Mr. Speaker, I would like to bring to the attention of my colleagues an editorial in the July 6, 2004 issue of the Carib News, which discusses the issue of improving the national security of Caribbean nations. Our own security depends on…
Mr. Speaker, I would like to bring to the attention of my colleagues an editorial in the July 6, 2004 issue of the Carib News, which discusses the issue of improving the national security of Caribbean nations. Our own security depends on how well protected the borders of our closest neighbors are. However, the purchasing and installation of new technology is extremely costly for many of these small islands. Not only is it important that these nations are secure because of their proximity to us, but also because of the many Americans who visit these countries each year. I believe that by helping the Caribbean with appropriate funding we can help them guard against terrorism without worsening the economic conditions of these nations. I urge my colleagues to support funding for Caribbean countries to assist in protecting against the terrorist threat.
[From the Carib News, July 6, 2004]
The Price of 9/11--Developing Nations Forced To Pay Up
Who can blame Caribbean nations and their sea and airport
executives if the last thing on their minds immediately after
9/11 was how much they would have to spend as a result of the
tragedy, the abhorrent act by religious zealots turned
terrorists.
When New York's twin towers of the World Trade Center were
turned to rubble, crushing nearly 3,000 unsuspecting and
innocent people, the immediate and appropriate concern was
for the lost of life.
After all, with thousands taken to untimely deaths our
first worry had to be about human pain and suffering.
From New York, Washington, Georgetown, Santo Domingo,
Philadelphia and Chicago to Kingston. Port of Spain and
Bridgetown, to mention a handful of cities, the reaction was
the same as the dimensions of the nightmare sank in. Later it
was determined, that the Caribbean had paid a heavy price in
the form of more than 100 lives lost.
Now, there is another price, one the countries are being
forced to meet and its traceable directly to those and
subsequent events and to the decisions being taken in
Washington, London, Geneva and elsewhere in the developed
world.
How high is that price?
Prof. Ivelaw Griffith, one of the leading security scholars
in the Caribbean and Latin America, put the figure at
hundreds of millions of dollars, money the Caribbean can't
afford.
In the end though, the region can't afford to spend the
unbelievably hefty sum.
Everton Walters, President of the Caribbean Port Managers
Association, didn't dispute that figure but said the total
would very much depend on the level of sophistication each
country may eventually decide it needs.
All of this is very important because on Thursday, the
deadline set by the International Maritime Organization for
countries around the world, Caribbean states included, would
kick in. That's when the basic security and other
requirements contained in the IMO's International Ship and
Port Facility Security, ISPS, code, which was approved 18
months ago, must be met. Failure to meet the deadline may
result in sanctions.
Walters told this paper that based on conversations, e-
mails and other forms of communication from various port
managers, most, if not all of the ports would meet the cut-
off date.
Still, there is considerable anxiety throughout the
Caribbean as port executives work right to the last minute to
ensure that they are ship-shape.
That means we may have to wait until July 1 to know for
sure which countries are in compliance and which have failed
to meet their obligation.
The code is a comprehensive set of requirements which
developing countries are finding to be onerous to say the
least.
As a matter of fact, Erthimios Mitropolous, IMO Secretary-
General, recently voiced the agency's concern about the pace
of effort towards international readiness when he complained
that the ``status of compliance by port facilities has not
yet reached satisfactory level despite repeated calls to
governments to intensify their efforts.''
Just the other day, Brazil made it clear that its major
port, perhaps the largest in Latin America and the Caribbean,
wouldn't be able to meet the deadline. To live up to the
code, for instance, Trinidad and Tobago must acquire
sophisticated and costly equipment, boost its security staff
and incur considerable recurring expenditure that's running
into millions of dollars. Trinidad and Tobago, Jamaica,
Grenada, Barbados, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, the
Bahamas, Guyana, Antigua, you name, are in the same boat, if
you will, and must meet horrifying expenses.
But the maritime code isn't the only set of requirements
Caribbean states must satisfy. Their airports must have
extensive security fencing, computers, scanners and the like
to pass international muster.
That's where the sum of hundreds of millions of dollars
would come in. For by the time the process is completed,
Caribbean, Latin American and African states would have spent
at least $50-100 billion to upgrade security at its various
ports of entry, both air and sea, and they must do so without
much international help, Although necessary, the security
measures imposed by the United Nations, the IMO, the U.S.,
Britain and various rich countries are major financial and
technical burden which must be met if the world's poorer
nations are to remain as part of the international trading
community. They must have access to shipping lanes and air
space if they are to feed their people, satisfy tourism and
manufacturing industries and otherwise participate in the
economic world.
What's troubling about all of this is that these mandates
imposed on developing countries aren't being financed by any
international development agency or by many donor nations. In
other words these are ``unfunded mandates,'' which were laid
down by an uncaring developed world, regardless of a nation's
ability to pay for them.
The international community, quite rightly, was worried
about terrorism and its consequences but little attention was
paid to how these mandates would be funded.
The upshot: if Antigua, Haiti, Suriname, Ghana, Costa Rica,
Algeria, Jamaica or any of a host of nations in every corner
of the world are to meet international security standards,
then they must shift resources from education, health,
services for the youth and the elderly in order to satisfy
international regulations imposed elsewhere.
That, by any measure, is unfair and counter-productive. The
U.S., Britain and the G-8 industrialized nations must put
this matter on their agenda and agree to fund some of the
equipment acquisition programs and the training necessary to
keep Third World states in the international arena.