Mr. Speaker, I was very proud to found the Populist Caucus with a large group of my friends in the Democratic Caucus to focus on economic issues that affect Americans who either make up the middle class or are striving to enter the middle…
Mr. Speaker, I was very proud to found the Populist Caucus with a large group of my friends in the Democratic Caucus to focus on economic issues that affect Americans who either make up the middle class or are striving to enter the middle class. We all know that our country has historically been at its best when we have had a large middle class and our economic policies reflect middle class values, and that is why when we decided to settle upon our founding principles, we decided that we wanted to fight for families by providing them access to quality, affordable health care; to provide them and their children with the type of world class education they will need to compete in a global economy; to make sure that we have a fair wage system for all employees in this country; to make sure that our trade policies provide a level playing field to American workers and American manufacturers who compete with trading partners who just frankly don't quite live up to our standards, whether it is child labor, exploitation of workers, environmental issues, those are the types of issues that we want to focus on as we chart a new future for this country to promote and expand the middle class that we all are so proud to have been a part of.
One of the things that we talked about as we were trying to dig ourselves out of the greatest economic crisis since the Great Depression was what type of a blueprint for recovery we wanted to offer to the American people that was going to be a reflection of the values that we grew up with and give a strong message that, after a bailing out Wall Street, the American taxpayers deserved help on Main Street, and that it was not unreasonable to ask the very people on Wall Street who got us into this mess to help pay for the tab on helping bail out Main Street.
I am proud to be joined by my friends, the gentlewoman from Ohio (Ms. Sutton) and the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Kagen), but one of the things that I want to talk about at the beginning is the things that we hear over and over back in our district, because all of us have been out talking to our constituents, going to town hall meetings, Congress on Your Corner and the other events, and the one thing I hear from my constituents over and over is this question: When do I get my bailout?
This is a legitimate question that Americans deserve an answer to from Democrats and Republicans, because if you are somebody who has lost your job or you've lost your home or you've lost your business or you've lost your health care coverage during this crisis, you need to know what is my Federal Government doing to help me out. So when we talk about our response, we are going to do it by talking about these three core values: The Populist Caucus wants to find a blueprint for recovery that is going to spur job creation; it is going to implement fair compensation for executives who helped put us in this problem; and, finally, bring an end to excessive Wall Street speculation that drove our economy and drove the global economy off the cliff and put us into this deep hole that we have been digging ourselves out of.
So as millions of middle class families look to us and ask when their recovery effort will bring relief to their town on their street, they deserve to know what we are going to be doing to spur job creation, insist on fair executive compensation, and end speculation on Wall Street.
Now, one of the things that we know is that it is very common for politicians and groups across the political spectrum to try to claim the populist mantle. But let me tell you, and I am going to let my colleagues expand on this, the Populist Caucus that we all came together to found was not based upon a bunch of people running through the streets with torches and pitchforks asking for blood. We are there because the problems of the middle class are real. The concerns of our constituents reflect the concerns of America, and we want to come together and talk about serious answers to real problems to help change the lives of middle class Americans.
So with that, I am going to yield to my colleague from Ohio before I yield to my colleague from Wisconsin to talk about some of the critical economic issues she is hearing about from her constituents and why this Populist Caucus response is so critical moving forward.
I thank the gentlewoman for yielding.
I think one of the things that we've heard a lot about, Dr. Kagen, is we've heard people try to explain what went wrong on Wall Street and this concept that sometimes big financial institutions are just too big to fail. Now, I don't know how it is up in northeastern Wisconsin; but in Iowa, if something is too big to fail, it's just too big. So maybe you can help enlighten us a little bit about some of the economic policies that we pursued as a country before Barack Obama became President that have contributed to the enormous challenge we have faced this past year in trying to stabilize the economy before we moved on to a broader response to real meaningful financial reform.
Well, that's a great segue because we not only are talking about values; we are talking about solutions. We're talking about legislation that is going to help us create jobs by generating new revenues, not putting this on the back of the middle class, but helping the people who got us into this mess assume some of the responsibility. And I think one of the cornerstones of our blueprint for recovery is this issue of fair compensation. And my good friend from Vermont, Congressman Peter Welch, has introduced a bill called Wall Street Bonus Tax Act. I am going to let him explain what that bill does and how it helps achieve this blueprint for recovery by putting some incentives for Wall Street to help rebuild Main Street.
Congressman Welch, I yield to you at this time.
Well, I thank you for those very insightful comments.
I think everything that we talked about earlier on why we formed the Populist Caucus, to promote and expand the middle class by emphasizing economic principles, that will create policies that help that to happen. We know that small businesses make up a huge part of the middle class. We also know that they are a huge driving engine for creating new jobs in our economy.
That is why I am happy to recognize my good friend from Florida, Ron Klein, who has been a strong advocate for small businesses during his time in Congress and is going to be sharing with us some of the things that we can work on together to try to create the types of incentives that will help small businesses take the risk with sound economic principles and lead us on a path of job recovery.
With that, I would yield to my friend.
Will the gentleman yield on that?
I think there is a big misperception that our trading partners and our competitors in the global economy don't have any ``buy Chinese'' trade policies or ``buy Japan'' trade policies; is that true?
Will the gentleman yield for another question?
One of the things that is frustrating to many Americans is they just don't understand how their government can actually help stimulate economic development.
One of the best examples of this is, when I first came to Congress, I served on the Small Business Committee. I was fortunate enough to chair the Contracting and Technology Subcommittee, and this is when the previous administration was in control of the executive branch. As I talked to people on the committee, it shocked me to learn that the former administrator of the Small Business Administration saw it as his job to bring about the end of the Small Business Administration. Many of the policies were designed to contract the agency whose sole purpose was to try to stimulate small business growth and development.
So, when we are talking about how we create capital and provide economic incentives for small businesses, we have come a long way in 3 years to get to the point where this agency is trying to fulfill its basic purpose, and I think that is going to be critical for achieving the types of results you've just talked about.
I hope you can enlighten us further on this.
Well, I think one of the things we know is that, in order to spur job creation, you have got to be able to have revenues that will help people create jobs through incentives that will help them take that risk.
One of the important things that the Populist Caucus' Blueprint for Recovery does is it talks not only about how you change behavior through the policies you implement but also how you transfer some of the burden from Main Street, which has been suffering so much in this recession, to the very speculators whose wild gambling, which is what most economists call what they were doing, drove us over the cliff.
That is why one of the key elements of this ``ending speculation'' piece is one of the bills introduced by another vice Chair of the Populist Caucus, Congressman Peter DeFazio, who introduced his Let Wall Street Pay for the Restoration of Main Street Act. This is a very simple concept that existed in this country for almost 60 years, and it worked very successfully, including during the Great Depression.
What it says is that, if you are trading in excessive transactions on Wall Street, we are going to ask you to pay a small transaction fee on those high-volume trades so that we will have an incentive to keep you from engaging in excessive speculation that puts all of us at risk. His transaction fee is estimated to create somewhere between $100 billion and $150 billion in new revenues that can be used for two basic purposes:
One is job creation, which is what we all agree is going to create a huge emphasis for an economic recovery, because when people go back to work,
they not only pay Federal taxes and reduce our burden at the Federal Treasury; they pay State and local taxes, too, to help relieve the burden on our States and cities. This is how you create economic incentives to change corporate behavior from excessive speculation, and this is also how you provide new revenues to stimulate economic development and help to reduce the deficit.
I am going to ask one of our newest members and youngest members of the Populist Caucus, our good friend from Virginia, Tom Perriello, to talk about the importance of having a bill like this to guide us in a new direction for economic recovery and what that means to the people in his district of Virginia.
With that, I'll yield to my good friend.
I appreciate the gentleman's comments about investing in infrastructure because most of what I learned about the need for infrastructure improvements came when I was working for the Poweshiek County Secondary Roads Department to help pay my way through college.
One of the things that I learned was that, as you try to create opportunities for transportation improvements that are going to move goods, services, and people, you see a lot of trickle-down that happens from the Federal Government, to the State government, to the county government, to the city government as right-of-ways are transferred after they are abandoned for bigger and better infrastructure improvements like four-lane highways.
One of the cornerstones of our blueprint for recovery that deals with job creation is a bill introduced by Congresswoman Rosa DeLauro and cosponsored by one of the vice chairs of the Populist Caucus, our friend from Minnesota, Keith Ellison, the National Infrastructure Development Bank Act.
What it does is it creates an opportunity to take advantage of existing infrastructure needs by identifying about 47,500 jobs and $6.2 billion of potential economic activity that are currently ready, willing, and able to be acted upon, but because we have not had the opportunity to marry private development with public infrastructure projects, we are missing an opportunity to stimulate job growth through this National Infrastructure Bank.
So I would ask my colleagues who support investments in infrastructure improvements that cross the spectrum from expanding access to energy created by wind in the Midwest, by building out our ability to transfer that energy and electricity throughout the country, by building out our world broadband, by investing in roads, bridges, and public improvements, how this type of an investment development bank would make a difference in their districts.
I am going to yield to my friend from Ohio.
I think that is a great opportunity to talk about the importance, because when I served on the Transportation and Infrastructure Committee in the 110th Congress, our chairman, the legendary Jim Oberstar, always reminded us that our global competitors are investing massive amounts in infrastructure development.
The European Union had a 5-year, $1 trillion infrastructure development plan. You look at China, which has just passed the United States as the leading consumer of automobiles, and you look at the ribbons of concrete that have been poured in that country to respond to growing consumer and commercial demand for transportation.
If we are competing with these people in a global market, Dr. Kagen, we have to make similar types of commitments so that our infrastructure system can make us competitive. I know from visiting your district in northeast Wisconsin, it is a very spread out and remote area in some parts of your district, yet the constituents that you represent in those areas depend just as much on an infrastructure system as the people here in our Nation's Capital.
I yield for your comments.
I appreciate those observations. I want to engage a couple of my colleagues in a conversation about behavior modification on Wall Street. I am going to start with my friend from Vermont, because he served on the Oversight and Government Reform Committee in the last Congress when we had the hearing with the CEOs of AIG, trying to explain why they stood by and watched as their London financial services division drove this economy off a cliff by engaging in excess and speculative trading in high-risk credit default swaps and complex derivatives.
Now, one of the things we learned during that hearing from the economic experts who study those high-risk investments was that long before any of us came to Congress, Congress was confronted with the issue of how we provide some type of oversight of this highly complex and evolving marketplace, which at that time in the late 1990s was a small fraction of the $100 trillion marketplace it has become.
But what was most shocking to me as they testified was when they said Congress was trying to decide what are these products. In a way, they are like an insurance product, because they are an agreement to pay upon a contingent future event. But they are really not insurance, because otherwise we could regulate them through the State insurance commissioners. Then they said, Well, these are kind of like stock trading, so we can have this regulated by the Securities and Exchange Commission. But it is really not a stock transaction.
So, what is it? Well, about 10 percent of these products, those experts testified, if you remember, Mr. Welch, were real insurance products. And these economists testified the other 90 percent were pure gambling, people trying to make money by turning over transactions, betting on the come that at some point when those commitments came due, they would be able to generate a profit without adding anything of value, other than risk and a possible payment in the future.
So, why is it necessary, when we are talking about ending excessive speculation, to get to the very core, not only of how you do that with a tax policy and with a transfer fee, but also how you deal with the financial oversight of the marketplace to make sure this never happens again?
I thank the gentleman for your comments. We are just about out of time so I'm going to ask my friend from Florida for some closing comments, especially on this critical issue that affects the middle class homeowners, and that's the mortgage foreclosure crisis.
And that's why the Blueprint for Recovery we've been talking about that the Populist Caucus has put forward--real solutions, concrete solutions, that are going to help us get out of this mess, by ending excessive speculation on Wall Street, making sure that we have a fair compensation system for the people who have gotten us into this mess, and spurring job creation with things like the Wall Street Bonus Tax Act, the National Infrastructure Development Act, the Make Wall Street Pay for the Restoration of Main Street Act, and the Buy American Improvement Act.
These four commonsense bills will make an enormous impact on the quality of life for middle class families. They also represent true populist policies that are about building America up, not tearing it down. It's about giving voice to the legitimate concerns of the American people who made this country great.
With that, I thank my colleagues, and I yield back the balance of our time.