failed to supplant the state's party regulars.

``Atlantic City was a powerful lesson, not only for the

black people from Mississippi but for all of SNCC and many

other people as well,'' Mr. Forman wrote. ``No longer was

there any hope, among those who still had it, that the

federal government would change the situation in the Deep

South.''

Despite Mr. Forman's growing militancy, SNCC dumped him and

Lewis in 1966, replacing them with Carmichael and Ruby Doris

Smith Robinson.

Mr. Forman, who always had been interested in African

liberation movements, went to Africa in 1967. In 1969, he

helped organize the Black Economic Development Conference in

Detroit, where a ``Black Manifesto'' was adopted. He also

founded a nonprofit organization called the Unemployment and

Poverty Action Committee.

On a Sunday morning in May 1969, Mr. Forman interrupted

services at New York City's Riverside Church to demand $500

million in reparations from white churches to make up for

injustices African Americans had suffered over the centuries.

Although Riverside's preaching minister, the Rev. Ernest T.

Campbell, termed the demands ``exorbitant and fanciful,'' he

was in sympathy with the impulse, if not the tactic. Later,

the church agreed to donate a fixed percentage of its annual

income to anti-poverty efforts.

In the 1970s, Mr. Forman was in graduate school at Cornell

University and received a master's degree in African and

African American studies in 1980. In 1982, he received a PhD

from the Union of Experimental Colleges and Universities.

A writer and pamphleteer, Mr. Forman moved to Washington in

1981 and started a newspaper called the Washington Times,

which lasted a short while. He also founded the Black

American News Service. He was the author of ``Sammy Younge

Jr.: The First Black College Student to Die in the Black

Liberation Movement'' (1969), ``The Making of Black

Revolutionaries'' (1972 and 1997) and ``Self Determination:

An Examination of the Question and Its Application to the

African American People'' (1984).

His marriages to Mary Forman, Mildred Thompson and

Constancia Ramilly ended in divorce.

Survivors include two sons, Chaka Esmond Fanon Forman of

Venice Beach, Calif, and James Robert Lumumba Forman Jr. of

the District; and one granddaughter.

In July, despite being weak from his long struggle with

cancer, Mr. Forman took a train from Washington to Boston

during the Democratic National Convention. He took part in a

``Boston Tea Party,'' in which members of the D.C. delegation

tossed bags of tea into Boston Harbor to protest lack of

statehood and no vote in Congress.

``It was said that on his deathbed, Frederick Douglass's

last words were, `Organize! Organize!' That's what Forman did

every day of his life,'' Bond said. ``That's what today's

civil rights movement has forgotten how to do.''

I take great pride in commending Mr. James Forman for his work to curb racial segregation and win social justice in this country.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to recognize the State of Mississippi's pursuit for justice as it has brought forth an indictment of noted Klansman Edgar Ray Killen for the murders of James E. Chaney, Andrew Goodman, and Michael Schwerner. As the State of Mississippi has been collecting evidence and investigating this case, I would like to submit the following excerpt from Olen Burrage's The Mississippi Murder of Goodman, Schwerner, and Chaney by Seth Cagin and Phillip Dray.

The owner of a local trucking company, Olen Burrage, was

having a cattle pond dug on his property, five miles

southwest of town on Highway 21. Burrage had hired Herman

Tucker, one of his part-time drivers and the owner/operator

of two Caterpillar dozers, to build the pond and the large

dam that would restrain it. The Neshoba Klansman arranged for

Billy Wayne Posey to arrive at midnight on the lane of the

Burrage property with the bodies of Goodman, Schwerner, and

Chaney. Once the bodies were placed in the center of the dam,

fifteen or twenty feet down, Tucker would reseal it with one

of the bulldozers. When the pond filled with rainwater, the

place where the bodies were stashed would simply become an

innocuous part of the Neshoba landscape--a Klansman version

of a Choctaw burial mound.

``So you wanted to come to Mississippi?'' one of the

murderers is reputed to have told the victims later that

night. ``Well, now we're gonna let you stay here. We're not

even gonna run you out. We're gonna let you stay here with

us.'' (p. 55)

Killen, as organizer of the Neshoba and Lauderdale County

klaverns of the White Knights of Mississippi and point man

for the conspiracy, was eager to return to Philadelphia as

soon as he had collected enough men for the operation. There

were ``arrangements'' to be made, he explained to the men at

Akin's. Quickly he sketched for them the plan he had devised

in collusion with Neshoba County deputy sheriff Cecil Price

and Billy Wayne Posey, and possibly--to infer from the events

that would transpire--Hop Barnett and Olen Burrage. Deputy

Price would release Goatee and the other two civil rights

workers as soon as it got dark. Once the civil rights

workers were turned loose and were alone out on the

highway, they would be stopped by a Mississippi Highway

Safety Patrol car and turned over to the Klan. (p. 336)

Billy Wayne Posey was among those who attempted the Bonanza

alibi, but in fact Posey had been far too busy that day to

watch television. His role in the conspiracy was to arrange

for the disposal of the victims' bodies, a grisly task easily

as complex as setting them up to be done away with in the

first place. After Goodman, Schwerner, and Chaney were

arrested late on the afternoon of June 21, Posey met with

Olen Burrage, who owned a trucking firm and several pieces of

farm property west of Philadelphia, and Herman Tucker, a

bulldozer operator who occasionally worked for Burrage. This

meeting took place either at Burrage's garage, southwest of

Philadelphia, or at the Phillips 66 station.

Posey's arrangement with Burrage to use a dam being built

on Burrage's property as a burial site for the three civil

rights workers' was probably not the result of brainstorm

thinking by the conspirators. In all likelihood, Burrage's

dam site had been previously scouted out by the Neshoba

klavern for its potential as a secret grave, perhaps as early

as mid-May, when Mickey Schwerner's incursions into Longdale

were becoming known to the Klansmen. Mississippi FBI agent

John Proctor claims to have learned from an informant that

Burrage once told a roomful of Neshoba Klansmen discussing

the impending invasion of civil rights workers, ``Hell, I've

got a dam that'll hold a hundred of them.'' Although the

Meridian Klansmen had been instructed to leave Mickey

Schwerner alone, the leaders of the Neshoba klavern had

apparently been given Sam Bowers's approval to ``eliminate''

him if they caught him in Neshoba County. They may well have

expected to have further opportunities to nab Schwerner on

one of his visits to Longdale, and it is possible many

elements of the conspiracy--the release from jail, the

highway chase, and the secret burial--were loosely in place

before June 21.

The previous summer, Burrage had consulted an agent of the

U.S. Department of Agriculture's Soil Conservation Service

about joining a program under which landowners could obtain

government funding for pond dams that met certain

conservation requirements. Burrage's proposed dam met the

program's specifications, but the approval of the funding was

contingent upon periodic inspections of the construction site

by agents from the Department of Agriculture. In May 1964,

when Burrage finalized arrangements with Herman Tucker and

authorized him to begin work on the dam, Burrage chose--for

reason he never explained--to do so without participating in

the government program. (pp. 340-342)

With the civil rights workers' bodies in the hole, Posey

signaled Tucker to start moving. The tractor ran fifteen

minutes as Tucker bladed off the top of the dam so it would

look as though it had not been disturbed.

The eight Klansmen got into Barnette's car and the civil

rights workers' station wagon for the short ride down highway

21 to Burrage's trucking garage. There the men replaced the

license plates on Barnette's car, which had been removed

earlier in Meridian, and Jordan was given all the gloves the

men had worn and told to dispose of them. Tucker took a glass

gallon jug and filled it with gasoline from one of Burrage's

pumps, to use in setting fire to the station wagon. (p. 361)

Chaney, Goodman, Schwerner will be remembered in the State of Mississippi's history as extraordinary individuals doing whatever it took to end racial segregation and win social

justice not only in the State of Mississippi but across this country. The story of Olen Burrage is one of many in Mississippi's plagued past. The State's insistence on justice signals a new day not only for the State of Mississippi, but also for the families of Chaney, Goodman, and Schwerner.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to recognize a distinguished religious educator with over 50 years of dedicated service to the Clinton, Jackson, Bolton, and Terry communities in the State of Mississippi, the Reverend Wroten McQuirter, Sr.

Rev. Wroten McQuirter, Sr., is known throughout the State as more than just a pastor, but as a social activist, counselor, supporter, leader, and most importantly as a friend. In 1970, he began his religious training at the Mississippi Baptist Seminary, Jackson, Mississippi, and in 1973, Reverend McQuirter received his bachelor of theology degree from Natchez College.

Throughout Reverend McQuirter's pastoral tenure from 1957 to 2004, he has served in various positions including the dean and moderator of the Original J.M.B. District Association; president of the Hinds County Council for Church and Social Action; president of the Clinton Ministerial Workers Council, dean of the Congress of Christian Education; board member of the National Baptist Convention U.S.A., Inc., president of the Terry Ministerial Fellowship, and member of the Moderator Department of the National Baptist Convention, U.S.A., Inc.

In addition to his pastoral duties and responsibilities, Reverend McQuirter has been a great asset to the communities in Mississippi. He has served as an active leader and organizer for Hinds County Communities in the fight for equality. He has been an activist with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, NAACP, for more than four decades. He led the movement for desegregation in the Clinton Public School District in 1968, whereby his two younger children were among the first six black students to enroll in Clinton Park Elementary School.

Although retired, he is not retired. Reverend McQuirter, who recently celebrated his 82nd birthday on October 23, remains actively involved in Christian education ministering to the needs of others. He teaches bible class at the Clinton Community Christian Corporation as well as bible study at Pleasant Green Church. He also teaches several courses in church leadership schools offered by various churches.

Please join me in congratulating Rev. Wroten McQuirter, Sr., on 50 years of distinguished service. It is in achievement that brings pride not only to his local community, but to the whole State of Mississippi and the Nation. .

Mr. Speaker, I would like to recognize Edwards, Mississippi native, Olympic gold and silver medalist, Otis Harris, Jr. At this year's 2004 Olympic Games held in Athens, Greece, the track and field standout showcased his world class speed on the world's biggest stage.

Edwards, Mississippi's hometown hero, the son of Otis, Sr. and Cheryl Harris, began his track career at high school track powerhouse, Hinds Agricultural High School in Raymond, Mississippi. As Harris helped lead his high school team to three consecutive Class 2A State Championships, and in 1999 winning the 100m, 200m, and 400m State Championships respectively, he accumulated dozens of individual accolades leading to his acceptance of a track scholarship from the University of South Carolina.

Running his way through both the Gamecock and Southeastern Conference (SEC) record books in 2003, Otis took claim of SEC track titles in the 400m dash, as well as the 4 X 400m relay team, making these his signature events. Harris was deemed academically ineligible to participate in athletics during the 2004 collegiate season, causing him to briefly disappear from the Olympic track radar screen.

As Harris stunned many by qualifying for the Olympics in July 2004 in the 400m dash, he remained unfaltering as his dreams became realistic. On Monday, August 23, 2004, Otis settled into his familiar stance, only this time Olympic medals were up for grabs. Running the fastest time of his life (44.16), Otis garnered the Olympic silver medal in the 400m dash.

While still overwhelmed with the excitement of his first Olympic feat, Harris took the stage again five days later. This time Harris was starring in his other signature event, the 4 X 400m relay team which was favored to win the gold. Harris teamed with Derrick Brew (400m bronze), Jeremy Wariner (400m gold) and Darold Williamson. Harris ran the fastest leg of the four Americans, turning in a time of 43.28; the team ran 2:55.91, the best time in the world this year, bringing home the gold medals.

I commend Mr. Otis Harris, Jr. for his valiant triumphs at this year's Olympic Games. His efforts are buttressed by his resiliency through the seemingly unsteady foreign relations climate leading into the Games. Harris, as well as all of our Olympic athletes, showed true professionalism in serving as ambassadors and representing our nation on the global stage. May Otis continue to represent our nation with professionalism and may he continue to excel in his career.

Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.

Mr. Chairman, I join the ranking member on the committee in opposition to the amendment basically because the gentleman from California (Mr. Baca), the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Kildee) and myself would not be allowed if the amendment passes to introduce our amendment which basically would do three things:

First of all, it would increase the civil rights enforcement moneys for the Office of the Secretary. The U.S. Department of Agriculture has clearly been called the last plantation. Because of that, Mr. Chairman, many of the discriminations for black farmers and other individuals coming out of USDA, we could address it with more money.

In addition to this, the 2501 program would be increased so that socially disadvantaged farmers could take advantage of USDA programs. If this amendment is passed, we would not be able to offer the increase in the program.

But, thirdly, Mr. Chairman, the tribal extension grants for Hispanic- serving institutions, we could not increase that money. I know that the chairman does not want to hurt those institutions, but this is an opportunity, if this amendment is allowed to be offered and somehow we can reach some agreement, that we could help those Hispanic-serving institutions, also.

Reluctantly I rise in opposition to the amendment, because another amendment that we think would be as important to a tremendous number of people could not be offered.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to recognize Thelma Mack, the epitome of a community mother, who spent her entire life being a stalemate and community pillar.

As an African-American woman of Indianola, Mississippi, born in April of 1934, Thelma endured the strife of segregated life in the South. During the Civil Rights era, Thelma exemplified her motherly role through housing and feeding passers-by committed to the equal rights mission.

Thelma Mack's most notable career work was in the area of childcare, where she started a daycare at her home. In August of 1968, Thelma became the Director of the Sunflower-Humphreys County Headstart, where she served for over 20 years.

Thelma Mack's faithful service and dedication to upholding the traditional family structure and values is the backbone of our communities. I applaud the life and legacy of Thelma Mack.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to recognize the 40th anniversary of the deaths of Mr. James Chaney, Mr. Andrew Goodman, and Mr. Andrew Schwerner. I submit the following speech by former Mississippi Secretary of State Dick Molpus published June 25, 2004, in the Clarion-Ledger Newspaper of Jackson Mississippi.

To the families and friends of James Chaney, Andrew Goodman

and Mickey Schwerner we issue a heartfelt welcome. You and

yours are forever linked with all of us. We are honored today

by your presence.

Also, as I look across this audience I see people I know

from across Mississippi and the United States. I am lifted up

by your presence, as well.

This is an historic day for a number of reasons. First, we

are seeing a remarkable display of unity and connection from

the citizens of Philadelphia and Neshoba County. In the June

2 edition of the Neshoba Democrat I saw a picture of Leroy

Clemons, president of the NAACP, with Jim Prince, editor of

the Neshoba Democrat, saying clearly this community has come

together and it was time for the ``sun to shine through the

clouds.''

There is no doubt that the work of the Philadelphia

Coalition is nothing short of a miracle. I watched with pride

as Mayor Rayburn Waddell of Philadelphia spoke for the

Philadelphia City Council in passing an unequivocal

resolution calling for justice and as the Neshoba County

Board of Supervisors, led by James Young, issued their own

clear call. The power of human understanding has been shown

to us by the 30 individuals who have met every Monday night

for two months to plan this event and authored their own

eloquent and moving tribute to Messrs. Chaney, Schwerner and

Goodman. I am more proud of the leadership in my hometown

than at any time in my life.

I believe, however, until justice is done, we are all at

least somewhat complicit in those deaths. I recognize that

only a handful of hate-filled men actually committed the

murders, but we are all, to some degree, implicated. Some

will say, ``How can that be? Why can't we just move on?''

Most weren't members of the Klan, those of you under 40

weren't even born and many of the baby-boomers, myself

included, were teenagers. Many of our older citizens would

never have ridden the dirt roads to terrorize and they

don't condone murder.

But all us who are Neshoba Countians or Mississippians have

to acknowledge and face our corporate responsibility in this

tragedy and I'm not talking about some fruitless and useless

intellectual effort to assign guilt or blame.

The debate about who could have or should have done what in

1964 could go on forever. It's a discussion that carries us

no where--there is no resolution. But that does not mean we

can move on by ignoring where we are in 2004.

One fact is absolutely clear. Hear this: For 40 years, our

state judicial system has allowed murderers to roam our land.

Night riders, church burners, beaters and killers deserve no

protection from sure justice.

Our district attorney, Mark Duncan, is elected by Neshoba

citizens and those in four adjoining counties. Jim Hood, our

attorney general, is elected by all Mississippians. Our U.S.

attorney, Dunn Lampton, is appointed by the president of the

United States, an election we all vote in. These are not

weak, timid or cowardly men. They have all voiced their

support for bringing charges with proven evidence that will

lead to a conviction.

But our local responsibility for what happens in the future

is also heavy. Clearly, we need to encourage and support

those prosecutors. But those of us with local roots must do

more.

By most accounts there were 20 men from Neshoba and

Lauderdale Counties involved in the planning and actual

executions. A number of them have taken to their grave their

knowledge of this crime. They have already had their judgment

day. Others, however, certainly told wives, children and

buddies of their involvement.

So there must be witnesses among us who can share

information with prosecutors. Other murderers are aged and

infirm and may want to be at peace with themselves and with

God before their own deaths. They need to be encouraged to

come forward. Now is the time to expose those dark secrets.

When we have heard murderers brag about their killings but

pretend those words were never spoken, when we know about

evidence to help bring justice, but refuse to step forward

and tell authorities what they need to know ... that's what

makes us in 2004 guilty. Pretending this didn't happen makes

us complicit. We must provide the help prosecutors need to

bring closure to this case.

But justice by itself is not enough. These three young men

died while urging people to vote and participate in our

democracy. James Chaney, Mickey Schwerner and Andy Goodman

were American patriots. Their murderers were domestic

terrorists.

The end of this saga, however, should not be about cowardly

racists finally brought to justice. The final chapter should

be about redemption and about moving on--moving on to a

better life. The most lasting tribute we can make to these

fallen heroes is to move on and to honor their cause.

This is 2004, not 1964. Many of the demons we face today

are similar to the ones 40 years ago. True, African Americans

have the right to vote, but too few of our citizens--black,

white, Indian, Asian or Hispanic--use that right. Public

schools were segregated in 1964. With the growth of

segregation academies and white flight, many remain that way

now. Few politicians today use outright race-baiting, but we

see the symbols some use and the phrases they utter and

everyone knows what the code is--what really is being said.

In 1964 there was a dependence on low-wage jobs in

manufacturing plants. Forty years later, most of the plants

are gone, but too many still scrape by on dead-end jobs to

make ends meet. Black, white and Choctaw Indian communities

here in Neshoba County and Mississippi struggle with the

scourge of school dropouts, teen pregnancy and drug

abuse that keep the cycle of poverty unbroken. To build a

lasting monument to James Chaney, Michael Schwerner and

Andrew Goodman, we must face these issues with a clear,

unblinking eye and say ``no more.''

And finally, we Mississippians must announce to the world

what we've learned in 40 years. We know today that our

enemies are not each other. Our real enemies are ignorance,

illiteracy, poverty, racism, disease, unemployment, crime,

the high dropout rate, teen pregnancy and lack of support for

the public schools.

We can defeat all those enemies not as divided people--

black or white or Indian--but as a united force banded

together by our common humanity, by our own desire to lift

each other up.

Forty years from now, I want our children and grandchildren

to look back on us and what we did and say that we had the

courage, the wisdom and the strength to rise up, to take the

responsibility to right historical wrongs--that we pledged to

build a future together, we moved on. Yes, we moved on as one

people.

Dick Molpus, a former secretary of state and gubernatorial

candidate, owns the Molpus Woodlands Group, a timberland

investment company in Jackson.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to recognize the life and legacy Dr. C. Vincent Bakeman, a co-founder of the Human Resources Development Institute, Inc. (HRDI), who devoted himself to improving our alcohol and chemical dependency treatment systems.

We are all aware of the national problem that is especially acute in inner-city areas across this great Nation. The shortage of healthcare professionals has left many underserved communities without access to healthcare, placing low- and middle-income families at even greater risk of suffering from medical conditions and disorders that could be averted.

True to its mission, HRDI has charted innovative healthcare solutions that continue to stabilize and strengthen families, neighborhoods and entire communities from Chicago to Las Vegas to Indianola, Mississippi, and points in between.

Additionally, through his efforts to empower those without healthcare, he formed partnerships with area institutions of higher learning to assist residents in acquiring the necessary skills and training central to competing in this new age of information and technology.

Many of our colleagues here in Congress have espoused the notion of expanding healthcare coverage. Dr. Bakeman lived it.

It is through community efforts as demonstrated by Dr. Bakeman and HRDI that we may be able to achieve a reality of accessible and affordable healthcare for all.

During his thirty-plus years of service, Dr. Bakeman touched the lives of many, proving that even the simplest ideas can make a big difference.

I take great pride in commending the work of Dr. C. Vincent Bakeman and HRDI on a job well done for more than 30 years.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to commend and congratulate the Clinton High School Attache Show Choir upon completing its outstanding 2004 competition season.

The Clinton High School Attache Show Choir was formed in September 1980, by Winona Costello. Since 1992, Attache has been led and directed by David and Mary Fehr; the instrumental pit under the direction of Robert Allen; the crew under the direction of Wesley Quick.

Attache was named Grand Champion of the Benton Community High School ``Touch of Class'' competition held in Van Home, Iowa on February 14, 2004. Attache also received the Best Vocals, Best Choreography, Most Creative Show, and Best Male (Trey Finch) and Female (Jan Jefcoat) Soloist awards. Dexter Bishop was named the outstanding performer from Attache.

Attache was named Grand Champion of the Homewood High School ``South Central Classic'' competition held in Homewood, Alabama on February 21, 2004. Attache also received the Best Vocals, Best Choreography, and Best Overall Effect awards. Attache was named Grand Champion of the Mixed Show Choir at

the MIC Choral Competition held at North Central High School in Indianapolis, Indiana on March 20, 2004. Attache also received the Best Vocals and Best Choreography awards.

Attache was honored to be selected as the host choir for the Show Choir Nationals Competition held March 27, 2004, at the Grand Ole Opry in Nashville, Tennessee. The 2004 Senior Class of Attache is undefeated, having earned Grand Champion honors at every competition at which they competed during their three years of performing.

It is with great pride that we recognize the contributions of this national and internationally known musical group which has brought honor and acclaim to Clinton High School, the Clinton community, and to the State of Mississippi.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to recognize an African-American pioneer, 90-year-old blues singer Rev. Arnold Dwight ``Gatemouth'' Moore.

Nicknamed ``Gatemouth'' because of his loud singing and speaking voice, Arnold Dwight Moore paved the way for blues. As a boy growing up on world famous Beale Street in Memphis, TN, he was influenced by the African-American culture and heritage that made up the streets and music that was a result of the day to day existence of individuals who lived there. The pride of Beale Street and student of blues was a vocalist at the Elk's, better known as the Blues Bowl.

Moore recorded his first record in 1941 and wrote such songs as ``Somebody's Got to Go,'' ``I Ain't Mad at You,'' ``Pretty Baby,'' and ``Did You Ever Love a Woman?'' which was later recorded by B.B. King and Rufus Thomas.

Gatemouth lead the way for blues through his firsts. Moore was the first blues singer to sing at Carnegie Hall; the first to travel with W.C. Handy to New York City; first to sing at the segregated Peabody Hotel's Roof Garden; first to sing in many halls around the country, including The Apollo in New York, The Regal in Chicago, the Chicago Civic Center, The Music Hall in Detroit, the Howard Theatre in Washington, DC, and The Royal in Baltimore, MD.

Arnold Dwight ``Gatemouth'' Moore, listed in the Who's Who in Blues in America, is much more than one of the many blues singers throughout history. He is a true legendary pioneer of blues.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to join my colleagues in bidding a fond farewell to Ambassador C.J. Chen of Taiwan. He will be returning to Taipei next month. During the last four years, he has been the Representative of the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office in Washington, DC.

A great advocate for his country, Ambassador Chen has helped us understand difficult issues such as Taiwan's peace referendum and the just concluded Taiwan presidential elections. At the same time he has helped his people better understand American values and strengthened the relations between Taiwan and the United States.

On Capitol Hill Ambassador Chen, known to many as simply ``C.J.,'' is widely respected. Many of us admire his high intellect and industry as we have been privileged to see the personal depth within this very public man. Indeed, we have been enriched in having had this opportunity to get to know him and his lovely wife, Yolanda Ho.

As Ambassador Chen leaves Washington for Taipei, we can be sure that both our countries shall benefit from his efforts for years to come.