Floor Statements

Madam President, one of the worst humanitarian disasters in modern history is now unfolding before our eyes in Gaza today--right now. And we, as the government of the United States, are complicit.

It has been 4 months since Hamas's terrorist attack started this war, and what we in Congress do right now could well determine whether tens of thousands of people live or whether they die. Already, the human costs of this Israel-Hamas war has been staggering. Madam President, 1,200 innocent Israelis were killed in the initial terrorist attack, and more than 100 are still being held hostage.

And as I have said many times, Israel has the right to defend itself against Hamas terrorism, but it does not have the right to go to war against the entire Palestinian people. As of today, Israel's response has killed more than 27,000 Palestinians and injured more than 67,000-- two-thirds of whom are women and children. Let me repeat: Two-thirds are women and children.

Madam President, 1.7 million Palestinians have been driven from their homes, and, unbelievably, some 70 percent of the housing units in Gaza have been damaged or destroyed. This is an unheard of level of destruction--80 percent of people driven from their homes and 70 percent of housing units damaged or destroyed.

And while 1.7 million people are displaced from their homes, they have no idea where they will be tomorrow or whether or not they will ever return to their homes. And many of these men, women, and children have been displaced multiple times. They go here; they go there; they go there.

Most of the infrastructure in Gaza has been destroyed. Very few water wells or bakeries are functioning. The electricity has been cut since the beginning of the war. Sewage is running into the streets. Cell phone service is spotty or nonexistent. Most of the healthcare facilities in Gaza are not operational. Bombs falling, people getting hurt; and yet healthcare facilities not operational. Many facilities have been damaged in air strikes, and numerous, numerous healthcare workers trying to keep children alive have been killed. The facilities that are operational today lack the basic medical supplies that heroic doctors and nurses need in order to save lives and treat their patients.

And as horrible as all of this is, let me tell you what is even worse. As a result of Israeli bombing and restrictions on aid entering Gaza, only a tiny fraction of the food, water, medicine, and fuel that is needed--desperately needed--can get into Gaza. Even then, very little of that aid can reach beyond the immediate area of Rafah near the Egyptian border.

And let us be very clear and take a deep breath and understand what all of this means. It means that, today, hundreds of thousands of children are starving and lack clean drinking water. The United Nations says the entire population of Gaza is at imminent risk of famine, and some 378,000 people are starving right now. According to the U.N., 1 in 10 children under the age of 5 in Gaza is now acutely malnourished.

And when malnutrition impacts young children, it often means permanent physical and cognitive damage that will impact them for the rest of their lives. In other words, if food got in tomorrow, healthcare got in tomorrow, damage has already been severely done to tens of thousands of beautiful, innocent little children. If nothing changes, we will soon have hundreds of thousands of children literally starving to death before our very eyes.

And, unbelievably, that situation could even get worse in the immediate future. Roughly 1.4 million people--more than half of the population of Gaza--are now squeezed into the Rafah area. That is right up against the Egyptian border. Rafah was a town of just 250,000 before the war. It is a very small area, roughly 10 miles by 4 miles. Most of the people there are now packed into crowded U.N. shelters or sleeping out in tents. It is a daily struggle for them to find food or water.

Yet Prime Minister Netanyahu, the leader of Israel's extreme-right wing government, says that Israel will soon launch a major ground offensive against Rafah, where all of these people currently are. He will soon be forcing hundreds of thousands of desperate people to evacuate once again. In other words, exhausted, traumatized, and hungry families will be driven onto the road with no plan as to where they will go, how they will receive essential supplies or protection for their physical safety.

I cannot find words to describe how horrific this situation is and could become. Prime Minister Netanyahu has repeatedly said that the goal of Israel's military efforts is total victory. Yet asked recently what total victory would look like, he responded chillingly by saying that it is like smashing a glass ``into small pieces, and then you continue to smash it into even smaller pieces and you continue hitting them.''

And the question that we as Americans and as the U.S. Congress must ask is: How many more children and innocent people will be smashed by Netanyahu in this process? It is quite clear that beyond total destruction of Gaza, Netanyahu has no plan.

Yesterday, President Biden acknowledged the severity of this crisis, and I thank him for doing that. He said that Israel's response in Gaza ``has been over the top'' and added that ``there are a lot of innocent people who are starving. There are a lot of innocent people who are in trouble and dying. And it's got to stop.'' That is President Joe Biden.

President Biden is absolutely right. It does have to stop. It has to now, and that is in our hands. President Biden and Secretary of State Blinken have been trying to negotiate an agreement where Israel pauses its military operation while Hamas releases the remaining hostages. All of us hope that this deal comes together. We all want the hostages freed and the slaughter ended. But Netanyahu is resisting this proposal. In large part, this is because he is politically weak at home. Most Israelis likely blame him for creating this crisis. And in my view--my view--he is trying to prolong the war to avoid facing accountability for his actions.

Netanyahu didn't even wait for Secretary Blinken to leave the region this week before he publicly dismissed the hostage deal as delusional and brushed aside United States' concerns about expanding the ground offensive in southern Gaza. The Associated Press called this a ``virtual slap in the face'' to Blinken and the United States--a virtual slap in the face--and they are right.

Unbelievably--unbelievably--despite all of this, the U.S. Congress is prepared to spend another $14 billion on military aid to Netanyahu's rightwing government--$14 billion more, and 10 billion of this money is totally unrestricted and will allow Netanyahu to buy more of the bombs he has used to flatten Gaza and to kill thousands and thousands of children.

This is American complicity at its worst, and it is really quite unbelievable. Does the U.S. Congress really want to provide more military aid to Netanyahu so that he can annihilate thousands and thousands more men, women, and children? Do we really want to reward Netanyahu, even while he ignores virtually everything the President of the United States is asking him to do? Do we want to give even more support to the leader of the most

rightwing government in Israel's history, a man who has dedicated his political career to killing the prospects of a two-state solution?

That is really hard to believe, but that is exactly what this legislation before us will do. And what is even harder to understand is that in the midst of this horrendous humanitarian crisis, the legislation before us contains a prohibition to funding for UNRWA, the largest U.N. agency operating in Gaza and the backbone of the humanitarian aid operation. Israel's allegations against the agency are serious, and they are being investigated seriously. But you don't starve 2 million children and people and women--you don't starve 2 million people because of the alleged actions of 12 UNRWA employees.

The whole world is watching. Netanyahu is starving the children of Gaza. We cannot be complicit in this atrocity. As long as this bill contains money to fund Netanyahu's cruel war, I will do everything I can to oppose it, and I urge my colleagues to do the same.

With that, I yield the floor.

Mr. President, since 2010, I have sponsored a State of the Union essay contest for Vermont high school students. This contest gives students in my State the opportunity to articulate what issues they would prioritize if they were President of the United States.

This is the contest's 14th year, and I would like to congratulate the 454 students who participated. It is truly heartening to see so many young people engaged in finding solutions for the problems that face our country. To my mind, this is what democracy is all about.

A volunteer panel of Vermont educators reviewed the essays and chose Leah Frisbie as this year's winner. Leah, a junior at Essex High School, wrote about the impact that banning books has on our society. Abigail Curry, a junior at Mount Mansfield Union High School, was the second place winner. Abigail wrote about Native American access to clean water. Leah Fitzgerald, a senior at Bellows Free Academy Saint Albans, was the third place winner, with an essay on addressing homelessness.

I am very proud to enter into the Congressional Record the essays submitted by Leah, Abigail, and Leah.

The material follows:

Winner, Leah Frisbie, Essex High School, Junior

Books are foundational to our society, as self-discovery is

enhanced through reading about different characters,

cultures, and perspectives and finding similarities within it

all. Books have the power to transform lives, tell important

stories, and spread information. As each year more and more

books are pulled from library shelves, the opportunities

provided are reduced. The banning of books in the United

States is a pressing problem that deprives people across the

country from perspectives, information, and freedom.

In recent years, the removal of books from school libraries

has exponentially increased in the United States. According

to The New York Times, ``The PEN report, which counted book

removals in school and classroom libraries during the 2022-

2023 school year, found 3,362 cases of books being removed, a

33 percent increase over the previous school year.'' The

majority of banned books target topics relating to gender

identity, racial justice, and sexuality. Through attempts to

ban books, marginalized groups' stories and perspectives are

silenced. The act of banning books diminishes the quality and

purpose of education. With the absence of diverse stories

shared, the population becomes less educated, and

marginalized groups will continue to be underrepresented.

When students aren't exposed to diverse stories, ignorance,

hate, and fear rise.

The Hate U Give by Angie Thomas is a book that tells the

true story of a young girl facing racism and its correlation

to police brutality in the US. Although it is a heavy topic,

it accurately addresses the reality and problems of our

society. It communicates someone's life experiences, yet is

widely banned in school libraries due to its portrayal of

racism and anti-police views. The Hate U Give is a single

example out of thousands of books, where underrepresented

groups' stories, history, and truth is restricted from the

public.

In order to stop the escalation of banned books, Congress

must pass the Fight Banned Books Act that was introduced in

December of 2023. The act provides funding to school

districts to fight against the banned book crisis. Currently,

many schools do not have the budget to defend banned books,

resulting in a surge of books being pulled from shelves. With

the act, The Department of Education would dedicate $15

million over five years to school districts to help assist in

the costs, including retaining legal representation, travel

to hearings on bans, and maintaining expert research. By

passing the Fight Banned Books Act, school districts across

the nation would play a fundamental role in decreasing banned

books and spreading awareness.

Congress must pass the Fight Banned Books Act in order to

protect the nation from the needless deprivation of

information. The issues occurring in society, such as gender

and race inequalities, deserve to be shared in libraries.

While the intention of removing books from shelves is to

protect students, it is doing the complete opposite:

Students' education, freedom, and exposure to different

perspectives is deprived.

Second Place, Abigail Curry, Mount Mansfield Union High School, Junior

In the Mojave desert, along the Colorado River, there lives

a tribe of indigenous Americans who call themselves the Aha

Makav. Translated as best as possible into English, this name

means ``The river runs through the middle of my body.'' The

Aha Makav are one of 30 tribes living in the Colorado River

Basin, where the river has all but dried up and the water

crisis has reached catastrophic levels. But they're not the

only ones struggling to find water. Research by the House

Committee on Natural Resources showed that 48% of Native

Americans living on reservations in the U.S. don't have a

reliable source of clean, drinkable water-a proportion 80x

higher than the 0.6% of all Americans who don't have access

to drinking water.

Part of the issue's cause is that when Native Americans

were assigned reservation land, much of what they received

was dry, barren land in the West that were predisposed to

drought. They have also been repeatedly left out of

infrastructure and utility development projects that would

have brought them running water, leaving hundreds of

thousands to haul water by the bucket.

So far, the government has refused any obligation to

improve the issue. This past June, the Supreme Court ruled in

Arizona v. Navajo Nation that even if Indigenous tribes have

treaty rights to a river's water, the government doesn't have

any obligation to assess how much of it they have a right to,

or to help them actually access it.

The indigenous water crisis is a complicated issue that

will only get harder to solve as climate change continues to

worsen droughts in the U.S. That being said, there is a path

to a solution. First, the Supreme Court must overturn their

decision in Arizona v. Navajo Nation. This ruling was a

significant step backwards for native water rights, but it

was only a 5-4 majority. If the decision is revisited, it's

very possible for it to reverse. This will remove the new

roadblock in the way of indigenous water access, and open an

opportunity for the U.S. to make reparations and improve

water access for Native Americans.

Once the road forward is clear, proactive steps must be

taken to ensure that Native Americans can access the water

they have a right to. The court must first quantify how much

water native tribes have a right to, and therefore how river

and ground water will be distributed among tribes and other

consumers. Once this is quantified, the government must

increase funding for water infrastructure projects on

reservations. This funding will allow tribes to access river

and ground water, as well as opening treatment plants to

create their own potable water.

As the water crisis in the U.S. worsens and Native

Americans become more vulnerable to its effects, it is

imperative that the U.S. begins to remedy the centuries of

harm done to Native Americans by taking action to ensure

their access to clean, safe water.

Third Place, Leah Fitzgerald, Bellows Free Academy Saint Albans, Senior

The 2023 Point in Time (PIT) count conducted by the U.S

Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) revealed

the disheartening truth that over 653,104 American citizens

were experiencing homelessness on a single night in January

of last year. 40% of such individuals were reported as

unsheltered, meaning ``living'' in a place not intended for

human habitation. 41 U.S. states reported a significant surge

of persons experiencing homelessness compared to years prior.

The 2023 PIT count is the highest recorded count in HUD data,

surpassing figures back from 2007. This data is not just a

statistical representation: it narrates the lived experiences

for thousands of Americans, and writes the story of

negligence, ignorance and systematic tolerance for homeless

Americans.

Interning at a local emergency housing shelter during high

school allowed me to witness these numbers in real life.

Distributing gloves, hats, blankets, and food could not

overshadow the fact many would be sleeping outside in the

cold Vermont weather without a roof over their heads. In my

county, over 462 citizens, with 114 being children, were on

record as having experienced homelessness in 2023.

Solving homelessness goes beyond than simply building more

homes. Even with less restrictive building codes, or a

substantial decrease in housing prices, these improvements

would not exclusively benefit the homeless populations. With

the average two-bedroom apartment being over 1700 dollars a

month, the only reasonable option for low-income citizens is

subsidized units.

Despite the pre-existing welfare programs like PBRA, TBRA,

and FRA that have been assisting low-income families for over

75 years, the HUD budget can only assist 1 in 4 eligible

citizens with its current funding. Similarly, the Housing

First model supported by the Biden-Harris administration

struggles to become mainstream without adequate funding.

Providing housing is the first step to solving homelessness,

but there is an entire staircase that is essential to

breaking the continuous cycle of homelessness.

Studies show that ``wrap around'' services are critical for

citizens to remain in permanent housing, however such support

is hard to find. With the entire nation understaffed,

underfunded and overwhelmed the solution for solving

homelessness is not quick nor short term. First, support to

the private and public housing sectors is essential to

promoting housing. By expanding programs such as HOME, PRO

Housing, or TBRA will encourage land use and support the

housing market. New units can specifically be sectioned off

for homeless populations under PBRA.

Upon entering such housing, citizens need to be connected

with behavioral, mental, medical and financial services

funded by programs like SSA and HHS. Programs under the HUD

should also be adequately funded through the national budget.

HUD receives a little over 1% of the total budget, yet

supports over 3 million families in housing assistance.

Short term solutions such as emergency housing vouchers or

emergency rental assistance are not sustainable. As a nation,

we must understand that in order to solve this ongoing issue,

support from all angles is the only permanent solution to

ending homelessness.

Mr. President, I ask to have printed in the Record some of the finalists' essays written by Vermont High School students as part of the 14th Annual State of the Union Essay contest conducted by my office.

The material follows:

Finalists

Mr. President, since 2010, I have sponsored a State of the Union essay contest for Vermont high school students. This contest gives students in my State the opportunity to articulate what issues they would prioritize if they were President of the United States.

This is the contest's 14th year, and I would like to congratulate the seven volunteer judges who helped choose the contest winners and finalists. The contest relies on its committed team of judges. The judges take time to review each essay and evaluate the diversity in writing that engages students and will benefit them for years to come. The judges' willingness to participate in this project reflects their dedication to both the students and our State, and for that, I graciously thank them.

The judges include:

Andrew Chobanian of Oxbow High School--participant for 2

years

Lauren Conti of Stowe High School--participant for 2 years

Jason Gorczyk of Milton High School--participant for 11

years

Krista Huling of South Burlington High School--participant

for 11 years

Mary Schell of White River Valley School--participant for 2

years

Sarah Soule of Middlebury Union High School--participant

for 6 years

Terri Vest of Twinfield Union School & Vermont Virtual

Learning Collaborative--participant for 14 years

I am very proud to enter the State of the Union Essay Contest judges into the Congressional Record to recognize their contributions.

Madam President, I would like to say a few words about the urgent humanitarian catastrophe now unfolding in Gaza. The reason I want to do that is I just have the feeling that most people--maybe here in the Senate and throughout the country--are just not aware of how severe the situation has become.

My staff and I have had a number of conversations in recent days with the United Nations, the World Food Programme, and other humanitarian actors struggling to deal with the horrors unfolding in Gaza. Here is the bottom line: The coming weeks could mean the difference between life and death for tens of thousands of people. If we do not see a dramatic improvement in humanitarian access very soon, countless innocent people, including thousands of children, could die of dehydration, diarrhea, preventable diseases, and starvation. The World Health Organization predicts that the number of deaths from sickness and starvation could exceed the 25,000 people who died from Israeli bombs.

Let's be clear: What is going on in Gaza today is a man-made crisis. This is not a natural disaster. This is not climate change. This is a man-made crisis taking place right now, and it is the direct result of choices made by political leaders--none more than Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the leader of Israel's extreme rightwing government.

We all know that Hamas--a terrorist organization--began this war with its horrific attack on October 7, which killed 1,200 innocent Israeli men, women, and children, and took more than 200 hostages. Israel, in my view, had the right to respond to that attack and go after Hamas, but it did not and does not have the right to go after the entire Palestinian people, which is exactly what is happening right now.

Let me try to provide a picture, a snapshot, of what life in Gaza is like today. More than 25,000 Palestinians have been killed in this war so far--and, remember, the population of Gaza is just a bit over 2 million--25,000 are dead already; 62,000 have been wounded. And 70 percent of the dead are women and children--70 percent of the dead are women and children. At least 210 Palestinians have been killed in the last 24 hours. Overall, 152 United Nations aid workers have been killed so far--more U.N. losses than in any previous war.

When we look at what is going on in Gaza now, we must understand that 1.7 million people have been driven from their homes--85 percent of the entire population of Gaza. Imagine that: 85 percent of the population removed from their homes. Then, as a result of Israeli bombardment, 70 percent of the housing units have been damaged or destroyed--an unprecedented level of destruction.

Most of Gaza's critical infrastructure has been destroyed or made inoperable, including many water wells, bakeries, powerplants, hospitals, and sewage treatment facilities.

Importantly, much of the area has been without cell phone service for weeks, making communication very difficult. How do you know what is going on, how do you know what kind of bombing may be taking place if you don't have a cell phone that is working?

The fighting and Israeli restrictions have made it nearly impossible for food, water, fuel, and medical supplies to enter Gaza. Water is scarce, and what little is available is often contaminated. Children are drinking very polluted water. Public wells are operating at just 10-percent capacity, and just one of three water pipelines into Gaza is functioning.

For several months now, children in southern Gaza are surviving on just 1\1/2\ or 2 liters of water per day--far, far below what is needed. And that is in the area where the U.N. can reach. The situation is worse elsewhere.

The lack of clean drinking water is leading to a spike in water-borne diseases and diarrhea--a very serious condition which accounts for nearly 10 percent of all deaths among children under the age of 5 worldwide. In Gaza, the U.N. reports 158,000 cases--more than half among children under the age of 5--a 4,000-percent increase in diarrhea from before the war began.

We have heard from humanitarian groups last week that they fear many thousands of children will die from diarrhea before they starve to death. What a horrible reality we are looking at in Gaza right now.

Hunger and starvation are widespread. Before the war, Gaza had 97 bakeries producing the bread and other basics that people need. Right now, just 15 of those bakeries are operating, and none are functioning in the north, closed by the combination of airstrikes and a lack of fuel and flour.

Hundreds of thousands of children go to bed hungry every night. We have all seen the scenes of desperate people mobbing the few U.N. relief trucks that can reach beyond the border crossing. They see food coming, and they mob those trucks.

Right now, the United Nations says that 570,000 people in Gaza, including small kids, are currently facing ``catastrophic hunger''-- that is their definition--which is equivalent to famine. This is the most severe category of starvation, but the U.N. reports that ``the entire population of Gaza--roughly 2.2 million people--are in crisis or worse levels of acute food insecurity.'' In other words, virtually every household is regularly skipping meals, and most are down to a single meal a day; often, just bread.

Experts tell us that infants and young people will succumb first to hunger. Without enough food and with no clean water to make formula, their vital organs will begin to shut down. Many will die of infection before they reach that point.

I have difficulty, on a personal level, even using the technical term for this stage. The technical term is ``child wasting.'' I find that term absolutely horrific. Yet that is what we are watching unfold in slow motion as the world looks on: children starving, drinking polluted water, suffering from dehydration, getting sick, and slowly dying.

In the midst of all of this, Gaza's healthcare system is under tremendous strain. Faced with over 87,000 casualties--figures that would overwhelm the

most sophisticated health system in the world--health workers there have worked to save lives amid frequent bombardment in overcrowded hospitals without electricity or adequate fuel or medicine. And in the midst of all of this, over 300 health workers have been killed.

The lack of basic necessities and overcrowded conditions are contributing to a dramatic increase in disease, and 10 percent of the population now has acute respiratory infections. Those with long-term medical conditions that require advanced treatment have little hope of receiving adequate care.

Amidst this devastation, approximately 180 women give birth in Gaza every day, facing unbelievable dangers and completely inadequate medical care. Without enough food or clean water, let alone necessary medications and antibiotics, many of these women face serious complications, and their children will bear lifelong scars from this war.

That is just a bit of the story in terms of what is happening in Gaza right now--a story that we cannot continue to ignore.

Let me say a word about why this is happening, about what the immediate causes of this humanitarian disaster are. The answer is not complicated. At every step of the way, the Israeli Government has failed to provide even the most basic protections to civilians. Every humanitarian move has been extracted only after weeks of delay and outside pressure from the United States and others.

The result of all of this is that today, just 20 to 30 percent of what is needed in humanitarian aid is being brought into Gaza. There is not enough food. There is not enough water. There are not enough medical supplies. There is not enough fuel.

Onerous Israeli border inspections are a major cause of this crisis. Today, there is a 3- to 4-week wait for trucks to get into Gaza, while children are starving. Many trucks are unloaded and reloaded numerous times, often to be searched for the same items.

It is understandable that Israel wants to ensure that no weapons are reaching Hamas. We all understand that. But senior U.S. officials tell us that they have seen no evidence of Hamas theft or diversion of U.N. aid. Meanwhile, Israel is rejecting things like tent poles, feminine hygiene kits, hand sanitizers, water testing kits, and medical supplies. If a single item in a truck is rejected, then the whole truck has to go back to the start of the process, causing enormous delays. Kerem Shalom crossing, the main entry point equipped to process trucks in large numbers, is only open 8 hours a day.

I want to thank our colleagues Senator Van Hollen and Senator Merkley for their courage in going to the Egyptian-Gaza border and coming back here and reporting to us their personal observations of the crisis there.

It is hard to see this process and not conclude that what is taking place is a deliberate effort to slow humanitarian aid. Sure enough, just last week, Prime Minister Netanyahu said that Israel is only allowing in the absolute minimum amount necessary.

When trucks do eventually get across the border, they face a whole new set of problems. Israel is bombing targets across Gaza, and its ground forces are fighting across much of the enclave and have closed many major roads. For aid trucks to move safely and avoid being bombed or shot, every movement must be cleared with the Israeli Defense Forces.

This deconfliction process has repeatedly failed. Even when notified, Israel has sometimes hit aid convoys. Medical facilities and humanitarian shelters cleared with Israelis have been struck numerous times. Tragically, the first half of January actually saw a deterioration in humanitarian access. In that period, Israel denied 95 percent of U.N. attempts to bring fuel and medicines to water wells and health facilities in north Gaza.

Netanyahu's rightwing government is starving the Palestinian people. On top of its indiscriminate bombardment, Israel is imposing onerous restrictions that are blocking the delivery of essential humanitarian aid.

All of this is unacceptable. We are running out of time as we face one of the most severe humanitarian catastrophes of recent times.

This should not be seen as just a terrible crisis taking place many thousands of miles away from our shores. This is a tragedy in which we, the United States of America, are complicit.

Much of what is happening right now is being done with U.S. arms and military equipment. In other words, whether we like it or not, the United States is complicit in the nightmare that millions of Palestinians are now experiencing.

In my view, Israel must take urgent steps immediately to open up humanitarian access. The water pipelines must be rapidly repaired and reopened. More border crossings, including in the north, must be opened. Inspections must be streamlined and sped up. Deconfliction of aid deliveries must be prioritized. And Israel must stop blocking essential humanitarian supplies.

These are not new issues. These are concerns that have been repeatedly communicated to the Israeli Government for months by the United States, by the U.N., and, in fact, by the global community. But the Israeli Government has refused--refused--to take these steps.

This has got to change now. Tens of thousands of lives hang in the balance. If we care about human rights and if we believe in the dignity of every human life, as we so often profess, we cannot allow this gruesome and horrible situation to continue. This is an urgent, unspeakable crisis. Every day matters, and we must act and act now.

Israel is not doing what is needed, despite the repeated pleas of the U.S. Government and the President of the United States. That is why, in my view, we need to use every tool at our disposal to make Netanyahu change the direction he has taken.

As part of that effort, last week, the Senate voted on what I consider to be a very modest step, a resolution requiring the State Department to report on any human rights violations that may have occurred in Israel's military campaign in Gaza. The resolution was based on longstanding U.S. law requiring that any security assistance or military equipment provided to any country be used in line with internationally recognized human rights. That is what that resolution was about.

This is not a radical idea: making sure that the weapons we supply any country are used consistent with American law and international law. Yet just 11 U.S. Senators voted for that resolution.

We cannot continue turning a blind eye to the suffering in Gaza and the humanitarian catastrophe that is unfolding there. We cannot continue to ignore the fact that it has been American bombs and military equipment that has helped create this crisis.

Given the scale of the disaster, how could any Member of the Senate tell us that they do not want to know how billions in U.S. military aid is being used? How can we not want to have that very simple information?

My colleagues and I will continue to push for this information, which is absolutely necessary for Congress to conduct its oversight duties. But in addition to getting answers, I believe the United States must use all of our leverage to end this horrific war. And the primary leverage that we have over the Israeli Government is the billions of dollars in military aid we provide to them every year and the $14 billion being proposed for Israel in the supplemental budget.

Madam President, in my view, we must loudly and clearly say no to Netanyahu's indiscriminate bombing, no to this manmade humanitarian catastrophe, and no to the unprecedented level of human suffering that is taking place in Gaza now. We must use our leverage to demand an end to the bombing, a humanitarian ceasefire to allow aid to flow to those who are suffering, and to secure the release of the more than 130 hostages still being held in Gaza. We must also demand that the Israeli Government begin the necessary work to lay the groundwork for a two- state solution.

Bottom line: There is a horrific catastrophe taking place right now. We cannot continue to ignore it. We must act.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I rise today to recognize Vermont State Police Trooper Michelle Archer for her lifesaving rescue of a young child. Trooper Archer's heroic actions are an extraordinary example of public service.

Trooper Archer joined the Vermont State Police in 2018 and has worked out of both the Williston and Derby barracks, serving the counties of Chittenden, Lamoille, and Orleans.

On December 17, 2023, Trooper Archer was on patrol in Lamoille County. When a 911 call came in from the town of Cambridge reporting that an 8-year-old child had fallen through the ice on a frozen pond into 40-degree water, Trooper Archer was on scene in less than 5 minutes. Without hesitation, she jumped into action. Trooper Archer put her training to use by grabbing a throw rope and floatation device, quickly but calmly entering the freezing water and swimming out to the victim, and bringing the unresponsive young girl to shore. There, Trooper Archer's colleague, Trooper Keith Cote, provided first aid. The child spent time in the hospital, but thankfully, and in no small part due to the troopers' decisive actions, she is fully recovered.

While Trooper Archer's rescue rightfully made headlines, it is just one example of the dedication of Vermont public servants in law enforcement and beyond. Every day, they renew their commitment to protecting and serving Vermonters with fairness and compassion. This often means putting their own lives and safety on the line. They are our neighbors, friends, family members, and fellow Vermonters-- committed to the values of integrity, courage, and honor--and to making a difference in the lives of others.

Trooper Archer, along with Trooper Cote, demonstrated exceptional service during this rescue, and for that, they have the sincere appreciation of all Vermonters. I am hopeful that their exceptional display of public service will inspire others to step up and serve their communities. In Vermont, we need more dedicated people to join the ranks of the Vermont State Police and other law enforcement agencies, and to enter other public sector jobs like teaching, healthcare, the fire service, and beyond.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Madam President, under section 502B of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, I move to discharge the Committee on Foreign Relations from further consideration of S. Res. 504.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the following Senators be permitted to speak prior to the vote: Senator Sanders for up to 25 minutes, Senator Merkley for up to 5 minutes, and Senator Cardin for up to 5 minutes.

Madam President, let me apologize to my colleagues for being late. It turns out today was not a great day to travel by plane. I thank the leadership for delaying the vote as well.

We will soon be voting on a resolution requesting information on Israel's human rights practices under section 502B(c) of the Foreign Assistance Act.

There has been some confusion as to what this resolution does and does not do. I would like to say a few words about why it is critical that this resolution come to the floor, why it is imperative that this resolution be passed, imperative that we have this debate and recorded vote, and why Congress must have the information requested in this resolution.

Very sensibly, the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as amended, requires that any security assistance or military equipment provided by the United States of America to any country must be used in line with internationally recognized human rights. This is not a radical idea and something I hope that we all agree with. This act prohibits assistance to any government that engages in a consistent pattern of human rights violations.

This is U.S. law established over 50 years ago--not a new idea. The act also provides Congress with several oversight tools to ensure that this law is followed. One such tool is section 502B(c), which allows Congress to direct the State Department to provide information on the human rights record of any country--any country--receiving U.S. military assistance.

That is what this resolution does, in line with 50-year-old existing law. It directs the State Department to provide any credible information it may have on potential violations of internationally recognized human rights by Israel in its military campaign in Gaza.

It focuses on the denial of the right to life caused by indiscriminate or disproportionate military operations as well as by restrictions on humanitarian access.

It also asks for information on steps the United States has taken to limit civilian risk in this war, a certification that the Leahy laws are being fully applied, and a summary of the arms and munitions provided to Israel since October 7.

This is a simple request for information. That is all this resolution is about. It does not alter aid to Israel in any way; it simply requests a report on how U.S. aid is being used. This is a very modest, commonsense proposal, and, frankly, it is hard for me to understand why anyone would oppose it.

So we will soon be voting on a very simple question: Do we support asking the State Department for information on whether human rights violations may have occurred using U.S. assistance in Israel's military campaign? That is it. That is what this resolution is about. It is noncontroversial, and it should be passed in large numbers. This is not the case today. We don't have the information.

The State Department will provide a report. The information requested in this resolution is straightforward to provide--not hard for the State Department--and it is critical to congressional oversight. The State Department should have it readily available, as required under current U.S. law and policy. Further, in the highly unlikely event the 30-day deadline is not met by the State Department, the law allows Congress to pass a measure continuing aid. After the report is received, Congress may then consider any changes it deems necessary for security assistance to the country in question. Any such resolution must pass both Houses of Congress and be signed by the President.

But, again, what we are voting on today is simply a request for information. Let me say a few words as to why this resolution is necessary, and these rather horrific photographs behind me I think say it all.

First, it is necessary because of the scale of the destruction in Gaza, the indiscriminate nature of the military campaign, the humanitarian catastrophe that is now occurring, and the limits on humanitarian access--food, water, medical supplies, and fuel.

Second, because of the extensive use of U.S. weapons in attacks that have killed thousands of civilians. Much of the destruction that has taken place in Gaza has been done with U.S. weapons.

Thirdly, I am concerned about the implications of some of the very extreme statements and unclear intentions coming out of the Netanyahu government.

(Mr. WARNOCK assumed the Chair.)

It has been more than 100 days since this war began with the horrific Hamas terrorist attack which killed 1,200 innocent men, women, and children in Israel, and which took more than 200 hostages, over 100 of whom are still cruelly being held in captivity as of today.

While there is no question in my mind that Israel has the right to defend itself and go to war against Hamas, who started this terrible situation, Israel does not have the right to go to war against the entire Palestinian people, innocent men, women, and children in Gaza. Tragically, that is what we are seeing right now.

As we all know, the military campaign being waged by the rightwing Netanyahu government has led to massive destruction and widespread civilian harm. This has been far and away the most intensive bombing campaign of the 21st century. As President Biden has said repeatedly and the press and human rights monitors have exhaustively documented, this bombardment has been largely indiscriminate.

The results of this bombing campaign have been catastrophic, and I underline the word ``catastrophic.''

Since October 7, the start of the war, over 24,000 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli bombs and over 60,000 have been injured and wounded. Seventy percent of these victims are women and children, and it is believed that thousands more victims lie under the rubble of destroyed buildings in Gaza.

Since the beginning of this war, 1.9 million Palestinian men, women, and children have been driven from their homes. That is 85 percent--85 percent of the total population of Gaza has been forced out of their homes. Where are they going? They have been driven here. They have been driven there. They do not even know today whether they are ever going to be able to return to their homes. These are impoverished people who have no idea as to what their future is or will be.

Despite the sharing of coordinates with Israeli forces, 40 United Nations facilities have sustained direct hits, 61 U.N. installations have suffered collateral damage, and 150 U.N. workers have been killed--150 U.N. workers have been killed.

United Nations reports that over 234,000 housing units have been damaged and more than 46,000 homes completely destroyed in Gaza, amounting to nearly 70 percent--70 percent--of the housing stock, a figure confirmed by academic analysis of satellite radar data. That means--and this is rather an incredible reality--that means that the destruction of Gaza after 100 days has surpassed the destruction of Dresden during World War II, where half the homes in that city were destroyed, and is beyond the damage in dozens of

other German cities subjected to years of bombing during World War II.

Today, not only are the vast majority of people in Gaza homeless, but they lack food, water, medical supplies, and fuel. A recent U.N. report indicates that half of the population of about 2.2 million people are at risk of starvation, and 90 percent say they regularly go without food for a whole day. Parents there go out of their way to make sure their kids eat first.

The chief economist at the World Food Programme said that the humanitarian disaster in Gaza was among the worst he had ever seen. Aid groups say that in the coming weeks, the entire population of Gaza could face famine.

Let us be clear. The reason as to why this resolution must be passed today is that right now, right now as we speak, hundreds of thousands of children in Gaza, innocent children, are starving right before our eyes. We cannot turn away. We must act.

Tragically, despite the efforts of the U.N. and others, despite the growing humanitarian crisis we are seeing, the situation has actually gotten worse in terms of getting aid to the people in need, to these children. Aid groups say that humanitarian access actually deteriorated in January compared to December. Trucks are crossing the border much too slowly, much too few, but even these trucks can't go beyond the immediate border area because the Netanyahu government won't let them proceed in a way that is safe.

That is the situation as it stands today. Humanitarian workers who have spent decades serving in war zones say that this catastrophe goes beyond anything they have ever seen.

Let me repeat. This is not some tragedy taking place in Asia, in Africa--God knows there are enough tragedies all over the world--but this is a tragedy in which we, the United States of America, are complicit. Much of what is happening, much of the bombardment and the other actions that we are seeing now, is happening right now with U.S. arms and equipment. In other words, whether we like it or not, the United States is complicit in the nightmare that millions of Palestinians are now experiencing.

The Wall Street Journal reported on December 1 that the United States had provided at least 15,000 bombs and 57,000 artillery shells to Israel, including more than 5,400 huge, 2,000-pound bombs that can flatten entire neighborhoods. The Washington Post reported that in just 6 weeks after October 7, Israel dropped more than 22,000 American- supplied bombs on Gaza--22,000 American-supplied bombs. CNN reported that nearly half of these bombs were unguided, so-called dumb bombs.

So that is where we find ourselves at this moment. Mr. President, 24,000 Palestinians in Gaza are dead--70 percent are women and children--and 60,000 have been wounded. Seventy percent of the housing stock has been damaged or destroyed, and almost 2 million people are trying to survive with inadequate supplies of food, water, medicine, or fuel. And the humanitarian situation is getting worse by the minute. Hundreds of thousands of beautiful children are facing starvation.

Given the scale of the destruction and the extensive use of American arms, military equipment, in this campaign, Congress must act, and that is why we must pass this 502B resolution. We must ensure that U.S. aid is being used in accordance with international human rights and our own laws.

A vote for this resolution is simply to request more information on a tragic situation that the American people care about.

Go back home, I say to my colleagues--red State, blue State, purple State--this issue, this suffering, is on the minds of the American people.

That is all this resolution does.

Now a vote against this resolution--which I have a hard time really understanding--it says: I don't want more information. I am going to vote against this resolution. I don't want a report from the State Department. I don't want to know how U.S. military aid in Israel is being used. I don't want to know what responsibility the United States may have for this humanitarian disaster. I want to keep my head in the sand. I don't want to see what is going on.

And, frankly, no matter what your view on this terrible war may be-- agree with me; you don't agree with me--we cannot bury our eyes in the sand.

The truth is that since that terrible day on October 7 when Hamas attacked Israel, the Senate has had little meaningful debate on this war, despite the horrific toll and the deep concerns of many Americans. We have passed symbolic resolutions, but we have not considered a single measure that grapples with the unprecedented destruction, the humanitarian crisis, or the use of American weapons in a military campaign that has left so many dead, wounded, and displaced.

Now, no matter what happens on this vote, I know that this will not be the end of this debate. It is just the beginning.

And, finally, I would like to say a word about this resolution's broader importance. Right now, we are focusing on Israel, as we should, given the situation in Gaza. But, in general, what this provision does is extremely sensible. It demands accountability as to how U.S. military aid is used and whether the recipients of that aid abide by international law and our own human rights standards. This is true for Israel, for Saudi Arabia, and for any country that receives U.S. military aid.

Frankly, I hope this vote is the first of many as we take a hard look at how our military aid is being used.

Therefore, pursuant to 22 U.S.C. 2304 and in accordance with the provisions of section 601(b) of the International Security Assistance and Arms Export Control Act of 1976, I move to discharge the Committee on Foreign Relations of the further consideration of S. Res. 504, a resolution requesting information on Israel's human rights practices pursuant to section 502B(c) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961.

Mr. President, I reserve the balance of my time, and I would yield the floor to Senator Merkley.

Mr. President.

Mr. President.

I ask unanimous consent for 1 minute.

Mr. President, 24,000 Palestinians are dead, 70 percent of whom are women and children, 70 percent of the housing stock has been damaged or destroyed, and almost 2 million people are trying to survive with inadequate supplies of food, water, medical supplies, or fuel. And, as we speak, hundreds of thousands of children face starvation.

The time is now for the U.S. Senate to act.

I ask for a ``no'' vote on the motion to table.

Vote on Motion to Table

Mr. President, I would like to say a few words on the nomination of Erika McEntarfer to be the Commissioner of Labor Statistics at the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics at the Department of Labor.

President Biden nominated Ms. McEntarfer to the position on July 12, 2023, and last October, she was reported out of the HELP Committee by a unanimous vote of 21-0. Ms. McEntarfer has had a long career as an economist at the U.S. Census Bureau, currently serving as the lead economist in the labor markets section of the Center for Economic Studies. She has worked at the Census Bureau since July 2002, with the exception of July 2008 through January 2010, when she was an economist at the Treasury Department. She also did a 1-year detail assignment at the Council of Economic Advisers as a senior economist from 2022-2023.

Ms. McEntarfer has written or cowritten economic reports that cover a wide range of issues, from the effects of

macroeconomics on older workers and retirements, to job displacement and job mobility. She focuses her own research on U.S. labor market and wage dynamics over the business cycle.

Ms. McEntarfer holds a B.A. from Bard College and a Ph.D. from Virginia Tech.

I have no doubt that her experience and dedication to public service will help her succeed as Commissioner of Labor Statistics, and I urge my colleagues to support her nomination.

Madam President, I would like to say a few words on the resolution I have introduced under section 502B of the Foreign Assistance Act, which I intend to bring to the floor next week. This resolution is privileged. We will have a floor debate on it, and there will be a vote.

There is some confusion, I think, regarding what this resolution does, and I want to say a few words about that.

Very sensibly, the Foreign Assistance Act requires that when the United States provides security assistance or arms to any country in the world, that assistance must be used in line with internationally recognized human rights. The act prohibits assistance to any government that engages in a consistent pattern of violation of human rights.

That is the law of the United States of America.

This act also provides Congress with several oversight tools to make sure that this law is, in fact, followed, and one of these tools is section 502B(c), which allows Congress to direct the State Department to provide a report on any country receiving U.S. security assistance and that government's observance or lack of observance of international human rights. That is what the law is about; and that is, in fact, exactly what this resolution does.

In line with existing law, it directs the State Department to provide any credible information it may have on potential violations of internationally recognized human rights by Israel in its military campaign in Gaza.

It focuses in particular on the denial of the right to life, a human right enshrined in U.S. and international law caused by indiscriminate or disproportionate military operations, as well as by the denial of basic humanitarian needs and access.

It also asks for additional information on steps the United States has taken to limit civilian risk in this war; a certification that the Leahy laws are being fully applied; and a summary of the arms and munitions provided to Israel since October 7, when the war began. In essence, we will be voting on a very simple question. This is not a complicated question.

The question is: Do you support, as a Member of the Senate, asking the State Department whether human rights violations may have occurred using U.S. equipment or assistance in this war? That is what the resolution does--nothing more, nothing less.

This resolution is not prescriptive. It does not alter aid to Israel in any way. It does not cut one penny of aid. It simply requests that the State Department report on how U.S. aid is being used. The State Department then has 30 days to provide a report responding to the request.

To my mind, this is not a controversial resolution. Every one of us should want to know whether our U.S. military aid is being used in violation of international law or not. No matter what your view on the war may be, it is a simple question. And I hope that we can get widespread support for the resolution.

Now, let me say a word about why, in my view, this resolution is, in fact, necessary. It is no great secret that the United States has long been very supportive of Israel, providing billions of dollars a year in military aid, year after year after year. We have also provided a massive influx of arms and munitions since October 7, the day of Hamas's disgusting terrorist attack against Israel.

The Israeli military has made extensive use of these U.S. weapons in its campaign, including the widespread use of 2,000-pound bombs, 1,000- pound bombs, and 155-mm artillery.

On December 1, the Wall Street Journal reported that the U.S. has provided at least 15,000 bombs and 57,000 artillery shells to Israel since October 7, including more than 5,400 huge 2,000-pound bombs that can flatten entire neighborhoods. The Washington Post reported that in just 6 weeks after October 7, Israel dropped more than 22,000 American- supplied bombs on Gaza. CNN reported that 40 to 45 percent of the bombs used in Gaza have been unguided or what is called dumb bombs.

Let me be very clear. This aggressive military campaign has led to massive destruction and widespread civilian harm. There is extensive evidence showing that this military campaign since October 7 in Gaza has been, far and away, the most intensive bombing campaign of the 21st century.

Independent human rights monitors and the press have extensively documented the use of U.S. arms in strikes leading to large numbers of civilian deaths and injuries.

The Israeli military campaign is not just something that concerns me or millions of Americans. It is also something that has been troubling to the entire international community. The U.N. General Assembly and U.N. Security Council have voted repeatedly and overwhelmingly to try to secure humanitarian access to stop the bombardments and to enact the humanitarian cease-fire. Unfortunately, our government has voted against or vetoed most of those efforts.

We all know that Hamas started this war with its brutal terrorist attack on October 7, an attack which resulted in the deaths of 1,200 innocent people, injuries of more, and the taking of over 200 hostages.

In my view, there is absolutely no question that Israel has the right to defend itself and respond against the perpetrators of that horrific attack; but while it is clear that Israel has the right to go to war against Hamas, in my view, it does not have the right to go to war against the entire Palestinian people, including many hundreds of thousands of innocent men, women, and children in Gaza.

Israel has relied on widespread bombardment, including with massive explosive ordinance in densely populated urban areas. This bombardment and the severe humanitarian restrictions have led to a catastrophe that veteran aid workers say goes beyond anything they have ever seen before.

And let me say a word. Let me be very clear about what the devastating humanitarian crisis in Gaza looks like right now, today. Up to now, some 23,000 Palestinians have been killed--70 percent of whom are women and children.

Let me repeat: Some 23,000 Palestinians--remember, we are talking about a population of a little over 2 million people. Some 23,000 Palestinians have been killed, 70 percent of whom are women and children.

More than 58,000 people have been wounded; 146 United Nations workers have been killed--more U.N. workers killed than in any previous war ever.

In Gaza--and this, again, is just unspeakable. In Gaza, 1.9 million people have been displaced by the bombing. They have been thrown out of their homes. And that is more than 85 percent of the population.

Can you imagine a population of some 2.2 million people and 85 percent of those people have been forced out of their homes? And many of those people today are homeless. And some 1.4 million of them are crowded into U.N. facilities which were never, ever, ever intended to be housing the kinds of populations that they are forced to house

today. And, today, tens of thousands of Palestinians are sleeping out in the cold as winter sets in.

What is also quite unbelievable is that over 70 percent of the housing units in Gaza have now been damaged or destroyed.

Let me repeat that. It is really quite unbelievable. It is a war that has gone on for 3 months--only 3 months--and 70 percent of the housing units in Gaza have been damaged or destroyed.

Unbelievably, according to a study by Professor Robert Pape of the University of Chicago, what that statistic of 70 percent destruction in housing means is that what is going on in Gaza after 3 months of war has surpassed the destruction that took place in Dresden during World War II.

I think when any person in America who knows anything about history or anybody around the world thinks about the city of Dresden, what comes to mind is the horrific bombardments that took place by U.S. and British Air Force and the destruction in the city. Those attacks during World War II took place over 2 years. The destruction in Gaza after 3 months, in terms of housing, is worse than what took place in Dresden over 2 years.

Now let me say a word about another horrific reality that is taking place in Gaza. So, above and beyond the death and destruction caused by bombs and the Israeli military campaign, what we are now looking at is the reality that Israel has made it extremely difficult from the very start of this war for food, water, medical supplies, and fuel to get into Gaza. This is no great secret. I think everybody knows it. The result of it is that, right now as we speak, starvation and hunger are a reality for the women, the children, and the men in Gaza--starvation.

The United Nations reports that more than 90 percent of the population there faces ``acute food insecurity'' and that virtually every household is skipping meals many days. Gaza is at risk of widespread famine in the coming weeks and months. Hundreds of thousands of children go to sleep hungry every night, and desperate Gazans--I think we have pictures of this--are mobbing the few U.N. relief trucks that can reach beyond the border crossing. These are hungry people who see a truck full of food, and they are attacking that truck and eating the food as quickly as they can.

Gaza's healthcare system has collapsed, with little electricity, water, medicine, or fuel. Only 11 of Gaza's 36 hospitals are able to function at all, and those that remain open can barely care for the patients who go to them.

The lack of sanitation and the destruction of the infrastructure there is leading to disease. In overcrowded U.N. facilities, thousands of people must share a single shower, and more than 220 people have to share a toilet. That is just a small piece of the horrible reality that is taking place in Gaza right now.

Now, some people may say: Well, you know, war is terrible, and this is war, and there is always collateral damage in war. But this is not just another war; this is wholesale destruction in an almost unprecedented manner. It is clear to me that the Netanyahu rightwing, extremist government in Israel is now waging this war in a deeply reckless and immoral way.

In other words, we all know that war is horrible and that we have to do a lot better than we are doing right now in trying to eliminate war on this planet. In war, there is always collateral damage, but something more is going on here right now.

I would mention to the Presiding Officer that many senior figures in the Netanyahu government have said things that only deepen the profound concern we should all feel about what is going on in Gaza today.

Several of these government officials have talked openly about reestablishing Israeli settlements in Gaza.

The current Intelligence Minister, among other senior officials, openly talks of permanently displacing Palestinians from Gaza.

The Defense Minister declared a ``total siege'' at the start of the war.

The Heritage Minister posted a picture of the devastation, saying Gaza was ``more beautiful than ever, bombing and flattening everything.'' All that destruction makes Gaza more beautiful than ever.

Another Israeli lawmaker said:

The Gaza Strip should be flattened, and there should be one

sentence for everyone there--death. We have to wipe the Gaza

Strip off the map. There are no innocents there.

I could go on and on with other terrible quotes from leading officials in the rightwing government of Netanyahu.

Given all of this--given the scale of the destruction, the unprecedented level of destruction, and the extent of use of U.S. arms in this campaign, including thousands of massive, 2,000-pound bombs-- Congress must act to conduct real oversight. That is what the law is about, and that is why I hope we are going to have widespread support for the 502B resolution I will be offering next week.

The United States, whether we like it or not, is deeply complicit in what is going on in Gaza right now. Those are our weapons that are killing women and children in huge numbers, that are destroying homes in huge numbers, that are causing massive levels of injury, that are resulting in the hunger and the lack of medical care the people of Gaza are now experiencing.

I have supported Israel for many years, and many of my colleagues have as well. I don't think there is any debate in Congress that Israel has a right to live in peace and security--something that has not always been the case. They have been subjected time and again to horrific terrorist attacks. They have the right to live in peace and security, but I do not believe we are doing Israel any favors by ignoring what their policies are doing right now. Friends have to be prepared to tell friends the truth, and if Israel is a friend of ours, as it is, we have to tell them the truth. The truth is that, all over the world, people are outraged by Netanyahu's campaigns and destruction against the Palestinian people in Gaza.

The Biden administration has urged Israel to change its tactics and to be more targeted in its military operations and to protect civilians. We have heard the President say this over and over again. We have heard Secretary Blinken say this over and over again. But the Netanyahu government clearly has not listened, and they have continued their very destructive war in violation of international law. Their war is in violation of international law. In my view, that approach is simply unacceptable and is not something we should be supportive of. In my view, the United States must end our complicity in what is going on in Gaza right now.

What this resolution is about, again, is not cutting one nickel of aid to Israel. That is not what this resolution does. And you don't have to agree with me in terms of what I perceive is going on in Israel today. You can disagree with me completely. All this resolution does is ask for more information from the State Department, which allows us to determine whether or not Israel is violating international law. This is information Congress should have. Whatever your views on the war may be, this resolution should be something you can support. We are asking the State Department for information. That is what we are doing. That is all this resolution does.

If you believe that the military campaign in Gaza by Israel has been indiscriminate, as I do, then we have the responsibility to ask that question. If you believe that Israel has done nothing wrong, that what they are doing is consistent with international law, which is what the Israeli Government says, then the information coming from the State Department should buttress your belief.

So let me conclude by saying that we are not all likely to agree on the Israeli-Palestinian situation anytime soon, and we will have more chances to debate these issues if and when we consider a foreign aid supplemental bill, but asking for more information as to how American arms and security assistance are being used, particularly amid the level of death and destruction we are seeing in Gaza right now, should not be controversial. In fact, it is exactly what our job is.

With that, I yield the floor.

Mr. President, let me begin by wishing all Americans and my colleagues here in the Congress a very happy and peaceful holiday season.

Unfortunately, for the people in Israel and Palestine, that will not be the case. This is not a peaceful season for them. In Gaza, millions of people will end the year under constant bombardment, exposed to the winter or living in tents, wondering where they will find their next meal or clean drinking water or the medical supplies they need. What is going on in Gaza right now is an unmitigated humanitarian disaster, and we must not look away from it.

We all know that the current war was begun by Hamas in their brutal terrorist attack against Israel, which killed some 1,200 innocent men, women, and children and took more than 240 hostages. Hamas is a corrupt terrorist organization which, before and after their attack on October 7, has made it clear that their goal is to destroy the State of Israel.

There is no question in my mind that Israel has the right to defend itself and respond against the perpetrators of the October 7 attack. But while it is clear that Israel has the right to respond militarily against that terrorist attack, it is also clear that the Netanyahu rightwing extremist government is waging that war--that response--in a deeply reckless and immoral way.

A just cause for war does not excuse atrocities in the conduct of that war, and that is precisely what we are seeing. Israel has the right to go to war against Hamas. It does not have the right to go to war against innocent men, women, and children in Gaza.

Israel's reliance on widespread and indiscriminate bombardment, including the use of massive explosive ordnance in densely populated areas, is unconscionable. Israel's military campaign will be remembered among some of the darkest chapters of our modern history.

Consider the toll thus far--and I hope that every Member of Congress is prepared to consider the toll of what Israel is doing right now. As of today, nearly 20,000 people have been killed, 70 percent of whom are women and children.

Let me repeat that. Nearly 20,000 people have been killed, 70 percent of whom are women and children. And more than 52,000 have been wounded since October 7. More victims are likely trapped under the rubble. Further, 135 United Nations workers have been killed as well as dozens of other aid workers.

Unbelievably--and it really is quite unbelievable--nearly 1.9 million people--that is more than 85 percent of the population in Gaza--have been driven from their homes. Can you imagine

that? Eighty-five percent of the people have been thrown out of their homes, and, as we speak, they don't where they are going. They don't know what their future is. They don't have enough food, water, medical supplies, or fuel.

Despite sharing their locations with Israeli military forces, more than 100 United Nations facilities have been bombed. More than 100 U.N. facilities have been bombed, and the U.N. reports--and, again, an incredible fact--that over 60 percent of the housing units in Gaza have been damaged or destroyed. Can you imagine that?

My State of Vermont has 600,000 people. That is one-third of the people who live in Gaza, and I am just trying to think in my mind what it would look like if 60 percent of the housing units in Vermont were damaged or destroyed. But that is the case in Gaza right now.

Let me put this in historical perspective and what that historical perspective means: that the destruction in Gaza is now equivalent to that of Dresden, Germany, where 2 years of bombing by the U.S. Air Force and British Air Force during World War II destroyed half of the homes in that city and killed about 25,000 people. Gaza has matched that in just 2 months--not 2 years, 2 months.

This massive bombardment has made it impossible for the United Nations and other aid groups to provide basic necessities to the people in Gaza. As we speak, some 1.4 million people are sheltering in 155 overcrowded U.N. facilities.

Can you imagine that 1.4 million people are sheltering tonight in 155 grossly overcrowded U.N. facilities? There is little electricity, food, water, medicine, or fuel; and hundreds of thousands of children are going hungry tonight in Gaza. The shortage of clean water and adequate sanitation facilities is leading to disease.

And we can't even begin to contemplate the lasting psychological damage being done to the children of Gaza. Can you imagine a 5-year- old, a 10-year-old, looking around for whether a bomb is going to be hitting him or her, wondering what kind of house, if any, they are ever going to return to or where are they going? Massive psychological damage is being done to the people of Gaza and especially to the children. The United Nations' senior humanitarian official said that he fears a ``breakdown in society'' amid this desperation.

Let's be frank. What we are talking about in Gaza now is not just a humanitarian cataclysm but a mass atrocity.

And what is important for every Member of this body to understand-- for every American to understand--is that all of this is being done with bombs and equipment provided by the United States of America and heavily subsidized by American taxpayers. We are paying for the carnage in Gaza right now--our bombs, our ordnance. There is no denying that we are, as a nation, complicit in this carnage.

The Israeli military has made extensive use of massive explosive munitions in its campaign, including 2,000-pound and 1,000-pound bombs, and 155-millimeter artillery. These bombs and shells are manufactured here in America and supplied to Israel by the United States of America.

The Wall Street Journal reports that the United States has provided at least 15,000 bombs and 57,000 artillery shells to Israel since October 7, including more than 5,400 of the huge 2,000-pound bombs that can flatten entire neighborhoods.

The Washington Post reports that, in just 6 weeks after October 7, Israel dropped more than 22,000 American-supplied bombs on Gaza. And CNN reports that U.S. intelligence believes 40 to 45 percent of the bombs Israel has used in Gaza have been unguided ``dumb bombs.''

These munitions were provided with the full knowledge they would likely be used in Gaza, a densely populated urban area with a large civilian presence. Parts of Gaza are more densely populated than New York City.

The press, human rights monitors, and U.S. officials have confirmed that U.S.-provided bombs have been used in attacks that have killed thousands of civilians.

This campaign, I am sorry to say, very likely violates U.S. law and U.S. policy. That is why I have introduced a privileged resolution under section 502B of the Foreign Assistance Act. The resolution requests that the State Department provide information on any credible allegations of human rights violations in Gaza caused by indiscriminate or disproportionate military operations and the blanket denial of humanitarian access. It also requests a list of the arms provided to Israel since October 7 and a description of the steps taken to limit civilian risk caused by Israeli military actions.

We will be voting on this resolution in January, and the best basic question that we will be answering in that resolution is, Do we support asking the State Department whether human rights violations may have been committed in the Israeli campaign in Gaza?

That is not a tough question, and I hope that what we will see is a ``yes'' vote from most of my colleagues.

This should not be controversial. If you believe, as I do, that this campaign has been indiscriminate, then, it is our responsibility to get that question answered. If you believe Israel has done nothing wrong in Gaza, then you should want that information to support your belief.

When we receive this information, we will then have a privileged vehicle to debate any necessary changes in U.S. security assistance to Israel.

While I look forward to this debate, let me also mention that there are other things that we should be doing as well. The United States-- President Biden--has urged Israel to change its tactics with regard to their indiscriminate bombing. The President and people in the State Department have asked Netanyahu over and over and over again. Unfortunately, the Netanyahu government has not listened and has not been terribly interested in our perspective, despite the fact that we are supplying the bombs that they are using, despite the fact that we have provided them with $3.5 billion every year for a long time in military aid. Instead, the Netanyahu government is continuing its military approach, which is both immoral and in violation of international law.

In my view, the United States must end our complicity in those actions, and, to do so, we must make two critical changes in our policy. First, while it is appropriate to support defensive systems like Iron Dome to protect Israeli civilians against incoming rockets, it would be irresponsible to provide an additional $10.1 billion in military aid beyond those defensive systems, as contained in the proposed supplemental foreign aid package.

The bottom line is that we should not be giving more money to a rightwing extremist government in Israel to conduct a horrific and immoral military campaign that includes indiscriminate bombardment.

Second, in my view, the United States should support efforts at the United Nations Security Council to end the bloodshed, such as the resolution expected tomorrow that would demand an ``urgent suspension of hostilities to allow safe and unhindered humanitarian access, and for urgent steps towards a sustainable cessation of hostilities,'' as well as the unconditional release of all hostages. This should be something we strongly support.

As you may recall, last week, the United States vetoed a resolution, and I think that was disappointing not just to me but to many Americans.

As we soon head home to our families, let us not forget the millions of people in desperate need both here in the United States and around the world. In Gaza, there is a horrific situation we can and must do more to address. We cannot forget about it. We cannot shove it under the rug. The time is now for the United States to stand up and do everything that we can to end this humanitarian disaster.

I yield the floor.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Madam President, I wanted to say a few words about the $106 billion emergency foreign aid supplemental bill that may soon be coming before us. And I should be clear that there are a number of pieces of that bill that I strongly support, but in its present form, I do not think it serves the interests of the American people. Let me say a few words as to why.

First, while I strongly support Ukraine's valiant efforts to defend itself against Putin's invasion and Israel's need to defend itself against incoming rocket and missile attacks, I am deeply concerned that this legislation has no investments to address the needs of working families in the United States, 60 percent of whom are living paycheck to paycheck.

So let us be clear: Yes, there are enormous emergencies abroad, but there are also very serious emergencies in our own country, including the crises we face in childcare, in primary healthcare, housing, and in other needs. The American people do not want us to continue to ignore these issues.

Secondly, at a time when Congress will likely soon pass a $900 billion Defense bill, this supplemental bill includes tens of billions that should be covered as part of the base defense budget and handled through normal appropriations, not allocated as emergency spending. We can save tens of billions of dollars in this bill and dedicate that money to some of the horrendous domestic crises that we face.

Thirdly, and maybe most importantly, at a time when some 16,000 Palestinians have been killed in the last 2 months--two-thirds of whom are women and children--and tens of thousands more have been injured; at a time when 1.8 million people, Palestinians, have been displaced from their homes and are struggling every day, having been thrown out of their homes--they don't know where they are going. They are struggling to get food and water and medical supplies and fuel just to survive. And I want you to think about what is going on with the children. There are a lot of children in that country. What is going on psychically, looking up at the sky: Is a bomb going to fall? Where am I spending the night? How do I get food? That is what is going on there right now; at a time when over 250 people have been killed in the West Bank--I am not talking about Gaza, I am talking about the West Bank-- since October 7 and more than a thousand Palestinians have been driven off of their land in the West Bank--no, in the midst of all of that, I do not believe we should be appropriating over $10 billion for the rightwing extremist Netanyahu government to continue its current military approach.

What the Netanyahu government is doing is immoral. It is in violation of international law. And the United States should not be complicit in those actions.

We are all clear that Hamas--a corrupt terrorist organization--began this war with their barbaric attack against Israel on October 7. Given that reality, Israel has a right to defend itself. But it does not have, in my view, the right to wage all-out war against innocent men, women, and children--Palestinians--who had nothing to do with the Hamas attack.

Therefore, I believe it is appropriate for us to support defense systems that will protect Israeli citizens from incoming missile and rocket attacks, but I believe that it would be irresponsible for us to provide an additional $10.1 billion in unconditional military aid that will allow the Netanyahu government to continue its current offensive military approach.

That approach has included indiscriminate bombing that has killed, as I mentioned before, 16,000 people, most of whom are civilians.

And I want to make this point. All of us, many of us--I hope most of us--understand that what is going on in Ukraine is horrendous. Putin, almost 2 years ago, attacked Ukraine. The result is massive destruction. Hundreds of thousands of young Russian soldiers are dead. Some 30,000 Ukrainian soldiers are dead. It is a disaster.

But, interestingly enough, according to the United Nations, about 10,000 civilians have been killed since Russia's unprovoked invasion in February 2022. Ten thousand civilians have been killed in Ukraine in a terrible war in almost 2 years. Fifteen thousand Palestinians have been killed in the Gaza area in 2 months.

Israel's indiscriminate approach is, in my view, offensive to most Americans. It is in violation of U.S. and international law, and it undermines the prospects for lasting peace and security. Israel must dramatically change its approach to minimize civilian harm and lay out a wider political process that can secure lasting peace. And that must include a guarantee that displaced Palestinians will have the absolute right to return to their homes as Gaza rebuilds. It will include no long-term occupation or blockade of Gaza, an end to the killings of Palestinians in the West Bank, and a freeze on new settlements there, and, perhaps most importantly, a commitment to broad peace talks to advance a new two-state solution in the wake of this war.

The Biden administration has, appropriately--and I applaud them for this--been trying to get the Israelis to be more targeted in their approach, but there is little evidence that they have succeeded. Just today--just today--airstrikes--Israeli airstrikes--hit two U.N. schools housing displaced people--today, two U.N. schools housing displaced Palestinians. More than 900 Palestinians have been killed since Friday. Israeli evacuation orders are delivered with little notice to people with

no electricity and limited communication services, most of whom have already been displaced, have already been traumatized, and already lack basic necessities. And even then, the bombing continues.

As we proceed on this supplemental bill--which has some very, very important issues--count me in 100 percent for the humanitarian support that we need, not only in Gaza but all over this world. Count me in for that. Count me in for serious discussions about how we improve border security. Count me in to help the people of Ukraine withstand Putin's terrible invasion. But do not count me in to give another $10 billion to a rightwing extremist government in Israel--by the way, whose Prime Minister's, I guess, trial for corruption is continuing. Don't count me in to support that $10 billion.

With that, I yield the floor.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, I rise to say a few words about the awful situation in the Middle East. As you know and the American people know, there have been five wars--five wars--in the last 15 years between Israel and Hamas.

How do we end the current one and prevent a sixth war from happening sooner or later? How do we balance our desire to stop the fighting with the need to address the root causes of this conflict?

And here is the sad truth--and it really is a very sad truth. For 75 years, diplomats, well-intentioned Israelis and Palestinians, and government leaders all over the world, including Presidents of the United States, have struggled to bring peace to this region. And during that time, among many other things, an Egyptian President and an Israeli Prime Minister were assassinated by extremists.

Do you know why? Because they tried to bring peace to the region. This is an incredibly difficult and complicated issue, and nobody has any simple solution to it.

As one of the first Members of Congress to call for a humanitarian pause to the bombing, I have been very encouraged to see that pause finally happen over the last 5 days and to see its extension earlier this week. That is a very positive development.

This temporary cease-fire has brought some relief to Gaza and to the families of the more than 100 hostages released so far. The break in fighting has let an average of 200 trucks per day to enter Gaza, carrying desperately needed food, water, medical supplies, and the fuel necessary to distribute aid, pump water, and run hospitals and bakeries.

While this is only 40 percent--and people must recognize this, before the war, there were 500 trucks coming in a day, and now, there are 200--it is still a very substantial improvement over where we were a few weeks ago.

It seems to me that our job now is to keep working to extend this window further and to get more aid in and to get more hostages out-- more aid in, more hostages out. Right now, critical talks are under way that will hopefully provide the United Nations the time it needs to establish a sustained humanitarian operation that can meet people's basic needs and provide shelter and medical care. And let us be clear: The needs in Gaza are beyond enormous.

For those of us who want not only to bring this war to an end but to avoid future ones, we must first be clear-eyed about the facts. On October 7, Hamas--a terrorist organization--unleashed a brutal attack against Israel, killing about 1,200 innocent men, women, and children and taking more than 200 hostages.

No one--no one--in the U.S. Senate, no one in Congress, denies that Israel has the right to respond to that murderous attack. Unfortunately, however, under the leadership of its rightwing Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who is under indictment for corruption and whose Cabinet includes outright racists, Israel unleashed what amounts to almost total war against the Palestinian people.

Israel's widespread bombing has left nearly 15,000 people dead--that is in a 7-week period--15,000 people dead, two-thirds of whom are women and children. And tens of thousands of others were wounded.

Israel's military campaign, up to this point, according to U.N. estimates, damaged or destroyed 45 percent of the housing in Gaza--45 percent--and displaced nearly 1.8 million people. The Israeli attacks, up to this point, have killed 109 United Nations workers and left millions of Gazans on the brink of starvation, lacking medical care, electricity, or fuel.

This is a humanitarian catastrophe that risks, among other things, igniting a wider regional conflagration. We all want this horror to end as soon as possible. To make progress, however, we must grapple with the complexity of this situation.

First, Hamas has made it clear, before and after--after--their October 7 attack that its goal is perpetual warfare and the destruction of the State of Israel. Several weeks ago, a spokesman for Hamas told the New York Times:

I hope that the state of war with Israel will become

permanent on all the borders, and that the Arab world will

stand with us.

Let me repeat it. This is the Hamas spokesman:

I hope that the state of war with Israel will become

permanent on all the borders and that the Arab world will

stand with us.

So that is the first point.

The second point is that, if we go back a little bit in history, we understand that Israel has done nothing in recent years to give hope for a peaceful settlement--maintaining the blockade of Gaza, deepening the daily humiliations of occupation in the West Bank, and largely ignoring the horrendous living conditions facing Palestinians. Massive poverty existed in Gaza before October 7. Something like 70 percent of the young people in Gaza were unemployed.

How is that for a reality in terms of despair and hopelessness? Those are the conditions that existed before the Israeli attack.

Needless to say, I do not have all of the answers to this never- ending tragedy. But for those of us who believe in peace and for those of us who believe in justice, it is imperative that we do our best to provide Israelis and Palestinians with a thoughtful response that maps out a realistic path to addressing the reality we face today.

Let me just give you a few of my thoughts as to the best way forward and how the United States can rally the world around a moral position that moves us toward peace in the region and justice for an oppressed Palestinian population.

To start with, in my view, we must demand an immediate end to Israel's indiscriminate bombing, which is causing and has caused an enormous number of civilian casualties and is in violation of international law.

The main point here is: Israel is at war with Hamas, not with the Palestinian people. Israel cannot bomb an entire neighborhood just to take out one Hamas lieutenant. That is simply not acceptable and not something the United States should be complicit with.

Further, we must extend the humanitarian pause that exists right now so that the United Nations has the time to safely set up the distribution network needed to prevent thirst, starvation, and disease, to build shelters, and to evacuate those who need critical care.

Once again, we are looking at an unimaginable humanitarian crisis, and the U.N. is going to need as much time as it can get to try to help people in desperate need. This window will also allow for talks to free as many hostages as possible. And I think we all would like to see every hostage returned to their loved ones. This extended pause must not precede a resumption of a discriminate bombing. Israel will continue to go after Hamas, but it must dramatically change its tactics to minimize civilian harm.

If long-suffering Palestinians are ever going to have a chance at self-determination and a decent standard of living, there must be no long-term Israeli reoccupation and blockade of Gaza. If Hamas is going to be removed from power--as they must be--and Palestinians given the opportunity for a better life, an Israeli occupation of Gaza would be absolutely counterproductive and would benefit Hamas. Imagine Israeli soldiers all over an occupied Gaza. For the sake of regional peace and a brighter future for the Palestinian people, Gaza must have a chance to be free of Hamas. There can be no long-term Israeli occupation.

To achieve the political transformation that Gaza needs--and Gaza desperately needs a political transformation--new Palestinian leadership will be required as part of a wider political process. And for that transformation and peace process to take place, Israel must make political commitments that will allow for Palestinian leadership committed to peace to build support. What I think people all over the world want to see and what

the people of Gaza want to see is leadership that will take care of their needs, provide for them, allow them self-determination, not leadership in perpetual warfare with Israel.

Israel must also guarantee displaced Palestinians the absolute right to return to their homes as Gaza rebuilds. And I am very concerned by some of the remarks we hear from Israel, from some Israeli leadership, questioning that basic right of people to return to their communities.

People who have lived in poverty and despair for years, as people in Gaza have, cannot be made permanently homeless. Israel must also commit to end the killings of Palestinians in the West Bank and freeze settlements there as a first step to permanently ending the occupation.

Those steps will show that peace can deliver for the Palestinian people, hopefully giving the Palestinian Authority the legitimacy it needs to assume administrative control of Gaza, likely after an interim stabilization period under an international force.

Finally, if Palestinians are to have any hope for a decent future, there must be a commitment to broad peace talks to advance a new two- state solution in the wake of this war.

The United States, the international community, and Israel's neighbors must move aggressively toward that two-state goal. This would include dramatically increased international support for the Palestinian people, including from wealthy Gulf States. It would also mean the promise of full recognition of Palestine pending the formation of a new democratically elected government committed to peace with Israel.

Let us be clear--and I think this is the main point that I want to make this evening--that we should be clear that all of this is not going to happen on its own. Left alone, sad to say, Israel is not going to bring this about.

Prime Minister Netanyahu's Likud Party was explicitly formed on the premise that ``between the Sea and the Jordan [River] there will only be Israeli sovereignty.'' And the current coalition agreement reinforces that goal. This is not just ideology. This idea that Israel has the right to control everything between the sea and the Jordan River, that is just not ideology. The Israeli Government has systematically pursued this goal.

The last year saw record Israeli settlement growth in the West Bank where more than 700,000 Israelis now live in areas that the United Nations and the United States agree are occupied territories. They have used state violence to back up this de facto annexation.

Sadly, tragically, since October 7, the United Nations reports that at least 208 Palestinians, including 53 children, have been killed by Israeli security forces and settlers. This cannot be allowed to continue.

Mr. Netanyahu has made clear where he stands on these critical issues. Now is the time for us to make clear where we stand on these issues. And the truth is that if asking nicely worked, we wouldn't be in the position we are today. Asking nicely just is not going to bring about the kinds of changes that are needed.

The only way these vital and necessary changes will occur is if the United States uses the substantial leverage we have with Israel, and we all know what that leverage is. For many years, the United States has provided Israel with substantial sums of money, with close to no strings attached. Currently, we provide $3.8 billion a year to Israel, no strings attached.

President Biden has asked for $14.3 billion more on top of that sum and asked Congress to waive normal, already limited oversight rules. This blank check approach must end. The United States must make clear that while we are friends of Israel, there are conditions to that friendship and that we cannot be complicit in actions that violate international law and our own sense of decency. That includes an end to indiscriminate bombing, a significant pause to the bombing so that massive humanitarian assistance can come into the region, the right of displaced Gazans to return to their homes, no long-term Israeli occupation of Gaza, an end to settler violence in the West Bank and a freeze on settlement expansion, and maybe, most importantly, a commitment to broad peace talks for a two-state solution in the wake of this war.

Over the years, people of good will around the world, including Israelis and Palestinians, have tried to address this conflict in a way that brings justice to the Palestinians and security for Israel. Israel is entitled to security, to be free of terrorist attacks.

Now, I and some other Members of Congress have tried over the years to do what we could. Obviously, painfully, we did not do enough. Now, we must recommit to this effort. The stakes are just too high to give up. It is clear that Netanyahu and his extreme rightwing government are not going to do this on their own, which is why the United States must use its leverage to force these necessary changes and push hard for a wider political process that leads to a two-state solution.

These should be the conditions of our solidarity, including in the supplemental spending bill, which we will soon be considering.

Israel is a longtime friend and ally of the United States, and I respect that, but when there is this level of destruction and bloodshed and when tens of billions of dollars have been requested, it is more than reasonable for the United States to have a say in where our taxpayer dollars go and how they are spent. This is money that comes from the taxpayers of the United States.

Israel has an absolute right to defend itself, but it does not have the right to use American taxpayer funds in violation of international law or with little regard for civilian casualties. Now, I know that when we use the word ``conditioning,'' people become very alarmed. Oh my God, terrible idea. Virtually every dollar that we appropriate has conditions attached to it. If you are on food stamps tonight, you have got conditions. If you are on unemployment, you have got conditions. If you are on section 8 housing, you have conditions. We have conditions on everything. We don't give away money. We say you have to be eligible for it; this is what you have got to do; these are the requirements. That is conditioning.

Conditioning, in fact, has been, for a long time, seen as a key to U.S. policy regarding foreign governments, including Israel, not a new idea. The United States has routinely conditioned aid on countries, including Ukraine, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt, to name a few. Presidents Carter, Reagan, H. W. Bush, and Clinton, all conditioned aid to Israel to secure changes in their policies.

President Reagan actually suspended certain arms deliveries and threatened to stop all military aid due to Israel's war in Lebanon. That is a condition, a pretty strong condition. Sending $14.3 billion to Netanyahu's government on top of the $3.8 billion we provide every year and the billions of arms the United States has already provided with no strings attached would be a huge mistake, out of step with longstanding U.S. policy, and not something I believe that the American people want to see.

I have laid out what I believe some of these conditions should be, and that is an end to the indiscriminate bombing that we have seen, a guarantee that displaced Palestinians will have the right to return to their homes, no long-term occupation or blockade of Gaza, a freeze on the West Bank settlements there, and a commitment to broad peace talks for a two-state solution.

Those are some of the conditions that I think we have more than a right to demand when we provide money to Israel.

Finally, let me end this on a personal note. There is no question that people all over this country have strong disagreements on the war and some of the issues that I have been discussing tonight, and that is what is part of the democratic process. And in a democracy like ours, it is natural that these issues be debated, and people have different points of view.

But what we cannot do, under any circumstances, is turn to violence because of our differences--not to violence and not to bigotry. And I have to say that, tragically, in my home State of Vermont, in the city that I live, a city of 40,000 people, Burlington, VT, we have experienced this form of violent hate.

And just as I am sure you know, 3 days ago, three young men, lovely young men going to college, celebrating Thanksgiving in Burlington,

VT, were shot, and one of them is in very serious condition. So as we all hope and pray for the recovery of Hisham and Kinnan and Tahseen, the three young men who were shot, and we await the findings of the investigation into this terrible act, let me say this again loudly and clearly: Hate has no place in my State of Vermont or anyplace else in America. With Islamophobia, anti-Arab hate, anti-Semitism, and racism on the rise in this country, we must--must--come together and remain resolute in our commitment to fighting all forms of bigotry and intolerance.

I yield the floor.