Mr. Speaker, I would like to honor the Freedom Ride efforts sought to accelerate changes in the South, which had been so inadequately brought about in the courts. As a 13-year-old boy in Bolton, MS, I can recall the surmounted tension in…
Mr. Speaker, I would like to honor the Freedom Ride efforts sought to accelerate changes in the South, which had been so inadequately brought about in the courts. As a 13-year-old boy in Bolton, MS, I can recall the surmounted tension in the State of Mississippi in 1961. In tribute to the freedom riders, I would like to submit the following excerpt from Juan Williams' Eyes on the Prize.
In 1947, the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) planned a
``Journey of Reconciliation,'' designed to test the Supreme
Court's 1946 decision in the Irene Morgan case, which
declared segregated seating of interstate passengers
unconstitutional. An interracial group of passengers met with
heavy resistance in the upper South. Some members of the
group served on a chain gang after their arrest in North
Carolina. The Journey of Reconciliation quickly broke down.
Clearly the South, even the more moderate upper South, was
not ready for integration.
Nearly a decade and a half later, John F. Kennedy was
elected president, in large part due to widespread support
among blacks who believed that Kennedy was more sympathetic
to the civil rights movement than his opponent, Richard
Nixon. Once in office, however, Kennedy proved less committed
to the movement than he had appeared during the campaign. To
test the president's commitment to civil rights, CORE
proposed a new Journey of Reconciliation, dubbed the
``Freedom Ride.'' The strategy was the same: an interracial
group would board buses destined for the South. The whites
would sit in the back and the blacks in the front. At rest
stops, the whites would go into blacks-only areas and vice
versa. ``This was not civil disobedience, really,'' explained
CORE director James Farmer, ``because we [were] merely doing
what the Supreme Court said we had a right to do.'' But the
Freedom Riders expected to meet resistance. ``We felt we
could count on the racists of the South to create a crisis so
that the federal government would be compelled to enforce the
law,'' said Farmer. ``When we began the ride I think all of
us were prepared for as much violence as could be thrown
at us. We were prepared for the possibility of death.''
The Freedom Ride left Washington DC on May 4, 1961. It was
scheduled to arrive in New Orleans on May 17, the seventh
anniversary of the Brown decision. Unlike the original
Journey of Reconciliation, the Freedom Ride met little
resistance in the upper South.
On Mother's Day, May 14, the Freedom Riders split up into
two groups to travel through Alabama. The first group was met
by a mob of about 200 angry people in Anniston. The mob
stoned the bus and slashed the tires. The bus managed to get
away, but when it stopped about six miles out of town to
change the tires, it was firebombed. The other group did not
fare any better. It was greeted by a mob in Birmingham, and
the Riders were severely beaten. Birmingham's Public Safety
Commissioner, Bull Conner, claimed he posted no officers at
the bus depot because of the holiday; however, it was later
discovered that the FBI knew of the planned attack and that
the city police stayed away on purpose. Alabama governor John
Patterson offered no apologies, explaining, ``When you go
somewhere looking for trouble, you usually find it . . . .
You just can't guarantee the safety of a fool and that's what
these folks are, just fools.''
Despite the violence, the Freedom Riders were determined to
continue. Jim Peck, a white who had fifty stitches from the
beatings he received, insisted, ``I think it is particularly
important at this time when it has become national news that
we continue and show that nonviolence can prevail over
violence.'' The bus company, however, did not want to risk
losing another bus to a bombing, and its drivers, who were
all white, did not want to risk their lives. After two days
of unsuccessful negotiations, the Freedom Riders, fearing for
their safety, flew to New Orleans. It appeared that the
Freedom Ride was over.
At that point, however, a group of Nashville sit-in
students decided to go to Birmingham and continue the Freedom
Ride. Diane Nash, who helped organize the group, later
explained, ``If the Freedom Riders had been stopped as a
result of violence, I strongly felt that the future of the
movement was going to be cut short. The impression would have
been that whenever a movement starts, all [you have to do] is
attack it with massive violence and the blacks [will] stop.''
The Nashville students traveled to Birmingham and asked the
bus company to let them use their buses. Attorney general
Kennedy also leaned on the bus company and the Birmingham
police. He was determined to enforce the Supreme Court's
decision that called for integration of interstate travel,
and he worried that if the Nashville students remained in
Birmingham much longer, violence might erupt. On May 17, the
Birmingham police arrested the Nashville Freedom Riders and
placed them in protective custody. At 2 AM on Friday, the
police drove the Riders back to Tennessee, dumping them by
the side of the highway at the state line. After they got a
ride back to Nashville, 100 miles away, they went right back
to Birmingham.
Meanwhile, Governor Patterson agreed to meet with John
Seigenthaler, a Justice Department aide and a native of
Tennessee. In the meeting, Floyd Mann, head of the state
highway patrol, agreed to protect the Freedom Riders in
between Birmingham. Attorney General Robert Kennedy then
pressured the Greyhound bus company, which finally agreed to
carry the Riders. The Freedom Riders left Birmingham on
Saturday, May 20. State police promised ``that a private
plane would fly over the bus, and there would be a state
patrol car every fifteen or twenty miles along the highway
between Birmingham and Montgomery--about ninety miles,''
recalled Freedom Rider John Lewis. Police protection,
however, disappeared as the Freedom Riders entered the
Montgomery city limits. The bus terminal was quiet. ``And
then, all of a sudden, just like magic, white people
everywhere,'' said Freedom Rider Frederick Leonard. The
Riders considered leaving by the back of the bus in hopes
that the mob would not be quite as vicious.
But Jim Zwerg, a white rider, bravely marched off the bus
first. The other riders slipped off while the mob focused on
pummeling Zwerg. Floyd Mann tried to stop the mob, but it
continued to beat the Riders and those who came to their aid,
such as Justice Department official John Seigenthaler, who
was beaten unconscious and left in the street for nearly a
half an hour after he stopped to help two Freedom Riders.
Mann finally ordered in state troopers, but the damage was
already done. When news of the Montgomery attack reached
Washington, Robert Kennedy was not happy. He decided to send
federal marshals to the city.
Martin Luther King, Jr., flew to Montgomery and held a mass
meeting, surrounded by federal marshals, in support of the
Freedom Riders. As night fell, a mob of several thousand
whites surrounded the church. The blacks could not leave
safely. At 3 AM, King called Robert Kennedy and Kennedy
called Governor Patterson. Patterson declared martial law and
sent in state police and the National Guard. The mob
dispersed and the blacks left safely.
After the violence at the church, Robert Kennedy asked for
a cooling-off period. The Freedom Riders, however, were
intent on continuing. James Farmer explained, ``[W]e'd been
cooling off for 350 years, and . . . if we cooled off any
more, we'd be in a deep freeze.'' The Riders decided to
continue on to Mississippi. They were given good protection
as they entered the state, and no mob greeted them at the
Jackson bus terminal. ``As we walked through, the police just
said, `Keep moving' and let us go through the white side,''
recalled Frederick Leonard. ``We never got stopped. They just
said `Keep moving,' and they passed us right on through the
white terminal into the paddy wagon and into jail.'' Robert
Kennedy and Mississippi Senator James O. Eastland had reached
a compromise. Kennedy promised not to use federal troops if
there was no mob violence. Both men kept up their end of the
bargain. Unfortunately, the Freedom Riders were now at the
mercy of the local courts. On May 25, they were tried. As
their attorney defended them, the judge turned his back. Once
the attorney finished, he turned around and sentenced them to
60 days in the state penitentiary.
More Freedom Riders arrived in Jackson to continue the
Freedom Ride, and they were arrested too. Freedom Riders
continued to arrive in the South, and by the end of the
summer, more than 300 had been arrested.
The Freedom Riders never made it to New Orleans. Many spent
their summer in jail. Some were scarred for life from the
beatings they received. But their efforts were not in vain.
They forced the Kennedy administration to take a stand on
civil rights, which was the intent of the Freedom Ride in the
first place. In addition, the Interstate Commerce Commission,
at the request of Robert Kennedy, outlawed segregation in
interstate bus travel in a ruling, more specific than the
original Supreme Court mandate, that took effect in
September, 1961. The Freedom Riders may not have finished
their trip, but they made an important and lasting
contribution to the civil rights movement.
The Freedom Rides mark one of the most despicable chapters in our history on the part of the Democratic administration at every level of government. They mark one of the most courageous and uplifting periods of time, as evidenced by the courage and determination of those who put their bodies and their lives on the line to end racial segregation and win social justice in this country.
The Freedom Rides and sit-ins showed the potential that human beings have. It was a time when ordinary people did extraordinary things, and the number of heroes was too great to be counted!