Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to commend the now retired Citigroup chairman Sanford I. Weill for achieving the status as one of the most powerful financiers this Nation has ever seen. Mr. Weill is credited as being the architect of a global financial powerhouse from his many business deals and mergers, especially the merger of Citigroup and Travelers in 1998.

Sanford I. Weill is the true embodiment of the American dream. A youth growing up in Brooklyn during the 1940s, Weill changed the way business deals were brokered. The retirement of Sanford I. Weill has been called by many as an ``end of an era'', a time when Wall Street seemed to be increasingly dominated by hedge funds and private equity firms run by nameless and faceless yet powerful financial brokers. Weill is among the last of the classic deal makers who broke many of the rules and rewrote history on Wall Street as never seen before.

Mr. Weill does not plan to return to Citigroup and has since passed on the corporation to his successor, Charles O. Prince III the current chief executive.

Retirement for Mr. Weill now consists of an array of philanthropic endeavors such as doing work for the National Academy Foundation, a nationwide network of career-themed ``schools within schools'' that he established, Carnegie Hall, where he has been chairman for the last 15 years and the Weill Cornell Medical College. Weill also wishes to involve himself in health relief efforts for people in Africa, a continent with compelling needs to which Mr. Weill's compassion and success has been drawn and which can only benefit from his commitment and energy.

I am pleased to enter into the Congressional Record an article published in the New York Times on Tuesday April 18, 2006 entitled, ``A Farewell to Citigroup'', for its recognition of Mr. Weill for the many years that he has put into Citigroup and also for his commitment to philanthropy thereafter.

A Farewell to Citigroup

(By Julie Creswell and Eric Dash)

Entering his sun-filled office in Citigroup's Manhattan

headquarters, Sanford I. Weill punched a few buttons on a

computer near a window before looking over his shoulder and

smiling broadly. When asked if he had just looked at

Citigroup's stock price, he shrugged his shoulders as if to

suggest he could not help himself.

``It's up 35 cents; it's a good day,'' he noted.

For years, Mr. Weill and Citigroup were, for all intents

and purposes, synonymous. During decades of deal making, he

built one of the most powerful and influential financial

institutions in the world.

Today, at the annual Citigroup shareholder meeting at

Carnegie Hall, Mr. Weill, 73, will cross the stage and take

his final bow as chairman.

Looking tan and fit thanks to a new diet regimen (exercise,

no bread, no butter and, for good measure, no gin), a

spirited and joking Mr. Weill insisted that while he intended

to keep a close eye on the company and its stock price, he

was ready to retire.

``I think it's now time for me to turn the page and go to

the next chapter of my life,'' Mr. Weill said yesterday.

``I've hung around long enough as the chairman, and I think

the company will be well served by having the chairman and

the C.E.O. being the same person.''

Mr. Weill's successor, Charles O. Prince III, the chief

executive, assumes the post of chairman today. Citigroup, to

be sure, is not sending Mr. Weill away with nothing more than

a gold watch and a big thank-you. A black-tie invitation-only

party was held last night at the Temple of Dendur in the

Metropolitan Museum of Art.

About 350 of New York's political, financial and cultural

elite were expected to attend, including James Dimon of J. P.

Morgan Chase; Philip J. Purcell, the former chief of Morgan

Stanley; the Rev. Jesse Jackson; and the cellist Yo-Yo Ma.

Guests nibbled on tiny treats and toasted Mr. Weill's

storied career.

The celebration was as much about Mr. Weill's charitable

activities--for Carnegie Hall, the Joan and Sanford I. Weill

Medical College of Cornell and a national education

initiative--as it is about his leadership of Citigroup.

The party also seemed to suggest the passing of an era. At

a time when Wall Street seems to be increasingly dominated by

hedge funds and private equity firms run by nameless and

faceless yet undoubtedly powerful financiers, Mr. Weill, once

a volatile and insecure boy from Brooklyn, is a throwback. He

is among the last of the classic deal makers who broke many

of the rules and rewrote history on Wall Street.

As for Mr. Weill's retirement nest egg, it is all but

layered in gold. After earning nearly $1 billion from salary,

bonuses and options cashed in over the last decade, Mr. Weill

will receive a pension worth more than $1 million a year.

Under a 10-year consulting contract with Citigroup, he will

earn a daily rate of $3,846 for dispensing advice for up to

45 days a year. Citigroup will also cover the costs of a car

and driver, health and dental insurance for him and his wife,

Joan, and rent for an office in the General Motors Building,

as well as administrative support.

Mr. Weill, meanwhile, will continue to fly at no charge on

Citigroup jets for the next 10 years. (He voluntarily reduced

that benefit, which originally was to allow him free access

to the Citigroup fleet for life.)

One thing Mr. Weill insists he is not going to do in

retirement is start a private equity fund. Last summer, Mr.

Weill landed in a white-hot media glare after he approached

the board about starting such a fund. The board decided that

such an endeavor would be competitive and told Mr. Weill

that, if he left early to pursue it, he would have to forgo

some retirement perks. Mr. Weill ultimately decided not to

pursue the venture, and he said he had not changed his mind.

``They ended up doing me a big favor. Knowing my

personality, whatever I'm going to get involved in, that rush

is going to come again that we have to do it the best,'' Mr.

Weill said. ``I wanted to do something different, and this

gives me the opportunity to do it.'' Despite reports last

summer of growing tensions between him and his successor,

Mr. Weill said he believed the company--and his legacy--was

in strong hands.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to introduce into the Congressional Record a piece by New York Times columnist Paul Krugman because I believe it is well worth our reading and consideration because of its

thought- provoking attempt to discuss the discontent felt by the American people regarding the Bush Administration.

He mentions a point in time when Americans will realize that, ``their good will and patriotism have been abused, and put a stop to this drive to destroy much of what is best in our country''. Krugman rightly calls this hope of his, ``The Great Revulsion''. With Bush's poll numbers in constant decline, are Americans finally getting the picture, he asks? Bush, at the time after the September 11th attacks in New York and Washington, D.C., scored with the American people at a solid 70 percent approval. However, Bush's numbers are only at a declining 33 percent today according to the latest Fox News poll.

Some of the reasons for Bush's poor numbers are because of failure to adequately respond to the enormous need caused by Hurricane Katrina, the prescription drug debacle as Krugman called it and the disaster in Iraq. With the recent resignation of Scott McClellan as President Bush's Press Secretary, there is a sign that something terribly has gone wrong. It certainly is not surprising to see so many jumping ship from the embattled administration.

The piece also acknowledged the stark reality that the Bush Administration has no real policy on Social Security. His idea about privatizing Social Security was one issue that the American public put up strong opposition to and it failed. The American people are realizing the potential power that they have. There indeed is a need for a ``Great Revulsion'' to wake up this nation from its deep sleep of blind faith in President Bush and his Republican leadership team.

I enter into the Record the article published in the New York Times by Paul Krugman for its push to make the American people aware of their strength. To instill within them the understanding of the wrongs committed by the Bush Administration and his supporters. Krugman is calling for a move toward accountability, if not from the Congress, then from the American people as November approaches.

[From The New York Times April 21, 2006]

The Great Revulsion

(By Paul Krugman)

``I have a vision--maybe just a hope--of a great revulsion:

a moment in which the American people look at what is

happening, realize how their good will and patriotism have

been abused, and put a stop to this drive to destroy much of

what is best in our country.''

I wrote those words three years ago in the introduction to

my column collection, ``The Great Unraveling.'' It seemed a

remote prospect at the time: Baghdad had just fallen to U.S.

troops, and President Bush had a 70 percent approval rating.

Now the great revulsion has arrived. The latest Fox News

poll puts Mr. Bush's approval at only 33 percent. According

to the polling firm Survey USA, there are only four states in

which significantly more people approve of Mr. Bush's

performance than disapprove: Utah, Idaho, Wyoming and

Nebraska. If we define red states as states where the public

supports Mr. Bush, Red America now has a smaller population

than New York City.

The proximate causes of Mr. Bush's plunge in the polls are

familiar: the heck of a job he did responding to Katrina, the

prescription drug debate and above all, the quagmire in Iraq.

But focusing too much on these proximate causes makes Mr.

Bush's political fall from grace seem like an accident, or

the result of specific missteps. That gets things backward.

In fact, Mr. Bush's temporarily sky-high approval ratings

were the aberration; the public never supported his real

policy agenda.

Remembering, in 2000 Mr. Bush got within hanging-chad and

felon-purge distance of the White House only by pretending to

be moderate. In 2004 he ran on fear and smear, plus the

pretense that victory in Iraq was just around the corner.

(I've always thought that the turning point of the 2004

campaign was the September 2004 visit of the Iraqi Prime

Minister Ayad Allawi, a figurehead appointed by the Bush

Administration who rewarded his sponsors by presenting a

falsely optimistic picture of the situation in Iraq.

The real test of the conservative agenda came up after the

2004 election, when Mr. Bush tried to sell the partial

privatization of Social Security.

Social Security was for economic conservatives what Iraq

was for the neocons; a soft target that they thought would

pave the way for bigger conquests. And there couldn't have

been a more favorable moment for privatization than the

winter of 2004-2005: Mr. Bush loved to assert that he had a

``mandate'' from the election; Republicans held

solid disciplined majorities in both houses of Congress;

and many prominent political pundits were in favor of

private accounts.

Yet Mr. Bush's drive on Social Security ran into a solid

wall of public opposition, and collapsed within a few months.

And if Social Security couldn't be partly privatized under

these conditions, the conservative dream of dismantling the

welfare state is nothing but a fantasy.

So what's left of the conservative agenda? Not much.

That's the prediction for the midterm elections. The

Democrats will almost surely make gains, but the electoral

system is rigged against them. The fewer than 8 millions

residents of what's left of Red America are represented by

eight U.S. senators; the more than eight million residents of

New York City have to share two senators with the rest of New

York State.

Meanwhile, a combination of accidents and design has left

likely Democratic voters bunched together--I'm tempted to say

ghettoized--in a minority of Congressional districts, while

likely Republican voters are more widely spread out. As a

result, Democrats would need a landslide in the popular

vote--something like an advantage of 8 to 10 percentage

points over Republicans--to take control of the House of

Representatives. That's a real possibility, given the current

polls, but by no means a certainty.

And there is also, of course, the real prospect that Mr.

Bush will change the subject by bombing Iran.

Still, in the long run it may not matter that much. If the

Democrats do gain control of either house of Congress, and

with it the ability to issue subpoenas, a succession of

scandals will be revealed in the final years of the Bush

Administration. But even if the Republicans hang on to their

ability to stonewall, it's hard to see how they can resurrect

their agenda.

In retrospect, then, the 2004 election looks like the high-

water mark of a conservative tide that is now receding.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize three outstanding New York City women: Inez Dickens, Yvette Clarke and Rosemonde Pierre- Louis, as the recent recipients of the first Annual Metropolitan College of New York Women's Empowerment Awards and to enter into the Record an article from the New York CaribNews entitled ``Women's History Month With Empowerment Awards,'' that salutes their achievements in their fields. These three ladies were truly deserving of the accolades bestowed upon them during National Women's History Month, at a gala recognition ceremony held at Metropolitan College on March 20, 2006.

March of each year symbolizes Women's History Month. This time is set aside to honor all women with particular emphasis on the extraordinary contributions of women who actively make a difference in the daily lives of others. The three honorees for the Metropolitan College of New York's Women's Empowerment Awards have made notable contributions to furthering the causes of Diversity, Education and Public Service. New York City Council members Inez Dickens and Yvette Clarke, along with the Deputy Manhattan Borough President Rosemonde Pierre-Louis, were the honorees whose stellar careers and accomplishments merited this special recognition.

To quote and agree with the MCNY President Stephen R. Greenwald, ``. . . Each of our honorees represents a model of success for our students and for all New Yorkers.'' While giving eloquent and sincere award acceptance speeches each honoree spoke of their values and the motivating forces that guided their careers. They also stressed the importance of community activism as they encouraged the audience to step up and make a difference.

Mr. Speaker, I commend the first Annual Metropolitan College of New York for their decision to select and recognize Inez Dickens, Yvette Clarke and Rosemonde Pierre-Louis for their contributions to humanity. These trailblazers are very much deserving of the Women's Empowerment Awards.

[From the New York CaribNews, Apr. 4, 2006]

Metropolitan College of New York Celebrates Women's History Month With

Empowerment Awards

Metropolitan College of New York (MCNY) celebrated Women's

History Month with the First Annual MCNY Women's Empowerment

Awards for Contributions to Diversity, Education and Public

Service on Monday, March 20 in the College's Student Lounge.

The inaugural Women's Empowerment Awards were bestowed upon

New York City Council members Yvette Clarke and Inez Dickens

and Deputy Manhattan Borough President Rosemonde Pierre-

Louis. MCNY President Stephen R. Greenwald welcomed the

honorees, MCNY students, faculty and guests to the event and

MCNY Alumna Lori N. Jones-Dessalines, Founder, President, and

Center Director for Achievers of New York, Inc. Math Center

in West Hempstead, Long Island, served as Mistress of

Ceremonies.

``We are delighted to honor the achievements of these three

outstanding New York City officials. In some ways, their

accomplishments echo the pioneering work that Audrey Cohen

began when she founded the Women's Talent Corps in 1964--the

precursor to Metropolitan College of New York. Each of our

honorees represents a model of success for our students and

for all New Yorkers,'' said Mr. Greenwald.

Councilmember Yvette Clarke credited her parents' community

activism with motivating her to become a public servant. She

also encouraged the students in the audience, the majority of

who were women, to become active in their respective

communities.

``I stand on the shoulders of many women who serve our City

daily on community boards, in block associations, PTAs,

tenant associations--women who are the unsung heroines of our

City. It is on their behalf that I accept this award,'' Ms.

Clarke noted.

Council member Inez Dickens departed from her prepared

remarks to tell the students a bit about her family history.

Her family left Tulsa, Oklahoma in the 1920's to escape the

racially motivated violence against African Americans. In the

course of one day, more than 10,000 whites gathered and

setting fire to every building standing, leveled 35 square

blocks, murdered, raped and robbed, and committed other

atrocities against African Americans. They used machine guns

and airplanes that dropped nitroglycerin and dynamite in an

all out attack on the African American section of town. The

Dickens family moved first to Canada and then settled in

Harlem where Councilmember Dickens' uncle, then her father,

were among the first African-American elected officials in

the New York State legislature.

Deputy Manhattan Borough President Rosemonde Pierre-Louis

encouraged the students to seek creative ways to be involved

in public service. Stressing the importance of activism, she

outlined many of the initiatives she spearheaded in her role

as an attorney and an advocate for battered and other women's

issues. She added, with the pride of achievement, that in

2006 she is the first Haitian American woman to hold a

significant public appointment in New York.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize the 40th anniversary of the independence of the nation of Guyana from Great Britain and to enter a tribute to the relationship between Guyana and the United States into the Congressional Record.

On May 26, 1966 the people of Guyana rejoiced in their newfound freedom status and embarked on their journey of establishing independent statehood. Guyana officially became a republic on February 23, 1970. The transition to independence was not an easy one but the people of Guyana persevered and sustained as their nation evolved into a country of peace and prosperity.

The Caribbean is a diverse region that includes some of the hemisphere's richest and poorest nations. Among the 16 independent nations of the Caribbean, Guyana sits poised on the north central coast of South America. United States interest in Guyana and other Caribbean nations include economic, political and security concerns. Guyana has long been recognized as a vital partner to the U.S. on security, trade, health, the environment, education, and regional democracy.

Mr. Speaker: In the spirit of friendship and cooperation I congratulate Guyana on the occasion of their 40th anniversary of independence and I enter into the Congressional Record a statement submitted by the Ambassador of Guyana, the Honorable Bayney Karran.

The Tribute

As a former British colony Guyana shares a similar

historical, linguistic, religious and socio-political

heritage with the United States. Moreover, as a member state

of the Organization of American States (OAS), Guyana is a

solid partner and ally of the United States at the

hemispheric and the wider international levels in

advancing mutual interests and addressing common

challenges. In remarking upon the status of the bilateral

relationship in 2003, President George W. Bush stated,

``The United States and Guyana enjoy a strong and

productive partnership. . . . (The interests of the

Guyanese people) and those of the United States are

closely aligned. . . . Working together to further our

shared goals, we will build ever stronger bonds between

our two countries''.

Those bonds were evident when Guyana, aided by the combined

efforts of former Presidents George H.W. Bush and Jimmy

Carter to bring about free and fair elections, emerged from

the clutches of authoritarianism and returned to the fold of

democratic nations in 1992. Guyana has always collaborated

unstintingly with the United States to combat the scourges

which pose challenges to democracy, development, human

rights, peace and security.

The following are some useful indicators of Guyana's level

of friendship and cooperation with the United States:

The Fight Against Drugs: Guyana recently extended an

invitation to the DEA to open an office in Guyana after the

DEA was made to depart neighboring Venezuela. The United

States has responded positively to the invitation. Guyana has

also concluded a Shiprider Agreement with the United States.

Free Trade: Guyana and the United States were in mutual

agreement at the Fourth Summit of the Americas that the Free

Trade Area of the Americas should proceed to be implemented.

Good Governance and Governability: Guyana's classification

as a Threshold Country by the Millennium Challenge

Corporation underlines its determination to improve its

performance in ruling justly, investing in people and

encouraging economic freedom.

Terrorism: Guyana suffered proportionately the heaviest

losses in human casualties of any country including the

United States from the 9/11 airplane attacks. Of a population

of 750,000, 25 Guyanese nationals perished at the World Trade

Center and one at the Pentagon.

HIV/AIDS: Guyana is a beneficiary country under the PEPFAR

(President's Emergency Plans for AIDS Relief) Program.

Trafficking in Persons: The 2005 TIP Report which elevated

Guyana from a Tier 3 to a Tier 2 country referred to

appreciable progress by Guyana in complying with standards

for the elimination of trafficking in persons.

International Criminal Court: Guyana has signed an Article

98 agreement with the Unites States.

Inter-American Agenda: As a member of the Inter-American

System, Guyana shares policies and programs with the United

States and other states in the hemisphere as set out, for

example, in the OAS Charter, the Inter-American Democratic

Charter, the Declaration on Hemispheric Security and other

Conventions of the Inter-American System.

Above all, however, lasting bonds of friendship and

cooperation between Guyana and the United States have been

nurtured and strengthened by our respective people. The

United States is home to a large Guyanese Diaspora which

makes significant contributions to both Guyanese and American

societies.

Bayney Karran,

Ambassador of Guyana.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to enter into the Record an interesting and spellbinding editorial entitled ``Women Time Now'' that clearly recognizes the growing number of

outstanding women who are emerging as leaders throughout the world. I sincerely commend the newly elected leaders and admire the female leaders from the past who paved the way for this newer group of women elected officials. It is evident that they are poised to demonstrate their ability to lead their countries into the future.

Portia Simpson-Miller, Jamaica's first woman Prime Minister and Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, Liberia's new President and the first elected female leader in Africa's history are surfacing to prominence with much support from their countrymen. The term referenced in the article to give a sense of the political climate in their countries is ``national euphoria''. This term clearly signifies the exuberance that is felt as these ladies take on the task of running their countries.

While I am overjoyed for the newly elected female officials, a disturbing part of the editorial addresses the declining number of males in the U.S. and in the Caribbean who are failing to take advantage of the educational opportunities that could lead to a more active role from men in politics of the future. The Vice Chancellor of the University of the West Indies ventured to say that in another decade women will be leading the Caribbean in most spheres of influence. Hopefully, opportunities will continue to exist for all and more young men and women will embrace and seize the opportunity to contribute to the political processes in their countries.

Mr. Speaker, I have deep respect for the fortitude and commitment of the many women leaders who are rising to the forefront as they embark on the mission to bring about positive changes in their countries. I enter this editorial into the Record to reiterate the point that women are emerging as leaders throughout the world and this emergence signifies that it is truly ``Women's Time Now.''

[From the NY Caribnews, April 4, 2006]

``Women Time Now''

``It's woman time now, give her a chance.''

Across Jamaica, indeed throughout the Caribbean and in the

West Indian Diaspora in North America and Europe, both men

and women are chanting that sentiment.

Although the words are meant for Portia Simpson-Miller, who

in a few days time will make history in her country by

becoming Jamaica's first woman Prime Minister, they are also

being directed at Liberia's new President, Ellen Johnson-

Sirleaf, the first elected female leader in Africa's history,

and the newly installed President of Chile, Latin America's

first woman head of state and government.

Like others in different parts of world, Simpson Miller and

Johnson Sirleaf, for instance, have come to office with

national euphoria serving as the wind beneath their wings.

It's up to them to lead their respective countries into a new

and prosperous direction.

Simpson-Miller, perhaps the most popular politician in

Jamaica is not the first woman to head a Caribbean

government. Eugenia Charles, the Prime Minister of Dominica

in the 1980s and Janet Jagan, Guyana's President in the

1990s, are but two who come quickly to mind. In addition,

Haiti, the Netherlands Antilles and St. Marteen have all had

women at the helm.

Across the Caribbean, indeed, around the world women are

taking charge, enacting new laws, changing old bad habits,

reshaping broken countries and companies and bringing a new

sense of order and inspiration that augurs well for the

future.

In the U.S., which by the way lags Rwanda in giving women a

larger share of political and parliamentary power outstanding

women now hold key positions in government, the judiciary, on

college campuses, civil society, the trade unions, corporate

America and elsewhere. But as outstanding as it sounds, the

pace may have been a bit too slow and needs to be quickened.

Such outstanding women as Dame Billie Miller, Barbados'

Senior Minister who has been her country's Minister of

Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade for a dozen years, Claris

Charles, Grenada's Minister of Education, Dame Pearlette

Louisy, St. Lucia's Governor General, and Pat Bishop of

Trinidad and Tobago who is one of the Caribbean's most

accomplished composers, arrangers and ethno musicologists are

but a few of those who come to mind for having changed the

course of government, the trade union movement or cultural

expression in our part of the world.

Just the other day, Dr. Nigel Harris, Vice Chancellor of

the University of the West Indies, served notice that in

another decade women would be leading the Caribbean in most

spheres of influence. He based that on the fact that females

account for more than 70 per cent of the students on UWI

campuses in Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago and Barbados. While

that's a source of joy, it's also a reason to express regret

as far as young men are concerned. The male of the species in

both the U.S. and the Caribbean are failing to take advantage

of educational opportunities, thus leaving us all to ask what

does that tell us about the future?

Women, especially Black women around the world are seizing

every chance they get to make a difference for themselves and

society. The barriers they have broken down are mind-boggling

and are a lesson to all about rising to the occasion.

That's not to suggest that the path has been easy or that

the future is entirely rosy. They must expect challenges at

every step but there is little doubt that they would be able

to complete the task successful.

Mr. Speaker, as the 25th anniversary of the death of boxer Joe Louis approaches on April 12, 2006, I feel it quite appropriate to reminisce about the outstanding career accomplishments and contributions he made to society during his lifetime.

Joe Louis Barrow, son of an Alabama Sharecropper was 10 years old when he moved to Detroit, Michigan with his mother and stepfather in 1924. He developed his physique by delivering 50-pound blocks of ice as a teenager. At 18, he learned that a boxing club paid fighters in food, so he fought to win $7 worth of food in a match where he was knocked down seven times in two rounds. He vowed never to fight again.

A short time later a professional fighter, Holman Williams, gave him some lessons and persuaded him to enter the Golden Gloves competition. In 1933, his then manager, John Roxborough, shortened his name to simply Joe Louis. He went on to win 50 of 54 amateur fights, 41 by knockout, and was AAU national light heavyweight champion in 1934 when he was 19 years old.

Known as the ``Brown Bomber'' Louis turned professional in 1935. He won his first eight fights, but finally lost to Max Schmelling, a German who was a key part of Hitler's ``Aryan Superiority''. Joe Louis was granted a much sought after rematch with Schmelling on June 27, 1938. The fight resulted in a first round knock-out of Schmelling, two minutes and four seconds into the round. This feat dealt a devastating blow to Hitler's Nazi Germany.

Louis was very popular among whites as well as blacks. This fondness was attributed to his very quiet and modest demeanor. His popularity peaked after he knocked out Max Schmelling, as Schmelling was viewed by many as a tool of Hitler's Nazism.

Louis defended his title 25 times in 5 years, knocking out 25 of his opponents. He entered the Army in 1942 and was used basically as a good-will ambassador. He appeared in a movie, The Negro Soldier, in an attempt to boost morale among black fighting men.

After World War II ended, he defended his championship five more times. Louis announced his retirement in 1949 but his obligation to pay more than $1 million in back taxes forced him back into the ring. His last fight resulted in a knock-out by champion Rocky Marciano in the 8th round on October 26, 1951.

Louis won 67 professional bouts, 53 of them by knock-out, and lost 3 bouts, 2 by knockout.

In 1969 ill health overtook him and after collapsing on the street in New York City he was hospitalized in a psychiatric hospital. Upon his release, he became a greeter at a Las Vegas casino. After attending a Larry Holmes/Trevor Berbick boxing match, Louis went into cardiac arrest and died at age 67 on April 12, 1981.

Joe Louis had an exceptional and fascinating boxing career filled with many wonderful moments. He was a ground breaking world renowned athlete who broke racial barriers at a time when that was difficult to do. He reigned as the U.S. Heavyweight champion for a record 12 years and most of all he opened doors for such future legends as Muhammad Ali, Jackie Robinson and Sugar Ray Robinson.

Even though 25 years have gone by since Joe Louis passed away, History will always continue to portray him as one of the best prize fighters of all time.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to commend Tavis Smiley for his publication of a remarkable analysis of the status of Black America, ``The Covenant With Black America''. Smiley, an instrumental American author, political commentator, and radio talk show host has contributed a great deal to the discussion on the goals of African Americans from fair minimum wage increases to equal and accessible healthcare. Smiley is determined to bring the plight of Blacks to the forefront of the national agenda by convincing African American leaders to embrace it. He introduced the covenant at a leadership conference in Atlanta and it appears to be succeeding in taking the covenant to other cities.

His Covenant with Black America is now number one on the Washington Post best seller list and number two on the New York Times best seller list, an indication of a significant audience for its proposals which is being augmented by the taking of the proposals to audiences in the Black community such as the Shiloh Baptist Church in downtown Washington.

The covenant includes pieces from an array of notable contemporary African Americans including former U.S. Surgeon General David Satcher; Marian Wright Edelman, Angela Glover Blackwell, and Cornel West. The book has African Americans all across the country gathering and discussing Black America as was done with Smiley's presentation at Shiloh Baptist Church in downtown Washington on Thursday, April 7, 2006. Smiley has made many think about their status as he has asked the very pertinent question, ``Can we go from moment to momentum to movement?''

Also notable about ``The Covenant'' is that it is No. 1 on the Washington Post's paperback nonfiction bestseller list. This alone indicates that there are many who are interested in engaging in the discussion of the future of Black America. More than 200,000 copies have been sold since it was published less than two months ago.

I enter into the Record an article from the Washington Post entitled ``The Volume That's Making a Loud Noise'' for the acknowledgment and support of a book with such a profound and straightforward method for tackling the vital issues within the Black community. Now is the time for revitalization in those communities across this nation and the Black community must rise to the occasion.

[From The Washington Post, Apr. 7, 2006]

The Volume That's Making a Loud Noise: People Flock to Hear About

`Covenant'

(By Linton Weeks)

When a book becomes a collection of people, not just pages,

we sit up and pay attention.

``The Covenant With Black America,'' a volume of essays

pulled together by omnimedia personality Tavis Smiley, may be

doing just that. At No. 1 on The Washington Post's paperback

nonfiction bestseller list, ``Covenant'' is the book of the

moment. It's been on the list for four weeks. And it is No. 2

on the upcoming New York Times paperback nonfiction list.

All across the country, many black Americans are gathering,

mostly in churches, to hear Smiley spread his gospel of

response and responsibility and to buy a bunch of books. The

publisher, Third World Press, reports that more than 200,000

copies have sold--at $12 apiece--since ``Covenant'' was

published less than two months ago.

In downtown Washington last night, Smiley's rousing

presentation from the lectern of Shiloh Baptist Church is

greeted with scores of amens and several standing ovations.

Brandishing a copy, he says, ``Make black America better, you

make all America better.''

Funny and self-effacing, Smiley asks the thousand or so

people in the pews, ``Can we go from moment to momentum to

movement?''

The volume could also be titled ``The Purpose Driven

Community.''

``Covenant'' is a collection of pieces by notable

contemporary African Americans, including former U.S. surgeon

general David Satcher; Marian Wright Edelman, founder of the

Children's Defense Fund; Angela Glover Blackwell, founder of

the think tank PolicyLink; and Cornel West, who teaches

religion at Princeton University.

The 250-plus-page book is divided into 10 core chapters,

each plumbing a single subject, such as the right to health

care, the unequal justice system or the racial digital

divide. Arguments are buttressed with statistics and calls to

personal and political action. For example, in the chapter on

accessing economic prosperity, the book encourages

elected officials to ``increase the minimum wage to a

living wage'' and urges individuals to ``open and maintain

a savings account, no matter what your family's income

is.''

Smiley, who has written a handful of books and is a regular

on public television, is proud that ``Covenant'' has sold

mostly through the traditional African American grapevines of

church meetings, talk radio and word of mouth. And that he

has bypassed the Great American Buzzmaking Machine.

``We haven't been on `Oprah'!'' he shouts to the crowd.

``We haven't been on the `Today' show! And we haven't been on

NPR! That's all black folks,'' he says about the book's

phenomenal rise on the bestseller lists. ``Black folks did

this.''

He uses the success of his book to illustrate the economic

and political might of the African American community. He

also points out that he chose Third World Press in Chicago,

an influential African American publishing house founded in

1967, to publish his book.

``It's selling so fast we can't keep up with demand,'' says

Bennett J. Johnson, vice president of Third World.

Johnson says one of his friends describes the book as ``an

oasis in the desert'' because it is the rare volume that

``allows black Americans to view their own interests in an

organized fashion, and it provides white America with an

articulated version of what black America wants.''

This will be ``a wedge book,'' Johnson predicts, that will

make book buyers and the publishing industry look at black

publishers and writers in a different light.

`` `Covenant,' '' he adds, ``is not a bible. It's not 100

percent right on each issue. But it starts a dialogue.''

The book does touch a certain chord with some people.

Pamela Johnson, 38, of Upper Marlboro, for instance, who is

sitting near an aisle in the church. She heard Smiley talking

about his ideas on the Tom Joyner morning radio show. African

Americans have to ``understand what we have to do to improve

our situations,'' Johnson says. An industrial engineer and a

mathematics professor at Strayer University, she is

especially interested in the book's emphasis on establishing

an equitable system of public education.

Edelman, who is onstage with Smiley, wrote the book's

statement of purpose. ``Covenant,'' she writes, ``calls on

parents, educators, preachers, social service providers,

community leaders, and policy-makers to act now and create a

brighter future for our children.''

The book grew out of several annual State of the Black

Union symposiums that Smiley conducted. Contributor Blackwell

explains from her home in California that Smiley wanted to

take the conversations from those confabs ``and harness the

intellectual power and the energy.''

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to acknowledge the Reverend Al Sharpton for his continued encouragement of black youths in America to rise up and join the struggle against poverty, low performing schools, corruption and other ills that plague many of our inner cities across this nation. The Reverend believes that the time is now for new blood

with new and exciting ideas to speak up and become participants in the issues that directly influence their livelihood.

Sharpton is trying to train today's inner city youth on how to become leaders just as he was trained so many years ago. Reverend Al Sharpton was best known as the ``Wonder Boy'' in his youth. He was also known as the one who began delivering sermons at the Washington Temple Church in Brooklyn as a first-grader. Later at age 10, Sharpton preached a sermon before 10,000 people at the World's Fair. During this time, Sharpton was a teenager and had attracted the attention of the late Representative Adam Clayton Powell becoming part of the Harlem congressman's entourage.

Sharpton held his annual National Action Network meeting in New York this past week and in attendance were many of his up-and-comers who will likely be running cities and other municipalities along with Congress before long. The list includes Yaphet El-Amin who became the first female Muslim to hold state office in Missouri when she was elected in 2002. There is also Alicia Reece, a member in Sharpton's organization who is considered a rising star, and then there is the Reverend Jarrett Maupin, a 17 year-old from Phoenix, Arizona who is now Sharpton's youth director. Maupin made an unsuccessful bid for the Phoenix City Council, yet he retains the spirit and desire to run for his school board this year.

I enter into the Record an article published in the New York Daily News on Friday April 7, 2006 entitled, ``Reverend Al's new flock'', for highlighting the importance of implementing forms of community mentoring. As members of the old guard grow older, the time is now for the youth in our nation to stand up as we hand them their futures. More people need to take the time to do the same and encourage the leaders of tomorrow to rightfully take their place in society.

Reverend Al's New Flock

(By Errol Louis)

Here in New York, the Rev. Al Sharpton tends to be seen as

a perennial political outsider and gadfly--his detractors

inevitably dismiss him as a publicity-seeking hustler--but

that cynical, out-of-date view ignores the impressive

political network Sharpton has diligently been building from

coast to coast.

In a dozen or so black communities where elders tend to

monopolize leadership of the churches, schools, civic groups,

political clubs and other key institutions, Sharpton has been

busy grooming young, ambitious candidates for office.

By playing the role of mentor, promoter and fund-raiser,

Sharpton does what many shortsighted black politicians refuse

to do: actively encourage youngsters to join the struggle

against poverty, broken schools, corruption and other inner-

city ills.

Sharpton's approach should be copied by pols in communities

where new blood and new ideas are desperately needed.

A batch of hopefuls from Generation Al--many of whom were

in New York City this week for the annual meeting of

Sharpton's National Action Network--has been particularly

active lately. The list includes Yaphet El-Amin, a 35-year-

old from St. Louis who became the first female Muslim to hold

state office in Missouri when voters elected her to the

legislature in 2002. She is running for state Senate this

year.

Alicia Reece, an officer in Sharpton's organization who

served as vice mayor of Cincinnati and lost a race for mayor

last year, is considered a rising star. Brooklyn's own

Kirsten Foy, one of Sharpton's staff members, is running for

a district leadership in Crown Heights this fall.

And then there's the Rev. Jarrett Maupin, Sharpton's

national youth director.

The 17-year-old from Phoenix, a college freshman who has

been preaching since he was 10, is so much a Sharpton clone

that he wears his hair in the same trademark conked-out

style.

``I had my hair like this before I met Rev. Sharpton, but

after I met him I decided to keep it,'' says Maupin. ``It's a

power look.''

Maupin made an unsuccessful bid for the Phoenix City

Council last year and plans to mount a run for school board

this year.

Sharpton not only holds fund-raisers and stumps for his

proteges, he freely connects them to political heavy-hitters.

This morning, for instance, they will be meeting with Sen.

John Kerry (D-Mass.), who is set to give a breakfast talk to

Sharpton's group.

The reverend's interest in grooming young leaders dates to

his own background as the Wonder Boy, a prodigy who began

delivering sermons in Brooklyn's Washington Temple Church as

a first-grader.

At age 10, Sharpton preached a sermon before 10,000 at the

World's Fair. By the time he was a teenager, Sharpton had

attracted the attention of the late Rep. Adam Clayton Powell,

becoming part of the Harlem congressman's entourage. Whenever

Powell came to town, he'd ask for ``the kid.''

Sharpton's decision to pass along the sort of mentoring he

received stands in stark contrast to the way black

politicians in New York and elsewhere cling to office for

decades on end, passing their seats to relatives like

heirlooms and doing everything in their power to drive

newcomers away. But while the old guard gets older,

Sharpton--who's mulling another run for President in 2008--is

smartly playing the odds, collecting friends, fans and favors

among a network of up-and-comers who will likely be running

cities, states and Congress before long.

The reverend won't just have powerful friends. To the

consternation of his enemies, he'll also get the last laugh.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in celebration of the life of an American patriot, the Reverend William Sloane Coffin Jr. As a prophetic mouthpiece for God, Reverend Coffin spoke truth to power. He trumpeted the call to America to live up to its moral ideals by remembering the plight of the poor and oppressed at home and abroad. Reverend Coffin was a peace maker around the world, encouraging America and nations alike to pursue peace over war; ``Blessed are the peacemakers, for they will be called children of God.''

Reverend Coffin fought for civil rights and was a staunch opponent of the Vietnam war in the 1960's. In Montgomery he was arrested in protest of segregation in the South; he was a disciple and advocate of civil disobedience. He believed civil disobedience could bring social and political change in the world pervaded with inequality and injustice. As an ordained Presbyterian minister he adhered to a strong sense of call to social activism. He was in the early 60s the senior minister at the historic Riverside Church in my congressional district.

His ministry focused on a variety of social and moral issues facing humanity. He drew attention to the plight of the poor, political and military power, nuclear disarmament and interfaith understanding. Reverend Coffin exemplified tremendous courage in standing up for what he believed was just and fair. He would often say that ``courage is the first virtue, because ``it makes all other virtues possible.'' Reverend Coffin was indeed courageous in his fight against genocide in certain parts of the world, particularly in Bosnia.

``Every minister is given two roles, the priestly and the prophetic.'' He would often remind his interviewers of this theological claim to help America and the world understand why a minister was concerned with social-political affairs. In the tumultuous years of the Vietnam war he was outspoken in opposition to the war along side another prominent minister, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. He led major demonstrations in protest concerning the grave injustice and moral wrongness of the Vietnam war which garnered him international recognition. His prophetic role mandated Reverend Coffin to challenge the status quo on an international level.

In addition to serving as a senior minister, Reverend Coffin also assumed the chaplaincy post at Yale University. At Yale, during the Vietnam war, he counseled and encouraged students to protest the draft by returning their draft cards to the Justice Department. He infuriated the Johnson administration but he stood courageous and firm. Students at Yale respected him for his genuine and sincere approach to ministry and were urged to become sensitive to social struggle around the world by championing the cause of justice and peace. He remained at Yale until 1976, when he began to work on world hunger programs.

Mr. Speaker, as we celebrate the life of Rev. William Sloane Coffin, his life reminds America that the voice of dissent is patriotism at its best. When he engaged in debate about American social policies and practices he would often characterize them as a partner engaged in a lovers' quarrel.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today, on the eve of the twentieth anniversary of the Harlem Congregations for Community Improvement (HCCI) to enter into the Congressional Record a perspective that recognizes the many achievements and accomplishments attributed to the

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to enter into the Record an editorial from the April 11, 2006 New York CaribNews entitled ``Civil Rights Struggle Far From Over: NAACP Remains In Forefront, Almost A Century After Its Creation''; that praises the longevity and extreme effectiveness of the most influential civil rights organization in the United States known as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People or the NAACP.

Since its inception the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) was poised for a long, tumultuous and rewarding history. Although it may be possible to chronicle the challenging and harrowing legacy of the NAACP, the real story of the Nation's most significant civil rights organization lies in the hearts and minds of the people who would not stand still while the rights of America's people of color were denied.

The history of the NAACP is one of blood, sweat and tears. From bold investigations of mob brutality, protests of mass murders, segregation and discrimination, to testimony before congressional committees on the vicious tactics used to bar African Americans from the ballot box, it was the talent and tenacity of the NAACP members that saved lives and changed many negative aspects of American society. While much of its history is chronicled in books, articles, pamphlets and magazines, the true movement lies in the faces--black, white, yellow, red, and brown-- united to awaken the conscientiousness of a people, and a nation. This is the legacy of the NAACP.

Mr. Speaker, This article that I enter today reiterates the facts that the civil rights struggle is far from over as it proudly details from history a few of the organization's past successes. I am confident that such leaders as Bruce Gordon, President and Chief Executive Officer of the NAACP and Karen Boykin-Towns, President of the Brooklyn Chapter of the NAACP will continue to keep the legacy alive and also keep the NAACP in the forefront, as progress and accomplishments continue, for years to come.

[From the New York CaribNews Editorial, April 11, 2006]

Civil Rights Struggle Far From Over: NAACP Remains In Forefront, Almost

A Century After Its Creation

It was a succinct and forceful reminder. And it came from a

person who knows the issues and from an organization that has

led the fight for respect for Black people's civil rights and

political liberties. ``There is still a lot of civil rights

work to be done,'' was the way Bruce Gordon, President and

Chief Executive Officer of the National Association for the

Advancement of Colored People, NAACP, put it in an interview

with this newspaper. ``Many people believe the passing of

Rosa Parks, Coretta Scott-King and other icons of the

movement signals that the task is over,'' he added. ``Nothing

could be further from the truth.'' Well said!

Anyone looking at the state of Black America, the lack of

jobs in Black communities, limited access to adequate health

care, a dire shortage of affordable housing, the intolerance

of tens of millions of whites, the virulent strains of

racism, the glaring attempts to cast young Black men as

villains, the policy of cutting off much needed federal,

state and local government assistance to families that need

it the most and the poor schools that saturate our

communities would readily endorse Gordon's marching orders,

if you will.

The NAACP is in an excellent position to assess the needs

and to address them. And they have earned our support.

Founded on February 12, 1909 by a multi-racial group of

activists, who answered the ``Call'' to action, the NAACP has

been at the helm of the long struggle from that historic

occasion. We expect it to continue its important work for at

least another century.

Turn back some of the pages of history and the record of

America's largest and oldest civil rights organization would

become clear. A handful of examples, in:

1913 when President Woodrow Wilson officially sanctioned

segregation in the federal government, a horrified NAACP

launched a nationwide protest.

1915 the NAACP took to the streets and the barricades to

condemn D.W. Griffith, the movie producer, for his

``inflammatory and bigoted silent film, ``Birth of a

Nation,'' which today draws rave reviews from white critics

for what they call his ``creativity'' while ignoring the

bigoted nature of the film's content.

1922 In an unprecedented step, the NAACP placed large

advertisements in many of the nation's major newspapers to

focus national attention on the despicable and inhuman

practice of lynching.

1935, NAACP lawyers Charles Houston and Thurgood Marshall

battled successfully in the courts to have Black students

admitted to the University of Maryland.

1939 When the Daughters of the American Revolution

prevented world famous soprano, Marian Anderson, from

performing at their Constitution Hall, the NAACP sprung into

action. It moved the concert to the Lincoln Memorial and

75,000 persons attended.

1948, the organization led the fight that forced President

Harry Truman to ban racial discrimination by the federal

government, especially in the military.

1954, the NAACP won the landmark case before the Supreme

Court that forced an end to segregation in public schools.

Brown vs. Board of Education stands today as a battering ram

against official segregation.

1965, Congress passed and President Lyndon Johnson signed

into law the Voting Rights Act, which gave Blacks the

unfettered right to participate in the electoral process as

voters and candidates. The NAACP was a driving force behind

its enactment.

1985, it led a massive anti-apartheid rally in New York

that dramatized the plight of millions of Blacks in South

Africa.

1997, the organization launched its ``Economic Reciprocity

Program to fight against conservative efforts in Congress and

the courts to end affirmative action.

2000, at the helm of a march by 50,000 persons to protest

the flying of the confederate flag over state buildings. It

was the largest civil rights demonstration ever held in the

South. On and on we can cite chapter and verse about the

successes and indeed the relevance of this noble institution

whose effectiveness was demonstrated in almost every section

of the country and in many nations in different parts of the

world.

As the NAACP itself has pointed out, ``from the ballot box

to the classroom the dedicated workers, organizers, and

leaders who forged this great organization and maintain its

status as a champion of social justice, fought long and hard

to ensure that the voices of African-Americans would be

heard.'' We couldn't have said it any better.

If the Association's history was built on the blood, sweat

and tears of its members and supporters who believe in its

vision then it has earned its place in our minds and hearts.

Gordon is coming to New York to hail the resuscitation of

the Brooklyn Branch, a development which comes a few years

before the centennial anniversary of the NAACP itself and

which sends a strong and positive signal to people around the

country that the organization is vigorous and its future is

secure.

We extend our congratulations to Gordon and to the officers

and members of the Brooklyn branch that's led by Karen

Boykin-Towns.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to Elbert Garcia, an extraordinary gentleman to whom I was first introduced when he was an American Political Science Association fellow in my congressional office, and who is now a media and policy analyst currently employed at my New York District Congressional office.

I commend the Latino Alumni Association of Columbia University on their decision to bestow their first annual Trailblazer Award on a group of exceptional individuals that included Elbert Garcia.

I was very pleased to find that this unique and very first annual Trailblazer award was presented April 1st during a celebration of the diversity and achievements of Columbia's Latino alumni appropriately called ``El Regreso.'' The Columbia University alumni honorees consist of Marcel Agueros, Rafael Collazo, Jennifer Duran, Michael Maldonado, Vivian Santiago, and last but certainly not least, Elbert Garcia. The group was cited because ``their dedication, vision, and representation of a wider movement were instrumental to the creation of the Center for the Study of Ethnicity and Race.''

In 1995, this group of Latin American students at Columbia were frustrated that the initiatives to bring the history of ethnic studies to their campus continued to result in failure. They were determined to draw attention to their plight by staging a non-violent hunger strike. The strike ended in the arrest of 22 students and the resulting media coverage of the arrest finally propelled Columbia and its lack of ethnic studies into the national spotlight. This publicity served as a wake-up call to the powers that be and ultimately led to change which resulted in the creation of Columbia's Center for the Study of Ethnicity and Race. That Elbert was a leader of a group who had the strategic vision, self-discipline, determination and persistence to succeed is not a surprise to me because these are qualities which Elbert exhibits in his professional and personal life.

I know Elbert to be a dedicated family man with great conviction.

A Washington Heights-born freelance writer, Elbert has written about politics, music and culture for such publications as The Source, Urbanlatino Magazine, The New York Post and the Manhattan Times. The 31-year old son of Dominican immigrants has also worked as Web producer at MSNBC, the New York Times, and Philadelphia-based Latino news Web site, LATNN.com.

Elbert earned a B.A. in Urban Studies with a specialization in Political Science while being an active student leader at Columbia University. In addition to helping to establish the school's Latino Studies program and the Center for the Study of Ethnicity and Race, he served as one of founders of Columbia University's undergraduate Dominican organization, EI Grupo Quisqueyano and managing editor of the multicultural magazine Roots & Culture.

Prior to entering the field of journalism, Garcia worked several years as alumni counselor and supervisor at the Prep for Prep program, a New York City leadership development organization that works with students of color from fifth grade through college. He was also one of the early organizers of the New York International Latino Film Festival.

Elbert spent a year working on Capitol Hill as a 2002-2003 American Political Science Association Congressional (APSA) Fellow, the oldest and most prestigious Capitol Hill fellowship program. Elbert rejoined my New York staff on a part-time basis in January, 2006. A product of the Ethical Cultural Fieldston School and the community's gifted and talented magnet school, Mott Hall, Elbert currently resides in the Upper Manhattan neighborhood of Inwood with his wife, Grissel.

Elbert's background in media relations and journalism has proven to be an invaluable asset as he assists me in communicating and implementing the role of government in the lives of the constituents of the 15th congressional District. Elbert is a non-assuming, focused and savvy analyst who genuinely cares about people. He is dedicated to ensuring that the needs of our constituency are met. I am particularly proud of the great strides Elbert Garcia has made not only at Columbia University but also in his service to the residents of the 15th District of New York City.

I salute and congratulate Elbert Garcia along with the five other honored Columbia alumni for the fortitude and bravery displayed in 1995 that brought about positive change that continues to benefit Columbia University to this day. I also salute Elbert for his continued work for the public in his chosen field.

At a time of sharp difference between us on the question of immigration policy, we all should keep in mind these words of Elbert Garcia. To quote Elbert, ``A nation steeped in ethnic studies would not be in such a hurry to punish its immigrants.''

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to enter into the Record a tribute to the legendary six-time world champion boxer Sugar Ray Robinson and to recognize the issuance of the Sugar Ray Robinson commemorative stamp.

Although this charismatic boxer was born Walker Smith, Jr., he is best remembered as ``Sugar'' Ray Robinson. Born on May 3, 1921 in Ailey, GA, his parents moved the family to New York when Sugar Ray was a teenager to escape the prevalent prejudice in the South. It was there, in a Harlem gym, that he was first introduced to boxing. Sugar Ray visited the gym frequently, using a borrowed Amateur Athletic Union boxing card of a friend. The friend's name, incidentally, was Ray Robinson.

His natural talent in the ring began to draw attention, and soon crowds gathered to watch Sugar Ray perform. When future coach George Gainford watched him box for the first time, Gainford commented that the young boxer's style and fluid motions were ``sweet as sugar.'' Others agreed, and the nickname stuck. After winning the New York Golden Gloves championship in 1940, 19-year-old Sugar Ray turned pro and never looked back. By 1946, Sugar Ray was the world welterweight champion. His reign included a 91 fight winning-streak. He held the title for 5 years, and then moved onto acquiring the world middleweight title, which he held five times between the years 1951-1960. A dominant force in the boxing ring for two decades, Sugar Ray was 38 when he won his last middleweight title.

In the mid-1960s, Sugar Ray exited the ring gracefully.

Sugar Ray's record was 128-1-2 with 84 knockouts at the pinnacle of his career. Amazingly, in over 200 fights, Sugar Ray was never physically knocked out; though he did receive one technical KO. Altogether, he amassed 109 KOs, and finished with a record of 175-19-6 with two no-decisions. World champion Muhammad Ali called him ``the king, the master, my idol'' In 1997, The Ring magazine named Sugar Ray ``pound for pound, the best boxer of all time.'' In 1999, the Associated Press named him both the greatest welterweight and middleweight boxer of the century.

Sugar Ray Robinson passed away on April 12, 1989.

Mr. Speaker, Sugar Ray Robinson is a true legend. I am very pleased to pay tribute to his legacy and also pleased to acknowledge the issuance of a commemorative stamp in his honor scheduled to be unveiled on April 7, 2006.

Mr. Chairman, let me first thank Mr. Nussle and the Republican leadership for bringing up an important bill and allowing us to discuss it during the daytime hours. It is so unusual that I just wonder when the vote is going to take place, but I do hope it is in time for America to see how we work.

Also, I want to thank Mr. Nussle for giving me the opportunity to explain some of the language that he has been using, because when he talks about entitlements there are so many people that get angry and they have to be against entitlements, too. They have to really be angry with America spending such a large amount of our budget on entitlements. But it is strange, they talk about entitlements and we talk about people in need. They talk about entitlements, we talk about the Social Security system that has lasted this country and given so much self-esteem and pride for our older people, those who became disabled, and things that we like to do.

Don't cry. Don't just bring us these doggone private accounts. Don't send it to commissions. Bring it on the floor. Take it to the American people. Ask the older people and their kids and their grandkids, how do you measure self-esteem and dignity?

Entitlements. What does it mean? Who are the least among us? Is it the poor? And if you are poor and you are sick, is it asking too much in this great country of riches to say you are entitled to health care? And if you are older, and you want to get a prescription drug, is it wrong for you to be outraged because we believe that they are entitled?

Or how about a kid from the neighborhood? Most of us here came from families that never got a college education. Were we entitled to an education? No. We were lucky we were able to get it. But I think that now that our Nation is at war, a war that we shouldn't be in, I think that our Nation is at war in terms of competition with foreign countries, that our people should be entitled to educations. They should be entitled to compete. They should be entitled to self-esteem, and every American should have an education and a decent place to live and health care.

But no, we can't afford it. We can't afford it, one, because $400 billion for

Iraq. We can afford it for them. Oh, they will be entitled to decent health and decent housing and anything else, and we are not going to leave there until they get it, and they will have the victory and we will have the deficit.

And so what I am saying is that let's not talk entitlements. If you really want to kill the education programs, the health programs for the aged and for the young, let's call it what it is. It is called Social Security. Say it with me. Social Security. It is called Medicaid. It is called Medicare. And these are programs for the disadvantaged.

Now, if you can't afford it because you have some friends that are in the highest income, and I have not received one letter from any of them, and I don't think those from the rural areas, there aren't too many of them there either. They may be included on the contributors list, but they haven't called and asked for this tax cut. They haven't called and asked for it.

But the people that are out there when we get back home during this work period, they will thank us for fighting to save what they think, what they used to be entitled to.

Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the outstanding gentleman from Washington (Mr. McDermott), a member of the Ways and Means Committee.

(Mr. McDERMOTT asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to the distinguished member of the Ways and Means Committee from Massachusetts, Mr. Neal, who serves on our committee as well as the Budget Committee.

(Mr. NEAL of Massachusetts asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, the Darfur Peace and Accountability Act passed the House today, Wednesday April 5, 2006. This Act calls for action. The specific intent and purpose of this Act must be implemented immediately by the Administration. It is too late for more words on the horrors of Darfur no matter how strong the words. As Nicholas Kristoff in his persistent, piercing Times columns has pointed out that for years, we have said ``Never Again, Again.'' And yet, the slow genocide continues in Darfur. Babies die of hunger and thirst, women suffer a deliberate policy of rape; men are castrated and shot in the head. The starvation, the deaths, the burning of villages, the poisoning of wells, the slaughter of domestic animals on which people depend, the brutal killing of children in front of their mothers continues while the world watches. ``Uncover Your Eyes'' Mr. Kristoff tells us. ``Uncover Your Eyes.'' (Nicholas D. Kristoff, June 7, 2005).

The killing in Darfur is the first Genocide of the 21st Century. There is only one approach to a genocide: It must be stopped using all necessary means; and those that perpetuate it must be held accountable. There is no excuse for failing to hold accountable those who arm, condone and assist in genocide; most especially the excuse for a failure to hold a government accountable must not be ``the war on terror.'' Those who arm and support the Janjaweed militia as the government in Khartoum continues to do are terrorists. If you doubt it, then uncover your eyes: the Janjaweed seized nine boys from a village called Saleya, stripped them naked, tied them up, cut off their noses and ears, gouged out their eyes and shot them to death before leaving them near a public well. Nearby villagers got the message and fled. Currently rapes take place when women collect firewood. If the men collect the firewood, they are castrated and then shot in the head.

The United States has given a great deal of humanitarian aid to the refuge camps where thousands of people of Darfur live. They cannot go back to their villages. The representatives from the State Department say the starvation and malnutrition rates for these people have slowed since 2004. However, they are unable to feed themselves; if they go back to their villages and try to restore their dwellings and grow crops; they will be killed. There is nothing to indicate the genocide has been called off. The non-Arab tribes from the Darfur region of Sudan are marked for death because of their tribal membership and the fact that they are non-Arab Africans.

We know what needs to be done. We have the time to do what needs to be done. We have the means, the influence, and the power. What we need is the will and the leadership. First the United States must recognize that if the genocide is to be stopped, the United States will have to stop it. This is a most wonderful opportunity never before presented to a leader or a country. President Bush on behalf of all the compassionate citizens of this country must seize this opportunity.

Second, the State Department with the leadership of the President must recognize that neither the mandate nor the troop strength of the African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) is adequate to protect civilians in Darfur. Third, although the United Nations Security Council has taken steps toward establishing a United Nations peacekeeping mission for Darfur, it could take up to a year for such a mission to deploy fully and the people of Darfur cannot wait that long. Therefore, the African Union must request assistance not only from the United Nations but also from NATO. NATO is needed immediately; Pursuant to Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations a peacekeeping force for Darfur must be approved. It must be well trained and equipped and have adequate troop strength to protect the people of Darfur and stop the deaths of helpless, unarmed civilians many of whom are under the age of five.

In order to achieve this, President Bush must propose that NATO consider how to implement and enforce a declared no-fly zone in Darfur and deploy troops to Darfur to support to the African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) until a United Nations peacekeeping force is fully deployed in the region. President Bush must also approve supplemental funding to support a NATO mission in Darfur and the African Union Mission in Sudan and called upon NATO allies led by the Untied States to support such a mission and to call upon NATO headquarters staff to begin planning for such a mission.

President Bush has the opportunity that comes once in a presidency and perhaps once in a lifetime. He can save an entire people, their elders, their parents, their children. He can stop the rapes, the maiming of children and women, the acts of barbarism we have shut our eyes to because they are unbearable to look at. I implore President Bush on behalf of his fellow Americans, uncover your eyes and open your heart. Stop the genocide in Darfur.