Mr. President, today it is a real privilege for me to be able to report to my colleagues and the people of America on a magnificent relief effort underway in Indonesia, where the December 26, 2004, tsunami left over 115,000 confirmed…
Mr. President, today it is a real privilege for me to be able to report to my colleagues and the people of America on a magnificent relief effort underway in Indonesia, where the December 26, 2004, tsunami left over 115,000 confirmed deaths, with potentially tens of thousands more swept out to certain death in the sea, leaving no record of their disappearance, and hundreds of thousands of surviving victims left in precarious positions, with inadequate water and food, facing potentially life-threatening diseases.
On Saturday, January 15, a week ago this past Saturday, I walked through the primitive conditions in the mud, in the heat and humidity of Banda Aceh Airport to talk to the relief teams and the military personnel, Asian and American, gathered in a common cause. Some of these American troops are shown here in this picture. It was an extremely diverse group of individuals. They shared in the common beads of sweat dripping off the end of the nose from the oppressive climate. They had a compelling commitment to relieve the tremendous suffering of the people of Aceh and Northern Sumatra and a cooperative spirit that resolved questions and differences of opinion with speed and good humor.
The U.S. Navy and Marine helicopter crews, which had flown 600 missions delivering 2.3 million pounds of supplies to isolated locations cut off by the tsunami-destroyed roads and bridges, mingled with international relief agency personnel, personnel from other countries, Navy volunteers from the USS Abraham Lincoln who joined with marines from the Bonhomme Richard, loaded U.S. Agency for International Development rice and purified water from the carrier Lincoln onto the helicopters.
The Indonesian military, through their Army, the TNI, provided security for relief forces against potential kidnapping and harassment by the free-Aceh movement, known as GAM, which apparently and fortunately was more interested in ensuring that people did not forget about them than in inflicting more casualties on the volunteers.
Navy fixed-wing pilots from the Lincoln, who were not that day flying off the carrier, came to work in oppressively hot tents to provide logistics control and support. USAID workers, who were among the true heroes of the effort, organized food, water, and medical supplies as directed by Indonesian government officials, to be put on helicopters or sometimes Marine hovercraft, VCACs, which could gain access to isolated regions along the shores, once the debris and human remains had been removed from the shorelines.
Even though the main work of removing bodies of victims in Banda Aceh had concluded days before, the State Department security official noted to me that each day debris from collapsed buildings was removed, a dozen or so body bags carried additional victims from beneath the rubble.
One of the first people who met me was Pierre King, the French leader of a unit from the International Organization of Migration, IOM, a critically important group of workers who had been on the scene from the beginning. He asked me to tell the American people that American troop efforts and that of volunteers had been outstanding. This was the theme heard time and time again from many different sources.
When I arrived at a concrete structure serving as the command center, Indonesia's coordinating minister in charge of relief efforts, Alwi Shihab, an old friend who had visited me in Washington, DC a week before the tsunami, expressed the profound gratitude of the people of Indonesia for the great work the Americans had done. He expressed his hope that the U.S. troops would stay in the country until Indonesian resources could take over the immediate relief effort.
Later, the Indonesian Defense Minister, Juwono Sudarsono, told Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz that the United States had been the backbone of the relief effort. Secretary Paul Wolfowitz and I later met with Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, often referred to, for obvious reasons, by his initials SBY. The President expressed his gratitude for the relief work of the United States military, and he said he hoped that Indonesia would be able to take over any further needed relief work within 3 months and probably sooner.
This entire effort and the saving of untold lives was made possible by the outpouring of voluntary assistance as well as the work of troops assigned to the region.
In Jakarta, the capital of Indonesia, later I learned that when the United
States began loading our C-130s with vital relief needs, our embassy personnel, led by USAID workers, were joined by volunteers from the American Chamber of Commerce in Indonesia, spouses of American diplomats, and other American and international civilians living in the area who loaded the 20,000-pound pallets to be carried to Banda Aceh in the C-130s. It is clear that without their efforts the scope of the tragedy of the tsunami itself could have been magnified many times by starvation and disease, killing Indonesians in the impacted areas who had survived the disastrous wall of water brought in by the tsunami.
Aid for severely injured victims in Indonesia was provided initially by United States naval doctors and corpsmen, and the most seriously injured were transferred to high-level care facilities on shipboard. Later field hospitals were provided by other countries, including Jordan, Spain, and France. The latter provided a 74-ton field hospital, which our heavy-lift Marine helicopters were able to transport to the disaster scene. Most of the severe injuries had been cared for by the time we arrived, and several of the field hospitals were preparing to return to their home countries because their mission had been fulfilled.
I was told that one Marine hovercraft had blown a portion of a pallet into a resident, injuring him. He was treated by a Navy corpsman, taken home by the Marines who were there unloading the hovercraft.
But the real challenge is to health, the lack of healthy water supply and sanitation, creating the danger of tetanus, typhoid, and other disease. One of the Philippine nurses in the IOM tent proudly showed me the tetanus, typhoid vaccines, and other medicines they were administering to protect survivors from disease.
The need for clean water was addressed initially by U.S. Admiral Doug Crowder, commander of the Abraham Lincoln Strike Force deployed to the region on an emergency basis. The carrier was able to generate 90,000 gallons of purified water, in addition to its needs each day, to be delivered to the residents of the stricken region.
Also we saw in Jakarta USAID personnel prepared large water jugs with water purification chemicals attached to them to enable purification of water on the ground for residents whose water supply had been severely compromised.
In addition to the volunteer efforts I described, great work was done by our allies in the region. We need to make special reference to them. Singapore supplied helicopters for relief efforts. Australia brought in C-130s for heavy lift, as did New Zealand. Other countries in the region played valuable roles as well. Japan contributed. Thailand, which had over 5,000 deaths in its hotel and resort area of Phuket, was able to handle the disaster relief with its own forces and volunteers, not calling on other countries for assistance.
In addition to dealing with the problem in his own country, Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra promptly offered the use of its airfield at Utapoah as a central U.S. staging point for airlift relief supplies going into northern Indonesia.
The Government of Malaysia, led by its newly elected Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi, acted quickly to clear all necessary flight access for relief efforts and to permit our military aircraft to utilize vitally needed airports for operations into Indonesia. After meeting with government officials and volunteers on the ground on January 15, I joined our United States ambassador in Indonesia, R. Lynn Pascoe, and Deputy Secretary Wolfowitz on a helicopter tour of the devastated areas of northern Aceh.
During my time as Governor, I saw devastation of areas hit by floods and tornadoes. I thought I had seen the worst. In addition, all of us in America who watched television saw stark pictures of the floods, the destruction, what was left after the tsunami struck. But what I saw from the helicopter was beyond anything I had ever seen before in both its extent and magnitude. The extent and magnitude were nothing short of cataclysmic. We saw from the air broad reaches of low-lying portions of what had obviously been a reasonably prosperous Asian community turned into piles of large matchsticks with buildings torn completely off their foundations. Remnants of fishing vessels perched hazardously against remnants of structures hundreds and hundreds of yards from shore. Small fires were burning where surviving residents were cleaning up debris and burning the trash.
As we flew down the shoreline for a short way, we saw the sides of cliffs carved out where the tsunami wave had bulldozed huge sections of the cliffs. This slide from a helicopter window shows the new cliffs which have been carved out by the floodwaters as they hit in those areas. The only trees left standing were very young pine trees which apparently were slender and supple enough to avoid being broken off by the tsunami. Small towns along the way were identifiable only by foundations of buildings which may have been businesses, farms, or homes, but otherwise totally unrecognizable. In some areas, bridges were wiped out and in other areas the highways near the shore were covered in large expanses of sand. It was obvious that fields which had been cultivated were likely turned into barren salt and sand wastelands.
In addition to the large swath of devastation cut across Banda Atjeh, the devastation continued on to the horizon along the shore where the tsunami had wiped out manmade and even natural structures.
Later, I learned that the Navy operations to bring in relief had to await remapping of the shoreline because even the underwater structures had been so changed by the tsunami that the navigation charts were unreliable. From the helicopter, we obviously just had this bird's-eye view. But from the relief workers and news reports in the area, we gained a much more detailed understanding of what had transpired.
In the January 15 edition of the International Herald Tribune, it was reported that the seashore town of Calang, with 7,300 people, had been left after the tsunami with nothing other than the skeleton of one house of a wealthy resident. There were no signs of shops, houses, restaurants, or a mosque which had been there. Of the 7,300 people thought to live in the town, 323 bodies were found, and 5,627 residents were listed as missing--more than 80 percent of the community. We could only assume that they and thousands of others in isolated regions were swept out to sea. The total loss of life may never be known.
The IHT reported news of similar devastation along a coastal region where villages were flattened, leaving no roads, bridges, ports, or airstrips. It was reported that one swampy area had approximately 100 floating bodies, and nobody had been able to gain access to remove and bury the dead.
In a subsequent report on January 18, IHT noted that the Red Cross had given up attempting to compile a list of those missing, and decided to pursue what tragically was a much smaller listing of those who survived. It was a publication called simply ``I Am Alive.'' The news story recorded a heartwarming and touching account of an 18-year-old boy who was able to find his 8-year-old brother who had been torn out of his arms in the waves. But the number of reunions had been tragically small, with only one or two other reunions recorded.
Before I visited Banda Aceh, I had read and was concerned about reports indicating that the response to the tsunami had been slow. But as I learned more about the nature of the devastation, I gained a better understanding of why it was slow. Apparently, there had been a major sports celebration in Banda Aceh when the tsunami struck, and most of the town's leaders were in the low-lying areas as were a large number of the TNI military and its leaders, and most of the communication facilities in Banda Aceh. These were all washed away--the citizens, the leaders, the local officials, and the communications facilities. It was many hours before aircraft flights over the area could discover the extent of the destruction.
Despite the uncertainty and despite a lack of knowledge of the exact nature of the destruction, initial reports of the tsunami brought immediate proactive reactions from a lot of U.S. leadership--ADM Thomas Fargo, our Pacific military commander, and our Ambassador to Indonesia, R. Lynn Pascoe, as well as organizations like the American Red Cross, the International Organization for Migration, and the Governments of Singapore, Australia, and New Zealand.
Ambassador Pascoe immediately made available $100,000 to the International Red Cross to purchase badly needed supplies and medication. He also tasked the IOM to mobilize truck convoys which enabled land relief with 80 trucks to reach Banda Aceh within some 5 days after the tsunami. Admiral Fargo's proactive order to turn the USS Abraham Lincoln around to the straits of Aceh, cancel shore leave and move it from Hong Kong to the straits of Aceh, brought in helicopter relief to isolated areas 6 days after the tragedy.
It is obvious that this is a natural tragedy of historic proportions. The loss of life has truly been staggering, but the displaced and endangered people in the region are even a far larger number. Our relief efforts for the immediate needs have been generous and prompt, but there will be much more work to be done.
Now, several misinterpretations of our efforts in Indonesia have appeared in the press and I need to address that. Many people interpreted the remarks of the Indonesian Vice President as ordering American forces out of Indonesia by March 26. In fact, our Ambassador and military officials agreed with the Indonesian Government that our troops--diverted to the country from scheduled and needed rest and relaxation--would stay only as long as absolutely needed and wanted by the country's government. All parties knew that the time of our troops' commitment would be, at the most, no more than 3 months. I believe the Vice President's announcement of departure by March 26 was a prediction of the schedule, not an ultimatum.
Our mission in Indonesia was well described by Marine GEN Christian Cowdrey who, as commander of the Combined Support Group, told the Indonesians, ``We are here to support your efforts, at your direction, where you need it.'' He made it clear that we intended to stay as long as the Government of Indonesia requested our assistance, and as soon as our assistance was no longer required, he would return to the home base and station. There were 8,000 marines and sailors assisting in the relief effort, and the majority of them were based on ships to limit the number of people on shore who needed to be supplied.
The short-term nature of our commitment was reinforced by an announcement by Admiral Fargo this past Friday that withdrawal of the troops would begin immediately, transferring relief operations to host nations and international organizations. He predicted that all 15,000 U.S. troops would be withdrawn within 60 days--well short of the predicted maximum of March 26--as the mission in Indonesia moved from the immediate relief phase to rehabilitation and reconstruction.
Another press report suggested Indonesia had demanded that our aircraft carrier, the USS Abraham Lincoln, leave its waters. This report seemingly was based on sightings of the Lincoln heading to open waters.
Well, I had the opportunity to ask ADM Doug Crowder, commander of the Lincoln Strike Force, about this report. He shook his head and smiled in dismay. He told me that he routinely had to conduct flight operations to keep his fixed-wing pilots current. He does not conduct these operations near shore and routinely goes out to blue water, 50 to 60 miles offshore. Even if he is in San Diego, he doesn't fly fixed wing off of his carrier on shore; he goes out to sea by that distance to blue water.
In Indonesia, his practice had been to send off his helicopters with supplies and shore volunteers in the morning, located near shore. He then would move the carrier to blue water for fixed-wing flights and return in the evening to retrieve his choppers and personnel for overnight.
Another story indicated that the U.S. Marines were prohibited from carrying any weapons while they were on Indonesian soil. As a father of a marine, this troubled me. I thought, are we sending marines in without protection? I inquired of Marine General Cowdrey if his troops were unprotected. He assured me that while marines engaged in humanitarian operations normally did not carry M-16 rifles, he never deployed his marines without adequate force and personal protection.
Another thing the relief operations did was to bring into stark reality the unintended consequences of congressional restrictions placed on our assistance to Indonesia. This was done supposedly to deal with human rights abuses by the TNI--the Indonesian military--during the times of authoritarian rule in that country through the aftermath of the East Timor referendum. Those restrictions were first imposed in 1991 and have been tightened since.
I have opposed continuation of these sanctions since Indonesia has chosen new leaders democratically, most recently this fall's 2004 election of President Yudhoyono; and the new leadership made a strong commitment to reform, to a recognition of human rights, and to fighting corruption. President Yudhoyono has shown he is a reformer; his permitting U.S. soldiers in Indonesia was opposed by hardliners in his Parliament. I believe we need to support him and his reform efforts, rather than strengthen the hand of anti-U.S. forces in his country. The main focus of the sanctions was to prohibit Indonesian participation in the International Military Education and Training Program, or the IMET Program, run by our military for our own officers and forces from friendly nations.
IMET provides training in modern military operations, including adherence to the Code of Military Justice, civilian control of the military, respect for human rights, and proper treatment of civilian populations--precisely by the principles that should be instilled in military forces thought to have been involved in human rights abuses in the past.
The major benefits of the program, however, are establishing relationships among our military leaders and commanders of friendly foreign forces to assure they understand how to conduct military or relief operations together.
This principle is known as interoperability. The foreign officers learn English language skills so our allied officers can communicate. The failure to have such training in Indonesia almost resulted in a tragic midair collision of U.S. aircraft with a TNI helicopter operation.
Our military leaders, Secretary Don Rumsfeld, Deputy Secretary Paul Wolfowitz, and our Secretary of State, Colin Powell, have told me personally how important these IMET programs are and how important it is not to deny them to Indonesia. If our forces are to participate in military or relief operations with those of friendly nations, we must train together.
Also, as a result of U.S. policy, Indonesia was denied the ability to purchase necessary spare parts for its C-130 fleet, rendering its fleet of 24 planes largely inoperable. Had the Indonesian C-130s been available, relief and aid would have flowed much sooner and in greater quantity to Aceh. When Secretary of State Colin Powell learned about the limitation, he immediately responded by issuing a waiver to bring funding for spare parts and the parts themselves to Indonesia.
Beginning this past week, American and Indonesian mechanics began the installation of the spare parts, and soon more of the fleet should be ready for flight operations.
I look forward to working with my colleagues and the administration to reverse these unnecessarily restrictive policies at the earliest opportunity.
I might also say it has been disheartening to read some press accounts that have attributed the U.S. response as a shallow move to win better public relations in Islamic countries. Some of this nonsense, regrettably, appeared in American publications.
America is and always has been and always will be a force for social justice and humanitarian relief. It is notable that we are not challenged when we provide assistance for AIDS victims in Africa or elsewhere around the world, and I hope people will understand the genuine outpouring of American concern in this instance.
At churches in Washington, DC, and in my hometown of Mexico, MO, as well as in comments and discussions with many Americans here and at home, I have heard nothing but genuine expressions of great concern, sympathy, and willingness to assist. Voluntary charitable contributions of individuals, corporations, and other organizations have been to date overwhelming.
When I was in Kansas City and St. Louis on Monday of this week, I heard that the American Red Cross is seeking to raise $400 million, which is greater than the $350 million pledged by the
U.S. Government for assistance. I believe the figures, when you take in the amount provided by many different avenues through matching grant programs from employers, corporations, to their employees, the number of dollars going voluntarily will significantly exceed the initial commitment of the U.S. Government aid.
I might also add that the U.S. Government spends $5 million to $6 million a day in addition to that just operating its carriers in Indonesia.
As far as expressions of aid and commitment and compassion, I can tell you the marines and soldiers laboring in the oppressive heat of Aceh to put rice and clean water on helicopters to deliver to suffering people were not doing it to gain better public relations for the United States. Neither were the USAID or the charitable organization workers who had to overcome tremendous obstacles to bring relief to people in isolated areas of Aceh and northern Sumatra. They were not worrying about anything more than coming to the aid of suffering human beings.
With respect to the grievances of the Free Aceh Movement, President Yudhoyono, in his previous position in the Megawati administration, had begun negotiations with leaders in the region, but these negotiations were called off by then-President Megawati.
Prior to the disaster, negotiations had been started by the Yudhoyono administration, and it is my understanding these negotiations are continuing in Sweden currently. President Yudhoyono appealed to the free Aceh rebels to respect the humanitarian weapons and disavow use of arms.
Minister Shihab told me they had gone further and sent the message that his government wanted not just a cease-fire but a reconciliation. President Yudhoyono even met with Western diplomats to discuss ideas for finding a solution. Aceh is a rich region that has many resources, as well as a long tradition of antipathy toward Jakarta. But with the proper spirit on both sides, I have hopes that coming out of this tragedy in Aceh can arise a negotiated settlement that will recognize and respect the culture, views, and wishes of the Acehanese and keep them in the country of Indonesia.
It is also my hope that the immediate emergency relief effort that will come to a close soon will not signal the end of American interest and commitment to the region. Truly, I hope that the attention that has been brought by the very extensive media coverage of the tsunami will keep more attention in this body and the American public at large on the importance of good relations with the people in Southeast Asia.
There is much more that needs to be done over the long term to meet what I view as an exciting but challenging relationship in Southeast Asia. I will be addressing in the future the extent and the importance of this challenge in Southeast Asia, how it has importance--not just for the humanitarian interests which I described today but for political, economic, strategic, and national security concerns.
The tragedy of the tsunami has brought an unparalleled opportunity to invite more Americans to pay attention to an area of the world where we have vital interests. I hope when the tsunami relief efforts have passed, our friends and neighbors will keep in mind the need to strengthen our relationships in a very critical area of the world.
I thank the Chair and my colleagues. I yield the floor.