Mr. President, as the ranking member of the Budget Committee, I want to take this opportunity to make several points in opposition to the Republican side-by-side amendment and in support of the amendment that I have offered. Like many…
Mr. President, as the ranking member of the Budget Committee, I want to take this opportunity to make several points in opposition to the Republican side-by-side amendment and in support of the amendment that I have offered.
Like many Republican proposals, if you read the Republican amendment, it sounds good on the surface, but if you probe half an inch into it, you recognize what an incredible disaster it will be for working families of this country--nice words, but devastating impacts. So I want to talk about that.
No. 2, I want to talk about what it will mean if, in fact, the Republicans
are successful in doing what they want to do, which is repealing the Affordable Care Act--something which I, and I think virtually every Democrat, will do our best to oppose--and what it will mean to the American people if the Affordable Care Act is repealed without any alternative to replace it.
What that, in fact, will mean is throwing 30 million people off of their health insurance. Thirty million people will lose their health insurance. I have not seen any Republican studies as to how many of those people will die, but certainly many thousands of them will die because if you are sick and you don't have any money and you don't have any health insurance, you cannot get to a doctor or you cannot get to a hospital. In fact, there have been some studies suggesting that thousands of people will die, and certainly many others will become much sicker than they should be. That is what happens when you simply throw 30 million people off of health insurance and you have no alternative plan.
Nobody in the Senate thinks the Affordable Care Act is perfect, least of all me. I think it needs significant changes. Let's work together to change it. But you cannot just repeal it without any alternative.
Not only will a repeal throw 30 million people off of health insurance, it will devastate millions and millions of low- and moderate-income families by making major cuts to Medicaid, and that includes many middle-class families who use Medicaid to support payments for their parents who are in nursing homes.
If you repeal the Affordable Care Act without a replacement, you are going to significantly increase the cost of prescription drugs for senior citizens, many of whom have a hard time right now paying for their medicine. And while you have thrown millions off of health insurance, while you make devastating cuts to Medicaid, while the repeal of the Affordable Care Act will raise the cost of prescription drugs for seniors, a repeal would do something else, which is not terribly surprising coming from Republicans. It would provide $346 billion in tax breaks to the top 2 percent. Millions lose their health care, the costs of prescription drugs go up, middle-class families will not be able to afford nursing home care for their parents, but, importantly, from the Republican perspective, $346 billion in tax breaks will go to the top 2 percent.
Now, this is a set of priorities which I, frankly, believe the American people do not support.
Also this afternoon I want to touch on another issue that is actually even more important than the previous two, and that is, to my mind, in a Democratic society, a candidate for President--in this case Mr. Trump--cannot simply say one thing over and over again, cannot go out to the American people and make campaign promises, but the day after the election, forget about what those promises were about.
Now, here is the purpose of the Republican amendment. This is what is in front of all of us right now.
Purpose: To strengthen Social Security and Medicare without
raiding it to pay for new Government programs, like
ObamaCare, that have failed Americans by increasing premiums
and reducing affordable health care options, to reform
Medicaid without prioritizing able-bodied adults over the
disabled, and to return regulation of insurance to State
governments.
That is the exact quote of the purpose of the Republican amendment that we will be voting on in a few moments. It sounds pretty good. But let us translate it into English, and let us be very clear about what these words actually mean and why this amendment should be opposed by every Member of the U.S. Senate.
The Republicans say in their purpose that they want to ``strengthen Social Security and Medicare.'' Well, count me in. That is exactly what I want to do. But how do they propose to go about doing that? They are going to strengthen Social Security and Medicare by making devastating cuts to Social Security and Medicare. That is a strange way to strengthen a program.
As we speak right now, the Republican chairman of the House Ways and Means Subcommittee on Social Security--the committee that has jurisdiction over Social Security--has introduced legislation which will make devastating cuts to Social Security. That is a very unusual way to strengthen that program.
My Republican friends will tell us that the only way we can ``strengthen Social Security'' is, in fact, to cut Social Security. Now, talk about fake news; talk about Orwellian language. We are strengthening Social Security by cutting Social Security. To all those seniors and disabled veterans who are out there and who are trying to get by on $13,000, $14,000, $15,000 a year in Social Security benefits, my Republican colleagues are going to ``strengthen'' Social Security and they are going to do it by cutting your benefits. That is a very strange way to strengthen Social Security.
It seems to me that if we are serious about really strengthening Social Security, what that means in plain English--not Orwellian language--is, No. 1, if you want to strengthen it, we have to extend the life of Social Security. Social Security now can pay out every benefit owed to every eligible American for 17 years. That is OK. It means we are not in a crisis, but it is not good enough. I want to see Social Security be solvent for another 50 or 60 years. That is strengthening Social Security.
When we talk about strengthening Social Security, that means increasing benefits, not cutting benefits. The truth is that seniors in this country cannot make it on $13,000 or $14,000 a year in Social Security benefits; we need to increase and expand their benefits.
Thirdly, if we are serious about strengthening Social Security, we need to end the absurdity of seniors who this year got a COLA of three- tenths of 1 percent, and in recent years have gotten COLAs of zero percent because the formula that determines COLAs for people on Social Security is totally inadequate and an incorrect formula, not really measuring the cost-of-living expenditures of senior citizens.
That is what we have to do to strengthen Social Security.
How do we do that? I have legislation that will do just that. But do my colleagues know what? Despite all of the talk of my Republican colleagues wanting to strengthen Social Security, we have zero Republican cosponsors on that idea.
The way we do it--a concept supported by many of the major senior organizations in this country--would eliminate the earnings cap on all taxable income above $250,000. Right now, if you make $1 million a year, $10 million a year, you contribute the same amount into the Social Security trust fund as somebody who makes about $118,000. That is wrong. That is unfair. Lifting that cap, starting at $250,000 and above, would impact only the top 1.5 percent. If we do that, we can extend the life of Social Security for well over 50 years and we could expand benefits for people living on less than $16,000 a year by more than $1,300 a year. That is how we strengthen Social Security. But I have not heard one Republican in this body speak in support of that proposal.
Now, Republicans say they want to strengthen Medicare without raiding it to pay for new government programs like ObamaCare. That is what they state in their purpose. So let me be absolutely clear. That is a totally false statement. It is not true. The so-called raid was an effort to save some $700 billion over a 10-year period by making Medicare more efficient and more cost effective.
My Republican friends talk every day about the need to bring increased efficiencies into government programs. They are right. We need to do that. And that is precisely what the Obama administration did. My Republican friends will not get up here and tell us that there was one nickel of Medicare benefits cut as a result of the creation of the Affordable Care Act. There was not one nickel of benefits cut. They know it. I know it. They will not say otherwise.
So the $700 billion was in savings, doing the right thing--not cutting a nickel of benefits from Medicare. I hope my Republican colleagues will not continue to try to spread this mistruth.
The Republican amendment that we are going to be voting on talks about reforming Medicaid without prioritizing able-bodied adults over the disabled. It sounds good. What are they talking about in real English? What they want to do is ``reform'' Medicaid without prioritizing able-bodied adults over the disabled. What does that
mean? It means not only do they not want to see Medicaid expanded, as over 30 States have done, what they want to do, and what this language is really about, is to throw millions of people off of Medicaid. We are the only major country on Earth that does not guarantee health care to all people. Some 28 million Americans today have no health insurance. They want to throw millions more off health insurance.
So if you are an ``able-bodied'' adult making the Federal minimum wage of $7.25 an hour--which, by the way, they don't want to raise. Vermont has raised its minimum wage to $10 an hour. I don't know what it is in Wyoming--$7.25. But if you are in a State where minimum wage is still $7.25 and you are able-bodied, do the arithmetic. If you have a couple of kids, health insurance will cost you $10,000, $15,000 a year. How do you afford that when you are making $8, $9, $10 an hour? You don't afford it. That is able-bodied.
The last I heard, it is not criminal activity to be working and making $8, $9, $10 an hour. Unfortunately, that is what millions of people do. They cannot afford health insurance. What many of us have tried to do is expand Medicaid so that they will get health insurance, but what the Republican proposal and their language is about is the denying health insurance for the so-called able-bodied. Let's get rid of the word ``able-bodied.'' Let's talk about working people at starvation wages who cannot afford health insurance. That is what that language means in English.
The Republican's proposal we will be voting on also talks about ``returning regulation of insurance to State governments.'' OK. It sounds good. What does that mean in the real world? That means you could be denied coverage for a preexisting condition.
I just met a woman last night dying of breast cancer. That is her reality, but she was able to get health insurance, despite having a very severe situation, because we abolished the insurance companies' ability to say no to her and to millions of other people who have preexisting conditions.
When you want to return regulation of insurance to State governments, that is precisely what they can do--the law is gone. The insurance companies can say: You have cancer; we are not going to cover you because you are going to cost us too much money, and we can't make any money from you. Insurance companies could refuse to cover needed things like maternity care, prescription drugs, or high-cost diseases like HIV and many others. That is what they mean when they talk about returning regulation of insurance to State governments, doing away with all of the patient protection we have passed here in Washington that is widely supported by the American people. Go out to Wyoming, go to Vermont, go to Oregon, go to any State and ask the people if we should repeal preexisting conditions so insurance companies can discriminate against people with illness, and they will tell you overwhelmingly no.
So the Republican proposal, which sounds nice, is in fact a devastating amendment that would very negatively impact many millions of people. I hope every Member of the Senate will reject that Republican amendment and in fact vote for an amendment I will be offering which addresses two very important issues:
No. 1, at a time of massive income and wealth inequality, at a time when a tiny sliver of our population--the people on top--are getting phenomenally wealthy, phenomenally richer, we have an explosion of billionaires in recent years while the middle class continues to shrink. At a time when we are the only major country on Earth not to guarantee health care as a right to all of our people, it would be absolutely unacceptable to take away health insurance from 30 million Americans, unacceptable to privatize Medicare, unacceptable to slash Medicaid, unacceptable to increase the costs of prescription drugs for seniors, unacceptable to defund Planned Parenthood--a high-quality health care organization providing health care to over 2 million Americans, many of whom are low income women. So a vote for the Sanders amendment rejects all of those very bad ideas.
If we throw 30 million people off health insurance and if we do not have a plan to replace it, I would hope my Republican colleagues would have the decency to tell us how many of those 30 million people will die. If we are going to be considering this legislation and throwing 30 million people off who can no longer get to a doctor, can no longer get to the hospital because they don't have the money, how many of them will die? Tell us. Tell us so we can hold that in consideration as we look at this proposal.
For years, it is no secret Republican leaders like Paul Ryan and Congressman Tom Price have wanted to end Medicare as we know it. That is what they have told us. It is not what I am saying. It is not a great secret.
What does that mean? What does it mean if we end Medicare as we know it and if we turn it into a voucher program, handing a 65-year-old senior who has been diagnosed with cancer an $8,000 check and telling them to go out to a private insurance company and buy insurance on their own. That is what privatizing Medicare is about. It is a voucher program. Here is a check. You go out to the private insurance companies. You do your best.
If you are an 80-year-old suffering with cancer and you have a check for whatever it may be--$8,000, $9,000 a year--and you go to an insurance company and you say: What do I get for my $8,000 check, they will laugh at you. They will laugh at you because they understand the cost of your care--your hospital care, your prescription drugs--will go well beyond 8,000 in the first week, let alone year. You will get nothing. That is what the Republican idea is in terms of privatizing Medicare.
Let me get to the last point I want to make, and that gets well beyond the Affordable Care Act and well beyond Medicaid, Medicare, and Social Security. It gets to the essence of what our political system is supposed to be about, and that is, if we run for office--and every person in the Senate has run for office. If you run for President, you cannot say over and over again that you are going to do this, and the day after the election decide you are not going to do it. That is why so many people in this country are disgusted with the political process. They see people saying: Hey, vote for me. I am going to do A, B, and C, and the day after the election you do the very opposite, D, E, and F.
When he ran for President, Donald Trump ran a very unconventional campaign. That is for sure. He said: I am not a typical Republican. That is what he said. He said: If I am elected President, I, Donald Trump, am not going to cut Social Security, I am not going to cut Medicare, and I am not going to cut Medicaid. He didn't say that once. He wasn't caught in an ambush interview. That was the heart and soul of his campaign. That is what he said to the elderly and to working-class Americans, and many voted for him precisely because he said he would not cut Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid.
On May 7, 2015, Mr. Trump tweeted: ``I was the first and only potential GOP candidate to state there will be no cuts to Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid.''
April 18, 2015, Trump said:
Every Republican wants to do a big number on Social
Security. They want to do it on Medicare, they want to do it
on Medicaid, and we can't do it. And it's not fair to the
people that have been paying in for years. Now, all of a
sudden they want to cut it.
August 10, 2015, Trump said:
I will save Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security without
cuts.
Without cuts.
We have to do it. People have been paying in for years and
now many of these candidates want to cut it.
March 29, 2016, Trump said:
You know, Paul [Ryan]--
Paul Ryan is, as we all know, the Speaker of the House--
wants to knock out Social Security, knock it way down. . . .
. He wants to knock Medicare way down.
Two things. You will lose the election if you are going to do that. I am not going to cut it, and I am not going to raise ages, and I am not going to do all the things that they want to do. Welcome to ``they.'' That is what the Republicans are trying to do.
Back to the quote:
But they want to really cut it, and they want to cut it
very substantially--the Republicans--and I am not going to do
that.
That is where we are today. Republicans have a proposal which will make
devastating cuts to Social Security over in the House, and here by repealing the Affordable Care Act, they are going to cut Medicare and Medicaid.
In December of 2011, Trump wrote:
Now, I know there are some Republicans who would be just
fine with allowing Social Security and Medicare to wither and
die on the vine. The way they see it, Social Security and
Medicaid are wasteful entitlement programs. But people who
think this way need to rethink their position. It's not
unreasonable for people who paid in to a system for decades
to expect to get their money's worth. That's not an
entitlement. That's honoring a deal. We as a society must
also make an ironclad commitment to providing a safety net
for those who can't make one for themselves.
On May 21, 2015, Trump tweeted:
I am going to save Social Security without any cuts. I know
where to get the money from. Nobody else does.
On and on and on. These are just some of the quotes. This is not like a statement in the middle of the night. This is what he campaigned on.
What this amendment is about and says to my Democratic colleagues and says to my Republican colleagues is, do we hold and support the process in which a candidate runs for office and over and over and over again tells working families and the elderly he will not cut Social Security, Medicare, or Medicaid--do we hold him to his word or do we just say: Hey, that is just campaign rhetoric. He lied. That is OK. That is politics in America. It doesn't matter what he said. This is the reality. We are going to cut Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid.
So this amendment tells us that if we go forward with what the Republicans want to do, it will be devastating to the American people, but perhaps, more importantly, what this amendment says is that in a democratic society, we must have faith with the American people. You cannot run a campaign, make promises, and the day after forget about everything you said.
I would hope very much that my Republican colleagues will join all of us on this side in supporting what democracy is supposed to be about. We have differences of opinions. Mr. Enzi and I disagree on a lot of things, but I have never suggested that Mr. Enzi--when he campaigns, I believe he says what he believes. People vote for him or they vote against him. It is called democracy. Now you have a situation where a candidate for President goes to the working class and says: I will not cut Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid. Let us tell Mr. Trump: Let us keep faith with the American people. We heard what you said, and we are going to hold you to your word. Let us support the Sanders amendment.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
Mr. President, when my friend Senator Flake talks about reforming Social Security, what he is talking about is cutting Social Security. He is suggesting that is the only way we can save Social Security. Of course, that is nonsense. I would urge my good friend from Arizona to get on board legislation that I will be offering. Do you know what it does? It extends the life of Social Security for 55
years and expands benefits, and it does that by lifting the cap so that billionaires contribute more into the Social Security trust fund.
To suggest that nobody on this side wants to do anything is inaccurate. We do want to do something. We want to raise benefits and extend the life of Social Security. And, yes, some campaign donors-- billionaires--may have to pay more in taxes.
I urge my colleagues to reject the Flake amendment and support the Sanders amendment.
Mr. President, I raise a point of order that the pending amendment, No. 52, is not germane to the underlying resolution and therefore violates section 305(b)2 of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974.
Mr. President, this amendment does two basic things. No. 1, it says that the Senate should not go on record in throwing 30 million people off of health insurance, raising the cost of prescriptions drugs for seniors, and privatizing Medicare.
But it also does something else maybe even more important. It says that we should support President-Elect Trump when he campaigned throughout this country saying that I, Donald Trump, will not cut Social Security, will not cut Medicare, will not cut Medicaid. Let's tell the American people that we think that when a candidate for President says something over and over and over, when he promises the working people and the elderly that he will not cut Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid, we stand with him and we are going to support him and make sure that there are no cuts to Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid.
Thank you.
Mr. President, pursuant to section 904 of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974, I move to waive all applicable sections of that act for purposes of the pending amendment, and I ask for the yeas and nays.