Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of the William Wilberforce Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act, that I believe it is fair to describe as historic. As cochair of the Human Trafficking Caucus and as an original…
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of the William Wilberforce Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act, that I believe it is fair to describe as historic. As cochair of the Human Trafficking Caucus and as an original cosponsor, I am pleased that this bill
will provide strong, new, innovative, flexible tools to combat modern- day slavery, whether labor exploiters, diplomats who abuse their servants, or brutal pimps.
I want to commend the extra offered leadership of Chairman Lantos and Chairman Conyers, as well as Lamar Smith and Randy Forbes, and their staffs, for bringing this important bill to the floor. I truly do believe that books will be written about this effort, a major one, to end this terrible abuse of human people.
I ask my colleagues to look at this picture. I want them to see that the lives of trafficking victims are pure horror. If you look at the first line, each girl looks different, but after one or two years, they all look the same, shells of people. In the end, they have been abused, psychologically captured, broken and devastated at the hands of their pimps.
The fight against human trafficking has brought together Democrats and Republicans, liberals and conservatives, religious leaders and secular leaders. I will place in the Record a list of the very large bipartisan coalition that was sent to the Department of Justice and our colleagues and signed by many advocates, including Gloria Steinem, Jessica Neuwirth, Kim Gandy, Tony Campolo, Jim Wallis, Ron Sider, Walter Fauntroy and Beverly LaHaye, among many others.
The bipartisan bill before us is historic and will dramatically strengthen our capability to fight human trafficking.
Mr. Speaker, I became interested in this when Big Apple Oriental Tours in my district was advertising sex tours, sex trafficking. Come to the Philippines, come here, come there, and we will give you a young girl, many young girls. We could not close them down.
With this Congress in a bipartisan way, we have strengthened the laws to crack down on this terrible human abuse. This bill before us gives law enforcement even greater tools to go after the predators.
Coalition Against
Trafficking in Women,
New York, NY, October 5, 2007.
Hon. Peter Keisler,
Acting Attorney General of the United States, Department of
Justice, Washington, DC.
Dear Mr. Acting Attorney General: Founded in 1988, the
Coalition Against Trafficking in Women is the first
international non-governmental organization to challenge the
trafficking of women and girls as an acute form of gender
discrimination and a severe violation of human rights. The
one hundred representative signers of this letter include
leaders of organizations and communities that range across
the country's religious, ideological and political spectrums.
What unites us is our collective outrage at human trafficking
and our commitment to end it.
More than six months ago, Congresswoman Maloney and
Congressmen Wolf and Scott wrote to former Attorney General
Gonzales to express their concerns with the Department's
anti-trafficking policies and strategies. They did so in the
context of his public statements that the initiative against
domestic trafficking was a matter of high priority to the
Department. We share these views and applaud these
statements. The multibillion dollar ``industry'' operated
within the United States by criminal traffickers enslaves and
devastates hundreds of thousands of girls and women in a
manner eerily reminiscent of the 19th Century African slave
trade.
We write because of the Department's apparent rejection of
the views expressed in the Maloney-Scott-Wolf letter and
because of our serious concerns about the Department's anti-
trafficking activities. First, we fail to understand why the
Department has called on States to enact a model statute that
effectively requires proof of fraud, force or coercion for
the conviction of sex traffickers, instead of encouraging
State and local prosecutors to strengthen and enforce
existing statutes under which traffickers can be convicted on
proof that they have ``merely'' engaged in sex trafficking.
Our concern about the Department's model law is made
particularly grave by its seriously misguided definition of
prostitution as a form of ``labor or services.'' The effect
of conceptualizing prostitution as a form of ``work'' not
only conflicts with public statements that former Attorney
Generals Ashcroft and Gonzales and other administration
officials have made, it also effectively converts the pimps,
brothel owners and others who profit from the prostitution
``industry'' into presumptively legal employers. The
Department's ``labor or services'' definition is thus in
clear conflict with repeated statements of the President,
with his National Security Policy Directive 22 and with
almost all State and local laws on the subject.
What the Department's trafficking policy as embodied in the
model law dangerously ignores is the acute difficulty of
gaining testimonial evidence of fraud, force or coercion from
terrified and brutalized victims of trafficking, and the
potential danger that such a requirement poses to victims'
safety. It is well documented that many victims enslaved by
traffickers suffer from traumatic bonding and related
conditions that make it impossible for them to give the
testimony essential to the prosecution of fraud, force or
coercion cases. In fact, we believe that the Department's
policy will cause predatory traffickers to increase their
acts of violence and psychological abuse in order to ensure
that the persons they abuse will not serve as prosecution
witnesses.
Requiring proof of force, fraud, and coercion has not only
had a detrimental effect on the prosecution of cases of
domestic trafficking. Such proof requirements have been cited
by anti-trafficking leaders in other countries as obstacles
to holding traffickers accountable for their systematic acts
of violence against girls and women. If trafficking victims
are afraid to testify against their traffickers in the U.S.,
as they are, they are more afraid to do so in foreign
countries with even more violent traffickers and often less
protective legal systems.
The approach of the Department's model law appears to be
replicated in the Department's prosecution policies and
strategies. We are gravely concerned by the Department's
failure to more fully utilize D.C. Criminal Code Sec. 22-
2707, which makes sex trafficking per se a felony offense. In
enforcing the D.C. Criminal Code, the Department functions
much like State and local prosecutors, so that vigorous
utilization of Section 22-2707 would send a powerful
leadership message to those prosecutors, one that would
help ameliorate the negative effects of the Department's
model State law. In the same vein, we are troubled by the
Department's failure to more fully utilize 18 U.S. Code
Sec. 2422(a), a statute recently amended by Congress that
requires no proof of fraud, force or coercion and that
would be of particular value in jurisdictions where major
cities in different States border each other.
There are a number of additional aspects of the
Department's anti-trafficking policies and strategies that
trouble us, and about which we ask your views:
The Department has given domestic traffickers effective
immunity from criminal tax laws, when otherwise legal
business owners are prosecuted for such acts as failing to
provide W-2 forms. Congresswoman Maloney has recently
introduced legislation that would ensure that traffickers are
prosecuted for violating criminal tax laws, a leadership act
that builds on Senator Grassley's leadership in the 109th
Congress. The Grassley bill was unanimously endorsed by the
Senate Finance Committee. Will the Department support this
initiative?
In the face of persuasive research conducted by Equality
Now, the Department has failed to utilize existing criminal
statutes to prosecute so-called ``sex tourism'' operators. Do
you agree?
The Department prioritizes the prosecution of traffickers
of girls and women brought into the United States from
foreign countries. Are American citizens who have been
subjected to trafficking any less worthy of the Department's
protection?
The Department, through its grants under the Violence
Against Women Act and like programs, often denies support to
applicants who operate programs for trafficking survivors.
Clearly, victims of domestic trafficking, routinely subjected
to rape and battery, are as much in need of and as much
entitled to assistance and services as victims of other forms
of gender-based violence. Do you share this view, and do you
believe that victims of domestic trafficking are underserved?
The Department has failed to pursue funds for the grant
programs and the survey of the unlawful domestic commercial
sex industry that were authorized by the Trafficking Victims
Protection Reauthorization Act of 2005. Is it not important
for the Department, and the country, to know as much about
the predatory world of trafficking as is known about the
country's gambling and drug operations?
There is an apparent lack of coordination within the
Department of its anti-trafficking activities. We believe it
essential, as called for in the Maloney-Scott-Wolf letter,
for there to be a single, accountable office headed by an
experienced criminal prosecutor to whom Congress and the
American public can look for results in the conduct of the
Department's anti-trafficking activities. Do you share this
view?
The Departmental leadership on the trafficking issue has
been vested in the Civil Rights Division even though the
Division's sole jurisdiction is the prosecution of
traffickers who have committed provable acts of fraud, force,
or coercion against adult victims. While we celebrate the
highly professional and committed prosecutors who have
brought such cases, we are deeply concerned that the anti-
trafficking strategy adopted by the Department will shield
traffickers from prosecution while encouraging them to
intensify their acts of violence and psychological abuse. Do
you believe this concern legitimate?
Attached is a report prepared by Professor Donna Hughes of
the March 13 Human Trafficking Training session conducted by
the head of the Civil Rights Division's Anti- Trafficking
Unit--a session broadcast to United States Attorneys
throughout the country. The Hughes report demonstrates the
Department's seeming disinterest in enforcing per se statutes
against trafficking.
The report also shows that the Department's anti-
trafficking initiative is directed against provable
physical violence rather than trafficking per se.
We are dismayed by the comments of Department officials
described in the Hughes report that leaders of the country's
trafficking survivor community are ``not . . . ready'' to
engage in education, awareness and service initiatives on
behalf of trafficked women. Is this your perception, or the
Department's, of the groundbreaking and courageous work of
such survivor-led groups as GEMS, Dignity House, Veronica's
Voice, SAGE, and Breaking Free?
Congress, the administration, and a broad and fully engaged
anti-trafficking coalition now in place can in our view make
history, and do so this year, in ending the reign of terror
and enslavement long practiced by traffickers operating
within this country.
Additionally, effective prosecution of domestic
traffickers, and committed Federal government support for
their victims, will strengthen the capacity of the State
Department's Trafficking in Persons Office to deal with
countries that are complicit or indifferent to mass
trafficking within their borders. Such action would save
millions of trafficked and at risk girls and women throughout
the world.
The Department has significantly increased the number of
its trafficking prosecutions and the resources it has
committed to anti-trafficking activities. Yet in spite of
this, there has been no decline in the incidence of domestic
trafficking or in the number of girls and women abused and
destroyed by domestic traffickers during the five year period
in which the Department has conducted its costly
antitrafficking initiative. Moreover and critically, the
model law promoted by the Department has produced few if any
State prosecutions or convictions--an outcome that we are
certain will continue for the reasons set forth in this
letter. Until the Department begins prosecuting and calling
for the prosecution of traffickers on a per se basis, and
ends its effective call for limiting such prosecutions to
cases where fraud, force or coercion can be proven, domestic
and international trafficking will continue to flourish and
grow. Human trafficking can and must be ended within our
borders. But it is only through strong and strategic measures
that we will do so. Accordingly, we respectfully request a
meeting to discuss the matters set forth in this letter.
Respectfully,
Dorchen Leidholdt, President, Coalition Against Trafficking
in Women.
Norma Ramos, Co-Executive Director, Coalition Against
Trafficking in Women.
Winnie Bartel, Board Member, National Association of
Evangelicals.
Michelle Battle, Chief Operating Officer, The National
Congress of Black Women, Inc.
Gary Bauer, President, American Values.
Dr. David Black, President, Eastern University.
Twiss Butler, Board Member, Coalition Against Trafficking
in Women.
Tony Campolo, Professor Emeritus, Eastern University.
Phyllis Chesler, Ph.D., Co-Founder, National Women's Health
Network.
Hon. David N. Cicilline, Mayor, Providence, Rhode Island.
Richard Cizik, VP, Government Affairs, National Association
of Evangelicals.
Michael Cromartie, Ethics and Public Policy Center
Catherine J. Douglass, Executive Director, inMotion, Inc..
Janice Shaw Crouse, Director, Beverly LaHaye Institute,
Concerned Women for America.
Barrett Duke, PhD, Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission,
Southern Baptist Convention.
Geri B. Elias, LCSW, National Outreach Manager, Jewish
Women International.
Bonnie Erbe, Scripps Howard Columnist.
Bonaventure N. Ezekwenna, Publisher, Africans in America.
Melissa Farley, PhD Director, Prostitution Research &
Education.
Rev. Walter Fauntroy, Former DC Delegate to Congress,
Pastor, New Bethel Church.
Georgette Forney, President, Anglicans for Life.
Commissioner Israel Gaither, National Commander, The
Salvation Army USA.
Commissioner Eva Gaither, National President of Women's
Ministries, The Salvation Army USA.
Kim A. Gandy, President, National Organization for Women.
Todd Gitlin, Professor of Journalism and Sociology,
Columbia University.
Victor Goode, Former Executive Director, National
Association for Black Lawyers.
Rabbi David Greenstein, The Academy for Jewish Religion,
Riverdale, NY.
Joseph K. Grieboski, President, Institute on Religion and
Public Policy.
Agnes Gund, Art Historian, Activist.
Dr. David P. Gushee, Distinguished University Professor of
Christian Studies, Mercer University.
Mimi Haddad, PhD, President, Christians for Biblical
Equality.
Rev. Dr. James V. Heidinger, II, President Good News
Movement.
Rabbi Shmuel Herzfeld Coalition of Jewish Concerns--Amcha.
Michael Horowitz, Senior Fellow, Hudson Institute.
Bishop Clyde M. Hughes, International Pentecostal Church of
Christ.
Donna M. Hughes, Carlson Chair Professor, Women's Studies
Program, University of Rhode Island.
Sandra Hunnicutt, Executive Director, Captive Daughters.
Rt. Rev. Jack L. Iker, Bishop of Fort Worth, Episcopal
Church.
Richard Israel, Former Attorney General, Rhode Island.
Kristin Komamicki, Editor, PRISM Magazine, Evangelicals for
Social Justice.
James M. Kushiner, Executive Director, The Fellowship of
St. James.
Mrs. Beverly LaHaye, Founder, Chair, Concerned Women for
America.
Nancy Lewis, UN Representative, International Immigrants
Foundation.
Sister LeeAnn Mackeprang, Good Shepherd, Contemplative
Sisters.
Catharine A. MacKinnon, Elizabeth A. Long, Professor,
University of Michigan Law School.
Frederica Mathewes-Green, Speaker, Author.
Faith McDonnell, Director, Religious Liberty Program,
Institute on Religion and Democracy.
Alyssa Milano, Actress, Human Rights Activist.
John R. Miller, Research Professor in International
Studies, George Washington University.
Ronna J. Miller, Director, MHGS Conferences.
Richard J. Mouw, President, Fuller Seminary.
Patricia Murphy, North American Coordinating Center, School
Sisters of Notre Dame.
Jessica Neuwirth, President, Equality Now.
Susan O'Malley, Business and Professional Women
International.
Katherine R. Parisi, CSJP, PhD, Justice & Peace
Coordinator, Congregation of the Sisters, St. Joseph of
Peace.
Kathryn Cameron Porter, Founder, President, Leadership
Council for Human Rights.
Margaret Purvis, Founder, President, Faces of Children,
Midland, TX.
Dana Raphael, PhD, Director, Human Lactation Center.
Judith A. Reisman, PhD, President, Institute for Media
Education.
Shirley Rodriguez Remeneski, President, 100 Hispanic Women,
Inc.
Eva H. Richter, International Federation of Business and
Professional Women.
Elizabeth D. Rios, Founder, Board President, Center for
Emerging Female Leadership.
Rev. David Runnion-Bareford, Executive Director, Biblical
Witness Fellowship, United Church of Christ.
Austin Ruse, President, Catholic Family & Human Rights
Institute.
Diana E.H. Russell, PhD, Emerita Professor of Sociology,
Mills College.
Denise Scotto, International Federation of Women in Legal
Careers (FIFCJ).
Nadia Shmigel, World Federation of Ukrainian Women's
Organizations.
L. Faye Short, President, RENEW Women's Network.
Ron Sider, President, Evangelicals for Social Action.
Lucianne Siers, Director, Partnership for Global Justice.
Deborah Sigmund, Founder, Innocence at Risk.
Carol Smolenski, Executive Director, ECPAT-USA.
Gloria Steinem, Co-Founder, Ms. Magazine.
Cheryl Thomas, Director, Women's Human Rights Program,
Advocates for Human Rights.
Jim Wallis, President, CEO, Sojourners/Call to Renewal.
Rev. Gloria E. White-Hammond, M.D., Co-Founder, My Sister's
Keeper, Co-Pastor, Bethel AME Church.
Wendy Wright, President, Concerned Women for America.
Service Providers
Anne Bissell, Executive Director, Voices for Justice.
Vednita Carter, Executive Director, Breaking Free.
Rita Chaikin, Anti-Trafficking Project Coordinator, Isha
L'Isha--Haifa Feminist Center, Haifa, Israel.
Kristy Childs, Executive Director, Founder VERONICA'S
Voice.
Katherine Chon, Executive Director, Co-Founder, Polaris
Project.
Rachel Durchslag, Executive Director, Chicago Alliance
Against Sexual Exploitation.
Laurel W. Eisner, Executive Director, Sanctuary for
Families, New York, NY.
Juliette Engel, Founding Director, MiraMed Institute,
Moscow, Russia.
Sid Ford, Founder, Director, YANA (You are Never Alone),
Baltimore, MD.
Leah Gruenptere Gold, Director, Machon Toda'a Awareness
Center, Israel.
Patricia Green, Founder, RAHAB INTERNATIONAL, World
Outreach International, Berlin, Germany.
Norma Hotaling, Founder, Director, SAGE, San Francisco, CA.
Phyllis Kilbourn, Director, Crisis Care Training
International, Rainbows of Hope.
Chong N. Kim, Founder, MASIE (Minorities & Survivor
Improving Empowerment), USA.
Donna Robin Lippman, Director, Incest and Rape Recovery
Center, New York.
Rachel Lloyd, Executive Director, Founder, GEMS, New York
City.
Kathleen Mitchell, Founder, Catholic Charities DIGNITY
Services.
Beatrice Okezie, Founding Board Member, Chairperson of
Board of Directors, Africans in America, Inc.
Moira Olson, Adults Saving Kids, Minneapolis, MN.
Artika Roller, PRIDE, Minneapolis, MN.
Donna Sabella, M.Ed, MSN, RN, Director, Phoenix Project,
Philadelphia, PA.
Ed Shurna, Executive Director, Coalition for the Homeless,
Chicago, IL.
Shaleen Horrocks Silva, Executive Director, The Paul & Lisa
Program, Inc.