Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I rise to honor the life of an extraordinary American, ADM Samuel Lee Gravely, Jr.

Admiral Gravely passed away recently, but he leaves behind a legacy of stunning accomplishment, which undoubtedly renders him as one of the most significant figures in American military history.

Admiral Gravely was born in Richmond, Virginia on June 4, 1922. After attending Virginia Union University for 2 years, he enlisted in the Navy Reserve in 1942 and was trained as a fireman apprentice.

In 1943, he participated in a Navy program known as V-12, which was designed to select and train highly qualified men for commissioning as officers in the Navy. As part of his V-12 training, he attended the University of California in Los Angeles and the Midshipmen School at Columbia University in New York City.

On December 14, 1944 Admiral Gravely successfully completed midshipman training, becoming the first African American commissioned as an officer from the Navy Reserve Officers' Training Course, ROTC.

As a newly commissioned ensign, his first duty assignment was at a naval training station in Illinois, where he was assistant battalion commander for new recruits. Following

that assignment, he began his seagoing career as a sailor aboard the PC 1264, one of only two World War II ships with a predominately African- American crew.

In April 1946 he left active duty, but remained in the Naval Reserve. He returned to his hometown of Richmond, Virginia, and completed his bachelor's degree in history. Soon after obtaining his degree he was recalled to active duty during the Korean war. His service during that time earned him a Legion of Merit Award, Bronze Star, and the Meritorious Service Medal.

In the 1960's, Admiral Gravely became the first African-American to command a navy warship when he was appointed executive officer, and later, acting commanding officer of the destroyer Theodore E. Chandler. That momentous milestone was just one of many in Admiral Gravely's career.

Some historic firsts that he has achieved include: the first African- American to command an American warship under combat conditions since the Civil War, USS Taussig; the first African-American to command a major naval warship, USS Jouett; the first African-American admiral; the first African-American to rise to the rank of vice admiral; and the first African-American to command a U.S. fleet, commander, Third Fleet.

Admiral Gravely belongs to a group of African-American military heroes whose belief in self and country gave them strength to overcome incredible obstacles and reach unprecedented heights. In so doing they have given hope and pride to the generations that have proceeded them.

Known as a quiet and unassuming man, his life exemplified the words of the politician Adlai Stevenson, who once said ``Patriotism is not short, frenzied outbursts of emotion, but the tranquil and steady dedication of a lifetime.'' If this is the measure of a patriot, then Admiral Gravely was one of our greatest.

I find it appropriate to end with Admiral Gravely's own words: ``Perseverance is the ability to steadfastly proceed to your goal despite all obstacles. It is the ability to overcome.'' The spirit of Admiral Gravely will always be with us, just as his words will forever ring true.

Mr. Speaker, today I, like many members of the Congressional Black Caucus, am moved to speak about the state of the African American male and their alarming overrepresentation in the American penal system.

Sweeping changes in crime control and the drastic modifications of sentencing policies have led to a staggering increase in prison populations. Ironically, although the country is experiencing a decrease in crime rates, the inmate population is increasing. According to the Justice Department's Bureau of Justice Statistics, the increase in inmate population is

largely due to ``truth-in-sentencing'' laws that limit early releases, mandatory drug sentences, get tough anti-crime policies enacted in the 1980s and 1990s, and ``three strikes and you're out'' laws for repeat offenders. Over 2,000,000 prisoners are now held in Federal and State prisons and local jails. Nearly 925,000 Americans are convicted of felony offenses in American courts each year and some 600,000 are incarcerated as a result.

As the national inmate population has increased, the impact on minority communities has been devastating. Two-thirds of the prison population are now racial and ethnic minorities, and for African American males in their twenties, one in every eight is in prison or jail on any given day. Even more upsetting is that African American males born today have a one in three chance of going to prison during their lifetime, compared to a one in seventeen chance for white males. At year-end 2003, African American inmates represented an estimated 44 percent of all inmates with sentences of more than one year.

Despite the notion that the Scales of Justice is blind, it is no secret that racial bias plays a deplorable role in the disproportionate conviction and sentencing of African American men compared to their racial counterparts (who are charged with the same or a similar offense). In addition to racial bias, the high rate of minority involvement in the system reflects a complex set of social, economic, and community problems often tied to poverty, lack of access to education, and unemployment.

While some would assert that ``if one does the crime, then he must do the time,'' it is imperative to remember that once these individuals have done their time and ``repaid their debt to society,'' they should not be thrown back into the fray without the proper tools they need to overcome the factors that initially led to their involvement in the criminal justice system. The transition from prison life is inherently difficult, especially for individuals who have served a lengthy sentence and received little preparation for life in a law-abiding society. In addition to be being stigmatized with a conviction, former offenders face challenges finding employment, housing, health care, and public assistance. Often they are also alienated from their families and communities. All of these negative outcomes contribute to increased recidivism, public health risks, homelessness, unemployment, and disenfranchisement.

Perhaps the most significant costs of prisoner re-entry are the impact on children, the weakened ties among family members, and destabilized communities. The long-term generational effects of a social structure in which imprisonment is the norm and law abiding role models are absent are difficult to measure but undoubtedly exist.

African American males are a critical component of African American families and communities. I, like my CBC colleagues, remain poised to take action to reverse the negative trends surrounding African American males and their incarceration and to reinforce this group's positive characteristics.

It is for this reason that Congress members John Conyers, Jr., Bobby Scott, and I introduced H.R. 5075, which identifies programs and policies that would encourage the successful reentry of incarcerated persons into the community after their release. For similar reasons, I have continually pushed for the reauthorization of the Community Safety through Recidivism Prevention Act (The Second Chance Act of 2004).

Consequently, I co-sponsored Congressman Rob Portman's bill, H.R. 4676, to reauthorize the grant program of the Department of Justice for reentry of offenders into the community and to establish a task force on Federal programs and activities relating to the reentry of offenders.

While members of the CBC and other conscientious national and state legislators have worked to reform the prison system and provide programs and policies that eliminate many of the barriers that ex- offenders face upon reentry, there is still much work to do. We will continue to fight for the passage of federal legislation to provide former offenders eligibility for public housing assistance, funding for students loans and grants, and assistance in retaining or re- establishing voting rights. We will also continue to push for legislation that would provide tax incentives to businesses that hire former felons, helping them to become self-sufficient upon reentry.

I sincerely believe that we can assist these men, our brothers, to reach their potential when they return to society. I know that this requires the creation of a support system that begins during their incarceration and continues after their release. I believe that we must not give up on these men, but provide them with the resources they need--during and after their incarceration--to contribute to their families and society in a meaningful way.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to commend the life and work of Ossie Davis and Ruby Dee, two prolific artists whose achievements have immeasurably impacted the livelihood of African American artists and the African American community as a whole. Together, they helped to knock down the exclusionary barriers placed upon minority artists, effectually ushering in a new age of American art and culture in which the contributions of African American artists have been, for the first time in our history, recognized and appreciated. The pair were recently honored at the annual John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts, in celebration of their life's work.

Appearing in more than 20 films, the talented Ruby Dee has enthralled audiences in notable stage appearances such as her role in A Raisin in the Sun and The Balcony. The recipient of countless cultural awards, Ms. Dee continues to push the boundries of the preconceived notions of women in film and theater. She has written plays, musicals and several books of poetry, eventually turning her stories into the 1998 critically acclaimed one-woman show, One Good Nerve. Truly a trailblazer in her own right, Ruby Dee has played a vital role in the progression of the arts in our country.

An actor, playwright, producer, screenwriter and director, the impressive career of Ossie Davis spans more than half a century. Having written and directed such memorable films and plays as 1970's Cotton Comes to Harlem and 1961's contentious exploration of segregation, Purlie Victorious, the works of Mr. Davis are long-lasting in depth and scope. A gifted actor, Ossie Davis has shown his versatile talents in a bevy of roles and memorable performances.

In a time of limited opportunities for African-American actors, both Ms. Dee and Mr. Davis sprung from the Harlem cultural scene before meeting on Broadway and forging their legendary partnership, later on pledging their lives to one another as husband and wife. Together, Ossie Davis and Ruby Dee have appeared in more than 50 films, featured in several Spike Lee efforts, including Jungle Fever, Get on the Bus, School Daze and the classic Do the Right Thing. Also appearing in Malcolm X, Mr. Davis plays himself, reprising his passionate eulogy at the funeral of the slain civil rights leader.

Ossie Davis and Ruby Dee have presided as vanguards of political activism. They have been tireless proponents of the civil rights movement in America as well as staunch opponents of the McCarthyism witch-hunts; the duo has unquestioningly worn the mantle of public defenders for the past several decades. They helped organize and then graced the dais of the first fundraising dinner held by the Congressional Black Caucus and gave us, in Ossie's speech, the direction we have since sought to follow. Ossie told us that ``It's not the man, it's the plan,'' and that admonition has sustained us and created an institution that has grown and prospered through many changes in leadership over the years.

I am personally indebted to Ossie and Ruby for their many contributions to my own Harlem community, including Ossie's service as chairman emeritus of the Board of the Apollo Theater Foundation. Without their efforts, there is no question that our Nation would be less committed to the great moral challenges of our lifetime. The African-American community, as well as the country as a whole, owes them both a debt of gratitude.

Mr. Speaker, I do not stand here to get involved in a jurisdictional fight between the Committee on Ways and Means and the Committee on Appropriations, and there is not a Member of this House that I have more respect for than the chairman of the Committee on Appropriations. We have served together over the years, and sometimes even forgot we were Republican and Democrat because he has been such a gentleman even when we disagreed on issues.

I am just surprised there is not more outrage on the process. Whether it is Ways and Means or Appropriations, the whole idea that a staff member can contact the Internal Revenue Service, and the Internal Revenue Service drafts a provision of law and then somehow it finds itself in a conference report is something that takes away the integrity, and not of the tax-writing committee or the appropriation committee, but the United States Congress, the House and the Senate. This is outrageous when we are talking about such a sensitive issue.

The United States is one of the few republics which has a democracy which has a volunteer system for the filing of income tax. True, we have the threat of what happens if a taxpayer is so unlucky that they are audited and found to have done something wrong, but the whole basis of the system is having confidence that what you are telling them is being held private. It is not too unusual to find things coming into conference reports that did not pass the House and did not pass the Senate, but at least the majority has the chutzpah enough to waive points of order. At least they say they are cheating and have already waived the authority of the minority to have any input in what they are doing in the conferences wherever they are held. But to say that the privacy of filing income tax, and some people say they do not know how it got in here, but the IRS certainly knows how it got in here, and the appropriations staff person certainly knows how it got in here, the only people who do not know how this happened are Members of Congress because we have reached a point where we do not read your bills anymore, we just take your word for it.

Mr. Speaker, I hope as the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Young) leaves the leadership of this committee that we might find more outrage when things like this happen, regardless of which committee it is. We have to find some way that staffs cannot legislate for the House, for the Senate, and for the Congress. We cannot blame staff when we give them the authority to do such a thing. I do not care whether it is the Committee on Ways and Means, Committee on Appropriations or what committee it is, we are losing each and every day a lot of confidence from the voters, and if we start losing them in the taxpayers and, we have a taxpayers' revolt as well as a political revolt, there will be no winners in this House, Republicans or Democrats.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to say to the gentleman from Florida (Chairman Young), stealing in public to me is no different than stealing in the middle of the night. If this thing is so repugnant that it is on the suspension calendar to take it out, why is the gentleman so proud that you put it in?

What I am talking about is not the gentleman and not this committee, but a process that is repugnant to everything that a House Member or Member of Congress should believe in. I do not mean to take this out on the gentleman from Florida personally. I said Members should not allow staff to do this. If it was read at 3 in the morning or 3 in the afternoon, what difference does it make? We are taking it out now, and that means it was wrong to put it in there, and we are proud to take it out.

Mr. Speaker, H.R. 5394 is the Republican's third attempt to provide correct statutory language for the purpose of providing domestic and foreign manufacturers and retailers of bows and arrows with a level playing field.

The original provision was enacted into law in 1997. A correction to that language was included in this year's Foreign Sales Corporation/ Extraterritorial Income Replacement, FSC/ETI, which resulted in another needed correction--as provided in H.R. 5394. Apparently, the most recent drafting error would cause about 10,000 new retailers to begin collecting excise taxes on a quarterly basis due to an unintended new point of tax collection created for arrow components costing less than a dollar. I hope that this time the Republicans got it right.

Priorities

What really concerns me today is not bows and arrows. Rather, I question the priorities of the Republicans in the House.

The Republicans enjoy talking about their values--but their actions simply do not meet their words. According to Republican values, tax breaks for makers of bows and arrows are an urgent matter that must be addressed today.

Of course, Ways and Means Committee Chairman Thomas knows that the bows and arrows correction could have been handled by unanimous consent last month. At that time, I asked that a correcting provision from the FSC/ETI bill also be included to assist the Virgin Islands--as it is for the arrow component manufacturers--and that some attention be provided to the devastation facing the people of Haiti.

Virgin Islands

It is obvious that the House Republican Leadership and Chairman Thomas are unwilling to provide a little helping hand to the Virgin Islands and the other U.S. possessions. The recently enacted FSC/ETI legislation contains a provision that will adversely affect the economic development programs of the Virgin Islands and other possessions.

The provision denies the Virgin Islands the ability to provide economic incentives to companies doing business in the Virgin Islands if they have some U.S. source income. There are many circumstances where companies engaged in business activities in the Virgin Islands can have U.S. source income, even though they engage in no activities in the United States.

Everyone recognizes that the FSC/ETI legislation overreached. The provision was adopted without any hearings in either House, and without a serious examination of what it does. So the simple solution is to fix the problem. The Republicans' response is to wait for Treasury to address the situation. There is no guarantee when, or if, Treasury will do so.

The provision in the bill already took effect, and is currently creating a problem for the Virgin Islands economic development program. This is a time-sensitive issue, that could be easily resolved with a delay in the effective date to permit the Treasury to act.

This House has found time today to correct an error for arrow component retailers. I had hoped that at the same time we could have corrected the provision harming the Virgin Islands. It is obviously a question of the Republicans' priorities.

haiti

It also is obvious that the House and committee Republican leadership are unwilling to provide a little assistance to a poverty stricken Haiti. Obviously, our neighbor in this hemisphere is not viewed as so urgent that it cannot wait. I am talking about a country that is so poor that they bake clay and pretend it is bread.

It is still unclear to me why--other than pure meanness, stinginess and a lack of real values--that a Haiti trade preferences bill could not be brought up before the end of the year. Chairman Thomas and I reached agreement on a compromise bill--a bill that did not present any threat to the U.S. industry but that would have meant the world to the people of Haiti.

House Democrats were prepared to support our bill--and I know we had ample Republican support for it, thanks to the efforts of my friend Clay Shaw, and my long-time friend and colleague, Phil Crane. I also know that Senators Bob Graham and Mike DeWine would have been able to get passage in the Senate--had we sent them something. They had already passed a much better, more generous bill.

I want everyone to understand that our failure to act on Haiti today has real consequences for a country already devastated by natural disasters, years of domestic political turmoil, and foreign interference.

At the end of this year global textiles and apparel quotas terminate. Everyone expects China to dominate, taking market share and jobs not just from workers in the U.S., but also from workers in poor, vulnerable developing countries. And there is no country so threatened or so dependent on access to our market as Haiti.

Apparel is the only thing these people make--it is 90 percent of what the Haitians send to us. And because we are not acting, those exports are threatened. And you know what will replace those exports of sweaters and pants? Exports of people.

I will fight again for Haiti next year, and I pray it will not be too late.

conclusion

I want to compliment my colleague, Representative Paul Ryan, for his diligence in correcting the drafting error for the 1997 bows and arrow tax relief provision and, again today, for correcting the correction in the FSC/ETI bill. One would have thought that drafting a simple bill, like bows and arrows, could be handled right the first time. But, I understand that things happen.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to commend the service of Rev. Dr. James Forbes Jr., Senior Minister of the Riverside Church in New York. A constant and powerful voice for social equality, and freedom, his leadership has set an example to the community in New York's 15th Congressional District, in our Nation and around the world. A clergyman of the highest order, Dr. Forbes is also an activist who equates spirituality with justice.

On June 1, 1989, the Rev. Dr. James Alexander Forbes, Jr. was installed as the fifth Senior Minister of The Riverside Church. He is the first African-American to serve in that position at one of the largest multicultural congregations in the Nation. Dr. Forbes is an ordained minister in the American Baptist Churches and in the Original United Holy Church of America. He has served congregations around our Nation, inspired by his painful personal experience of bigotry in the segregated South.

Dr. Forbes was born in 1935 in Burgaw, North Carolina, where his father was a Pentecostal bishop. He was the second oldest of eight children. He has led numerous workshops, retreats, and conferences for the National Council of Churches of Christ USA, the National Association of Campus Ministry, the American Baptist Churches, the United Church of Christ, the African Methodist Episcopal Church, the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ), the Episcopal Church, the Roman Catholic Church, the United Methodist Church, and the Presbyterian Church (USA). He is a consultant to the Congress of National Black Churches and past President of The Martin Luther King Fellows. Dr. Forbes has earned three degrees and has been awarded 13 honorary degrees among other awards.

I am deeply impressed by Dr. Forbes commitment to using tools of mass communication to educate our country in the principles of social justice, through a national movement called ``progressive principles of justice''. I commend to the attention of my colleagues a profile of Dr. Forbes, which appeared in the New York Times on October 12, 2004. This article reminded me of Dr. Forbes' leadership in moving us closer to the day when we all sit down together as children of God.

[From the New York Times, Oct. 12, 2004]

From the Pulpit, a Struggle for Justice

(By Chris Hedges)

In the battle over Jesus, what he stood for, what he

represents and how faith is experienced and sustained, the

Rev. Dr. James A. Forbes Jr., the senior minister of

Riverside Church, is determined to provide an alternative

vision to the one offered by religious conservatives.

He and other clergy members plan to employ the tools of

mass communication, including television, to build a national

movement for what he calls ``progressive principles of

justice.'' In the last few weeks, with his public support for

Senator John Kerry and his dire warnings about another four

years of President Bush, he has jumped feet first into

America's most divisive and, maybe, most important culture

war.

``The issue facing religious people is justice,'' he said

one recent Saturday morning in his office in the soaring

Gothic church, which overlooks the Hudson River. ``How can we

justify a corporate officer making a salary that is a

thousand times more than the lowest-paid member of the

corporation? Poverty is the real weapon of mass destruction.

But in this capitalist society when we raise questions about

the freedom of some to enjoy an inordinate proportion of the

resources while others lack basic necessities, it becomes a

hard and difficult discussion.''

Controversy is nothing new in the pulpit of Riverside

Church. The Rev. William Sloane Coffin Jr., who was the

senior minister before Dr. Forbes assumed the post in 1989,

opened the church doors to political refugees from Central

America and called for an end to the production of nuclear

weapons. Dr. Forbes has welcomed gays and Buddhists into the

congregation and has fostered the spontaneity of his own

Pentecostal tradition, encouraging emotional personal

testimony, applause and standing ovations. But times have

changed. The social activism that was more widely accepted

within the mainsteam church decades ago has given way to a

narrower belief that stresses personal piety and devotion.

Dr. Forbes, who travels the country trying to galvanize

liberal clergy members into a national network, is often a

voice crying in the wilderness.

He seeks, he said, to remind Americans that they also have

carried out violence and oppression in the name of God.

``Christians have joined in this negativity,'' he said.

``Don't forget the Klan. They were bent on destroying

innocent people. Bad people are not confined to any one

religious tradition.''

Dr. Forbes, 69, dressed in a blue blazer and pressed gray

slacks, speaks with the hypnotic rhythm of a preacher, his

words cascading in slow, elegant waterfalls. He comes

naturally to the pulpit, growing up the second oldest of

eight children in Burgaw, N.C., where his father was a

Pentecostal bishop.

Dr. Forbes shared a story he has told before. When his

family sat down to dinner, his mother, who worked as a maid

for a white family, always asked, ``Are all the children

in?''

``And if there was a child not present, we had to prepare a

plate for that child and put it in the oven before we could

say grace and our Bible verses and eat,'' he said. ``That is

the image I have of God. God, for me, is Momma Eternal.

Before I eat, God asks, `Are all the children in?' ''

He went to school to be a doctor, graduating with a degree

in science from Howard University. But after ``being called''

to be a preacher, he enrolled at Union Theological Seminary.

``God called me to be a healer,'' he said, ``but a healer of

souls and culture.''

He served in small churches in the South, earning a

reputation as a preacher of power, and joined the civil

rights movement. He participated in sit-ins at segregated

lunch counters in Woolworth's stores.

In 1976 he returned to New York to be a professor of

preaching and worship at Union, and from there went to the

pulpit at Riverside. Dr. Forbes is married to Bettye Franks

Forbes, a musician, and they have one son.

His Pentecostal background unsettles some in the

congregation who see him as emotional and showy. The

squabbles, however, do not dim what he defines as an era of

``renewal'' in which social justice values--values that drew

him to the ministry--will again surge to the forefront.

Injustice, he said, is not an abstraction in his life. He

knows the pain of being excluded. On the first day he was

allowed to sit as a black man at a lunch counter at

Woolworth's he sat next to a white woman who had already

ordered her meal. When he sat down she stood and left, and he

went home and wrote a poem:

Why did she move when I sat down?

Surely she could not tell so soon that my Saturday bath had

worn away.

Or that savage passion had pushed me for a rape.

Perhaps it was the cash she carried in her purse.

She could not risk a theft so early in the month.

And who knows that on tomorrow t'would fall her lot

To drink her coffee from a cup my darkened hands had

clutched?

So horrible was that moment, I too should have run away.

For prejudice has the odor of a dying beast.

Whether racist or rapist, both fall into the savage class.

And the greatest theft of all is to rob one's right to be.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to honor the life of the late William M. Burke, who passed away recently after a brief illness. Mr. Burke was the founder of the Washington Center for Internships and Academic Seminars in 1975, and he served as the President until his passing.

Mr. Burke's tireless work in developing the ever-widening circle of influence of the Washington Center has empowered thousands of young people to discover the leadership qualities that they already have and to nurture those talents through experiential education both here and abroad. Bill Burke believed that young people should embrace the values of self-respect, courage, ethics, teamwork, and leadership. These were some of the values that Bill himself demonstrated in his own life.

Mr. Burke sought to educate the leaders of tomorrow by exposing them to the leaders of today. Members of every branch of government, foreign dignitaries, corporate CEOs, academic leaders, and over 33,000 alumni have forged partnerships with the Washington Center over the years. The alumni of the Center have reached some of the highest levels in the public and private sectors.

Bill Burke addressed divisive shortcomings in equal access to the Washington Center by leading the development of the Internship Initiative for Students with Disabilities, the Native American Program, the Diversity in Congress Program, the Minority Leaders Fellowship Program, the Women as Leaders Program, and the NAFTA Internship Program, as well as a growing international program. I have been a supporter of the Cordova Congressional Internship Program, which brings 20 Puerto Rican students into congressional offices to live and learn about life in the United States.

Bill Burke has embodied the most honorable models as a mentor, teacher, father, and husband. We extend our condolences to his wife Sheila, and to his two children Barry and Reavey, and to his colleagues and friends, in whose lives will now exist a vacuum once filled by a great man. And to all people who have felt the extent of Mr. Burke's passion for empowering the young people of this nation to achieve great things, continue to embody the values that Mr. Burke endeavored to instill in you. Mr. Speaker, let us as a Body recognize the legacy of Bill Burke, and honor his memory here today.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to recognize and congratulate Mr. Lloyd A. Williams, an influential business and community leader who, for the past 30 years, has worked tenaciously toward the overall improvement and economic revitalization of Harlem. His contributions to the cultural life of our community have played a fundamental role in the renewal of Northern Manhattan.

For over 25 years, Mr. Williams has served as President of The Greater Harlem Chamber of Commerce, which is celebrating its 105th year of positive and productive influence in the community. With over 1,700 members, including several Fortune 500 companies, the Chamber's activism far exceeds the borders of New York City. The Chamber's primary focus is the improvement of the economic climate of Upper Manhattan while emphasizing the needs of the business, educational and cultural sectors.

The Chairman of Harlem Week, Inc. and the Harlem Jazz & Music Festival, Mr. Williams was a co-founder of the event dating back to its inception in 1974. Now the largest festival of its kind in the Northeast, the event, which began as a one-day festival, now spans an entire month and attracts over 3 million visitors. Harlem Week draws thousands of vendors from across the country, generating millions of dollars for the economies of Harlem and New York City.

Mr. Williams is a co-founder of the National Black Sports & Entertainment Hall of Fame. Since its creation, the group has inducted 25 extraordinary African-American sports and entertainment figures each year, while recognizing outstanding contributions by performers of all races. Former inductees include Quincy Jones, Harry Belafonte, Dionne Warwick, Joe Cuba, Julius ``Dr. J'' Irving and many others.

Mr. Williams is also the acting President of the Greater Harlem Housing Development Corporation, a group dedicated to attracting businesses and professional persons to relocate to the upper Manhattan area. The Development Corporation recently completed construction of ``Strivers Garden'', a residential and business complex that is expected to encourage further growth in Harlem.

Recently, Mr. Williams was honored for his tireless philanthropic efforts at the Museum of the City of New York's annual exhibition titled: ``Harlem is . . . Activism''. Joining Mr. Williams as awardees were Basil A. Paterson, Dr. Muriel Petioni and Percy E. Sutton.

It is the ever-growing list of accomplishments and works of excellence that defines Lloyd Williams as a leader in his community. Truly a pioneer in both the fields of culture and commerce, he has managed to harmoniously unite the two, providing opportunities for Harlem residents to thrive. There is no question that the long-term impact of Mr. Williams's successes will reach far into the future. The Harlem community, indeed all of New York City, owes a debt of gratitude to Lloyd Williams.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to honor the accomplishments of an extraordinary member of my community, Dr. Muriel Petioni. Dr. Petioni has contributed to the health and welfare of the citizens of Harlem as a medical practitioner and public servant for more than 64 years.

Born in the Caribbean nation of Trinidad and Tobago. She immigrated to the United States at the age of 5 and was raised in Harlem. After receiving her medical degree from Howard University, Dr. Petioni began her medical career at Harlem Hospital Center in 1937 as an intern. After marrying and starting a family, she returned to Harlem in 1950 where she established a family medicine practice in her father's office.

In addition to her private practice, Dr. Petioni served in many positions that drew on her medical expertise. From 1950-1980 she served as School Physician in Central Harlem for the New York City Department of Health, as well as a physician at the Medical Clinic at Harlem Hospital Center. She also served as Supervising Physician for Central and East Harlem from 1980-1984. In 1982, she was appointed Assistant Clinical Attending Physician at Harlem's Hospital Center's Department of Pediatrics. In addition, she served as the first medical director of the Harlem Drug Fighters, a short-term community-operated detoxification unit based at Harlem Hospital in the late 1960's.

Dr. Petioni has involved herself in many civic organizations. In 1974 she founded the Susan Smith McKinney Steward Medical Society for Black Women. Under her leadership, the SSMS, composed of women in the Greater New York area, concentrated its activities on networking, promoting the medical achievements of women, and outreach to young women interested in medical careers. In 1976, she founded and became the first Chairperson of the Medical Women of the National Medical Association. The organization would eventually evolve to become the Council of Women Concerns of the National Medical Association.

For her works Dr. Petioni has been the recipient of awards and honors too numerous to mention. Among them, The National Sojourner Truth Meritorious Service Award from the Riverside Club of the National Association of Negro Business and Professional Women's Club, Inc., The Distinguished Service Award from the New York College of Podiatric Medicine, and the Health Service Award of the Harlem Service Center of the American Red Cross.

After more than a half century serving the people of Harlem, Dr. Petioni shows no sign of slowing. She remains active in the Harlem community and presently serves on the board of numerous organizations including, The Harlem Health Promotion Center, The Greater Harlem Nursing Home, and The Harlem Congregations for Community Improvement. Dr. Petzioni also serves as Chair of The Friends of Harlem Hospital Center, an organization she founded in 1987. Its mission is to engage in and support activities that promote the work of the hospital.

As can be seen, the contribution that Dr. Petioni has made to her community has been immeasurable. When she arrived in Harlem as a young girl, I wonder if she had any inclination of the impact her life would have on the people of this community. My duty on this day is to let her know and all those who may read this Record, that the works and deeds of Dr. Muriel Petioni are evident in Harlem today, and it shall remain so for generations to come.

Mr. Speaker, reserving the right to object, I will not object.

Mr. Speaker, as we close this session, it just seems to me that there are a lot of things that we could have done that we have not done. One is the Virgin Islands bill which clearly came from the Senate. We had no hearings at all on the subject matter. It will adversely affect the economy of the Virgin Islands. We never had an opportunity to discuss it at all in the House. I think it is just

wrong for Members not to be able to recognize that we should have a responsibility to at least discuss this issue.

Mr. Speaker, I withdraw my reservation of objection.

Mr. Speaker, reserving the right to object, I will not object, but I just want to point out that the people in Haiti are suffering. We have this small trade bill that we wanted so badly to send some hope to these people. The House would not consider it because the Senate did not agree that they would accept it. The Senate said they could not accept what they have not seen, and here we leave today telling the people in Haiti that this small bill that certainly could not have hurt anybody in the textile industries here, could not offend the labors even though there was objection, but we were too busy to do this in the House.

Mr. Speaker, I will be fighting next year for the people in Haiti.

Mr. Speaker, I withdraw my reservation of objection.

Mr. Speaker, by now we are all aware of the ongoing crisis in Darfur, Sudan. The United Nations and U.S. officials have both asserted that the situation there is currently the worst humanitarian and human rights crisis in the world. To date, 1.4 million people have been internally displaced, 200,000 have been forced into exile, and an estimated 70,000 civilians have been killed. Some figures put the number of lives lost at nearly 300,000.

In light of this incomprehensible tragedy, I am extremely pleased to support the passage of the Comprehensive Peace in Sudan Act of 2004, S. 2781. The bill represents a non-partisan effort to provide adequate humanitarian and peacekeeping assistance to the Darfur region, as well as, hold accountable the perpetrators of the atrocities.

The bill seeks to appropriate $200 million for Darfur humanitarian relief, as well as assistance to the African Union's peacekeeping efforts in the region. through the application of economic sanctions, the bill will also seek to take punitive action against the Government of Sudan if it continues its brutal transgressions against the Darfurian people. In addition, the bill will appropriate $100 million in FY 05, 06, and 07 for reconstruction efforts in Southern Sudan.

The passage of S. 2781 will send a clear message that the people of Darfur are not alone in their struggle, and that the acts being perpetrated by the Sudanese government will not be tolerated. As a co- sponsor of H.R. 5061, the companion bill to S. 2781, I urge my fellow colleagues to lend their support to this critical measure, as it now lie son the cusp of passage.

I cannot stress enough its importance. Its success will no doubt aid in the cessation of genocide in Darfur, and the ability of its people to rebuild their lives and reclaim their liberty. As a nation that values freedom, we must make certain that it endures, not only for ourselves but for all our human brethren. S. 2781 is but one step in that eternal endeavor.

Mr. Speaker, the House of Representatives is losing an extraordinary man in Congressman Amo Houghton. He has been my colleague in the House, in the New York Delegation and the Committee on Ways & Means. I have been privileged in every way to be his colleague, as there is no one who more exemplifies public service.

Amo Houghton is of a distinguished and affluent family, yet he is interested in neither

wealth nor leisure, forging a career dedicated to serving his fellow man. Throughout his significant career, Mr. Houghton represented one of the more economically depressed districts in New York State, a fact that never deterred him from trying to improve the economy of the New York Southern Tier. He was a successful businessman before becoming a politician, and it has been said that he would surely have become a missionary, had he not been elected.

Amo Houghton quickly became one of the most beloved Members from either side of the aisle, most likely because of his unifying nature; Mr. Houghton was not one to participate in partisan sniping, always calling for understanding and compromise. Never neglecting any of New York's citizens, he pledged his complete attention and support to those in New York City, the suburbs and many smaller cities and rural communities, like those in his district.

The House will find itself at a loss without the talents and graces of this remarkable man. It will miss his civility and his wisdom, his spirit and determination, but it will be his optimism for our Republic and his respect for the beauty of human life that will be missed most of all.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to honor the career of Representative Jack Quinn, one of the most optimistic Members I have met. I have had the pleasure of serving with Jack since 1993; he is a man who signified the old values of the Republican Party in New York. Mr. Quinn's respect for the working class, fiscal responsibility and civil rights are lasting testaments to his impressive legacy.

It could not have been an easy task in representing the City of Buffalo, which has suffered so many devastating economic downturns over the past few decades, yet Mr. Quinn was constantly re-elected in a district overwhelmingly comprised of registered Democrats. This fact is a tribute to his keen understanding of the needs of his constituents even where they may contradict with the leadership in the House of Representatives.

Jack Quinn is one of those Members for whom no one has a bad word and with whom no one has had a bad experience. He has the range to be comfortable with factory workers to business leaders to Democrats and Republicans alike. His independent nature and policies are deserving of the highest mark of honor; a man of Jack Quinn's poise and positive energy will be sorely missed in the halls of Congress.

Mr. Speaker, the United States-Caribbean relationship has long been characterized as one of dependency. More specifically, the Caribbean has historically been portrayed as overly reliant on the United States, while having minimal significance to our country beyond general geopolitical concerns. Indeed, the widespread damage wrought by the recent Caribbean hurricanes has necessitated assistance from the U.S. However, a broader look at the current reality points to a highly reciprocal relationship, with the Caribbean proving to be an increasingly important component of the economic and commercial interests of the United States.

A telling indicator of the evolving U.S.-Caribbean relationship is in the area of trade. The Caribbean is now the 13th largest importer to the United States and the 8th largest destination for American exports. U.S. exports to the Caribbean have helped to sustain nearly 500,000 U.S. jobs. While the magnitude of Caribbean trade with the U.S. is changing, so too is the nature of that trade. The Caribbean is not simply a supplier of agricultural products, or an American tourist destination. It is now becoming a significant source of U.S. energy imports. An October 7th story in the New York Times examined this recent ascendancy, with a focus on the island nation of Trinidad and Tobago.

In the last few years, the Caribbean, led by Trinidad and Tobago, has positioned itself as significant player in energy trade with the U.S. Already an important regional exporter of crude oil, Trinidad is now the leading exporter of Liquid Natural Gas (LNG) in the Western Hemisphere. After 9-11, the U.S. sought to find energy sources beyond the Middle East and Persian Gulf. Additionally, rising gas prices, and increasing domestic shortages increased U.S. demand for LNG. Trinidad has impressively stepped in to fill that demand. Since 2001, it has been the leading exporter of Liquid Natural Gas to the United States, accounting for 75 percent of all LNG exports. These exports are projected to further increase over the next decade. Additionally, a planned LNG pipeline from Trinidad to surrounding Caribbean islands will increase the refining capacity of the surrounding region, as well as spur the region's ability to engage in related manufacturing.

Besides Trinidad, other countries in the region have plans to increase their energy market presence. At an October 11th address, Jamaican Commerce, Science and Technology Minister, Phillip Paulwell, stated that three oil and gas systems have been identified in Jamaica for the first time. One of the systems has possible reserves of 2.8 billion barrels of oil (BBO) and 10.6 trillion cubic feet (TCF) of natural gas. With its close proximity to the United States, development of Jamaican energy resources would be a very beneficial endeavor for both nations.

As can be seen, the importance of the Caribbean to the United States has radically evolved over the last several years. This evolution will only be strengthened as we move towards greater regional integration through agreements like the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA). Future U.S.-Caribbean policy must take into account this new and mutually beneficial dynamic.

A Small Island, A Big Exporter of Energy

Mr. Speaker, the ongoing crisis in Darfur, Sudan continues to be an issue of high concern to the American people. According to United Nations and U.S. officials, the situation in Darfur is the worst current humanitarian and human rights crisis in the world.

Out of a population of 7 million people, 1.2 million are internally displaced, 200,000 have been forced into exile, and an estimated 70,000 civilians have been killed. The crisis necessitates not only financial assistance, but also that of a military and logistical nature. A November 17, 2004 editorial in the Washington Post spoke to the current state of the Darfurian peacekeeping effort.

Despite widespread condemnation by the international community regarding the Darfur genocide, few in the West have been willing to offer troops or logistics to the peacekeeping effort. The African Union has attempted to fill the void through its seven hundred man observer force. However, the AU force is severely undermanned and underfunded.

The AU asserts it will need $80 million just to sustain a force of 3,000 for one year. Many experts believe that an additional 30,000 to 60,000 troops will be needed to adequately secure the Darfur region. This is in addition to the need for logistical support and increased provision of military vehicles and aircraft.

The AU will no doubt need assistance in such an endeavor. America, as the greatest military power in the world, should not allow this deficiency to continue. Indeed, the U.S. currently has a contingent of 2,500 troops in nearby Djibouti, from which it can initially draw. The U.S. military airlifted several hundred African soldiers from Nigeria and Rwanda into Darfur last month, but this represents the only major U.S. logistical operation to date.

More can and must be done by the U.S. in providing military and logistic resources for the Darfur peacekeeping effort. The Administration has long cited the liberty and freedom of the Iraqi people as a rationale for its military commitment in that country. I know we all agree that the people of Darfur deserve the same, so I am hopeful that progress can be made on this important issue.

[From the Washington Post, Nov. 17, 2004]

Diplomacy and Darfur

A full arsenal of diplomatic tricks has been tried on

behalf of Darfur, the western province of Sudan where the

government is orchestrating genocide. A number of A-list

statesmen--Britain's Prime Minister Tony Blair, Secretary of

State Colin L. Powell, U.N. Secretary, General Kofi Annan--

have journeyed to Sudan to demand an end to the killing;

still the genocide continues. Cease-fires, undertakings and

protocols have been negotiated and signed; still the genocide

continues. Two U.N. Security Council resolutions have

condemned the government's behavior; still the genocide

continues. Tomorrow and Friday, in a triumph of hope over

experience, the Security Council will convene an

extraordinary session in Kenya, hoping to shine the spotlight

on Sudan's suffering. But unless the council members

stiffen their rhetoric with sanctions, they will spotlight

their own impotence.

Sudan's pragmatic dictatorship has bowed in the past to

determined external pressure. It expelled Osama bin Laden and

negotiated an end to its long-running war with rebels in the

south, both thanks to the threat of sanctions. But Sudan's

rulers do not make concessions if they don't have to do so,

and they believe they can exterminate tens of thousands of

people in Darfur and get away with it. When outsiders wax

especially indignant, the junta signs another protocol and

makes a tactical concession. But its strategy remains

unchanged: to cement control over Durfur by decimating the

tribes that back various local rebels.

The first phony concession came in April. Sudan's

government signed on to a cease-fire promising to ``refrain

from any act of violence or any other abuse on civilian

populations.'' Since then the government has participated in

unprovoked assaults on villages, murdering men, raping women

and tossing children into flames that consume their huts. In

July Sudan's rulers signed a communique with Mr. Annan,

promising to ``ensure that no militias are present in all

areas surrounding Internally Displaced Persons camps.'' Since

then militias have continued to encircle the camps, raping

women and girls who venture out in search of firewood. In

August Sudan's government promised Jan Pronk, Mr. Annan's

envoy, to provide a list of militia leaders. No list has been

forthcoming. Last week, in a concession that perhaps

reflected nervousness about the approaching Security Council

meeting in Kenya, the government signed two new protocols,

committing itself among other things to protect the rights of

Internally Displaced Persons.'' A few hours later, government

forces stormed a camp for displaced people.

In sum, the considered judgment of Sudan's rulers is that

they can flout international commitments with impunity.

Unless that judgment can be changed, the Security Council

session in Kenya will not achieve anything. Sudan's

dictatorship must be credibly threatened with sanctions that

target officials responsible for war crimes, and these

officials must also be made to face the possibility of

prosecution. Beyond that, outsiders need to recognize that

there is little prospect of security for Darfur's people--and

therefore little prospect of a return to destroyed villages,

a resumption of agricultural production and an escape from

starvation--without a serious peacekeeping force. Gen. Romeo

Dallaire, the U.N. commander in Rwanda during the genocide a

decade ago, has suggested that a force of 44,000 is needed.

Charles R. Snyder, the senior State Department official on

Sudan, has estimated that securing Darfur would take 60 to 70

battalions.

More than a year and a half into Darfur's genocide, the

United States and its allies have proved unwilling to

consider that kind of commitment. They have moved at a

snail's pace to support a 3,500-strong African Union force,

which in any case would be inadequate; the record of

deploying underpowered peacekeepers in war zones is that the

peacekeepers get humiliated. The allies are starting to

discuss another U.N. resolution, but this seems likely yet

again to lack a real threat of sanctions. Up to a point, this

is understandable: Security Council members such as China are

opposed to strong action, and the United States is conserving

limited military and diplomatic resources for Iraq and the

war on terrorism. But Darfur's crisis is so awful that the

usual balancing of national priorities is immoral. Some

300,000 people may have died in Darfur so far, and the dying

is not yet finished.