Mr. Speaker, tonight I wish to call the attention of my colleagues to the situation in Bahrain. Since gained independence from the British in the 1970's, Bahrain has forged close links with the United States, and become one of our most…
Mr. Speaker, tonight I wish to call the attention of my colleagues to the situation in Bahrain. Since gained independence from the British in the 1970's, Bahrain has forged close links with the United States, and become one of our most important allies in the strategically important Persian Gulf region. In fact, Bahrain is home to the U.S. Navy's Fifth Fleet.
Since last year, however, the country has been disrupted by a series of anti-government demonstrations. Understanding how important our relationship with Bahrain is, especially to our efforts to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons, I recently traveled to Bahrain to assess the situation first-hand. And I would like to thank Dr. Al Khalafalla and the Bahrain American Council for helping to make my visit a success.
I think it's important that we get the proper perspective on what's going on over there. There is no question there have been problems in the past. There has been overreaction by the police in certain instances in the past year, year and a half. As a result, there were people who were hurt severely when they were demonstrating in the streets of Bahrain. But the King and the Crown Prince have worked very hard to solve this problem. As a matter of fact, the King appointed an outside commission, and the commission's report and reform recommendations are strongly supported by both sides of the dispute. Yet, the parties involved seem to be having difficulty approaching the conference table. Why?
One of the problems they have over there is the Iranian Government is working to try to undermine many of the countries in the Persian Gulf, and Bahrain is one of them. Some have suggested that the demonstrations have been infiltrated by outside radical elements--supported by Iran-- dedicated to destabilizing and undermining the Bahrain Government. The evidence is inconclusive but the possibility of Iran doing just that is plausible. Whatever the reasons, for the demonstrators, this conflict is not going to be resolved in Bahrain, it must be resolved through negotiation.
I am submitting an article from the May 1, 2012 edition of the New York Times for the Record which I believe lays out the case for the United States to actively encourage both sides to to take a step back, take a deep breath, and commit to resolving their differences around the conference table. I strongly urge my colleagues to read these articles.
[From the New York Times, May 1, 2012]
The Prince and the Ayatollah
(By Ed Husain)
When I was invited to visit Bahrain by members of the royal
family, I hesitated. They had crushed peaceful protesters
last year, and their police had used tear gas against human
rights activists. Like everybody else, including some of the
Bahraini policemen I later spoke with, I was appalled at the
violence and thought the monarchy had blood on its hands. But
I felt that declining the offer was irresponsible. I wanted
to know the monarchy's side of the story. So I accepted the
invitation--on the condition that I was free to meet
Bahrain's opposition.
Bahrain is a tiny island nation of 600,000 citizens, with a
Parliament of only 40 members, and it cannot be understood if
looked at in isolation. For one thing, it stands at the
forefront of a regional cold war. Saudi Arabia lies to the
west, connected by a 25-kilometer causeway built jointly by
the Saudis and Bahrainis. To the east, across the waters of
the Gulf, lies Iran. Both Tehran and Riyadh have major stakes
in Bahrain.
En route to Bahrain, I stopped by in Riyadh and had many
conversations with top government officials, journalists and
academics. Their views were clear: Saudi Arabia would not
stand by and see Bahrain's ruling al-Khalifa family fall from
power. The Saudis sent in soldiers to help the al-Khalifas
regain control of Bahrain in March 2011 and are prepared to
do so again.
If King Hamad bin Isa al-Khalifa abdicates, they asked,
then who would be next among Arab kings? What consequences
would the ensuing chaos have on global energy supplies? If
power falls into the hands of the main Shiite opposition
group, Bahrain could join Hamas, Hezbollah, Iraq, Syria and
Lebanon under the Iranian sphere of influence in the Middle
East.
In Bahrain, I was a guest of the king's son, Crown Prince
Salman bin Hamad bin Isa al-Khalifa, who, in the context of
the country's current political climate, is a liberal's
liberal. Educated in Washington and Cambridge, England, the
42-year-old prince spoke
about Britain's constitutional monarchy, the dire need for
political reform in his country, and his yearning for a
political settlement with the opposition.
He appeared genuinely contrite about the excesses of the
government in Bahrain, but also convinced that the opposition
has no vision of how to improve matters. ``The path to hell
is paved with good intentions,'' he said. Constantly, he
referred to the need for ``evolution'' rather than
``revolution.''
Within the ruling family, he led the charge for reform last
year, but was abandoned by Al Wefaq, the main opposition
party, midway through discussions. The party kept changing
its demands and the leaders were divided over what they
wanted. This strengthened the hand of the more conservative
wing of the royal family, led by the conservative, long-
serving prime minister, Prince Khalifa bin Sulman al-Khalifa,
74.
The opposition wants the prime minister to resign, but
neither the king nor the crown prince can dare ask a family
elder to depart in ignominy.
Just as there are divisions within the royal family, there
are serious splits in Bahrain's Shiite political scene. Not
all the Shiites in Bahrain want to topple the monarchy. Nor
is the opposition composed only of democrats who simply want
to oust a monarchy.
Again and again, in villages and in meetings with Shiite
opposition figures, one name kept coming up: Ayatollah Issa
Qassim, spiritual leader of Al Wefaq, whose writ runs large
across the Shiite opposition movement. Educated in Iran, his
sermons are generally anti-American, anti-democracy and
vehemently pro-Iran. When Iran's green movement challenged
the mullahs in Tehran, Ayatollah Qassim accused the West of
``trying to divide an otherwise peaceful country'' and of
``hatred toward Islam.''
He is also intolerant of Shiites with divergent views back
home. Three Shiite members of Bahrain's Parliament explained
to me the consequences of daring to challenge Ayatollah
Qassim. When they decided not to honor Al Wefaq's call to
boycott elections last October, Al Wefaq-controlled mosques
called on people to attack them; firebombs were thrown at
their homes and their children were harassed on the streets.
They live in fear for their lives, and they are not alone.
Ayatollah Qassim's supporters not only undermined the crown
prince's efforts at reconciliation, but in recent weeks have
taken to rioting in villages across Bahrain. In Sitra, one
such village outside Manama, I spoke in Arabic with a police
official, a Shiite, who said: ``I am Bahraini before I am
Shiite. We must live as Bahrainis and do what's right for our
country, and not be controlled by Iran's clerics.''
Like Bahraini Sunnis, the official felt the monarchy was
not giving him the means to respond to the rioters. They have
no guns, he complained, which left them at the mercy of
rioters with home-made arrows and Molotov cocktails. ``Last
year, my colleagues in the army and interrogation units were
wrong to torture protesters,'' he said. ``But what about the
attacks on us now? How are we to defend ourselves?''
Ayatollah Qassim has not called on his supporters to cease
violence against the police, government and dissenting Shiite
leaders. Instead, he has demanded that Jawad Hussain, one of
the legislators I spoke with, and other dissenting Shiite
political leaders and clerics come to the ayatollah's mosque
during Friday services and publicly repent for betraying
``the community.''
Ayatollah Qassim's message does not justify the torture and
human rights violations exercised by the government of
Bahrain. The demands of the opposition for an end to
discrimination in government jobs and for greater political
freedoms are valid. But calls for greater human rights must
not be selective. Last year the opposition blocked bills that
gave women equality and freedom in Bahrain because the
ayatollahs opposed it, while the monarchy and Sunni parties
supported it.
Bahrain is an important nation because it is a focal point
of what is happening in the Middle East today--the battle to
find a balance between preserving the best values of the
Islamic tradition while the region eases its way into the
modern world.
It is crucial that Western nations help the country achieve
this balance, and that they not provide diplomatic cover for
rioters and clerics in the name of human rights and
democracy.
Instead, they should be using every pressure point to
strengthen the reformist strands within the monarchy in
support of political change, equal right's for women and an
end to the language of Shiite sectarianism in Bahrain.
Negotiations around the political table are the only way
forward in Bahrain.
Ed Husain is a senior fellow for Middle Eastern Studies at
the Council on Foreign Relations.