Madam Speaker, Monday July 20, 2009 marked the 35th anniversary of the day in 1974 that Turkey intervened to stop an ethnic cleansing campaign against Turkish Cypriots by militant Greek Cypriots. And as usual, a number of my colleagues…
Madam Speaker, Monday July 20, 2009 marked the 35th anniversary of the day in 1974 that Turkey intervened to stop an ethnic cleansing campaign against Turkish Cypriots by militant Greek Cypriots. And as usual, a number of my colleagues have come to the floor of this Chamber over the last few days and weeks to lament the so-called ``invasion'' of Cyprus by Turkey. For many years I have taken to the Floor to no avail to respectfully ask my colleagues to lay aside the inflammatory rhetoric and stop throwing barbs at the Turkish Cypriots and Turkey in an attempt to lay all the blame for this complicated issue at their doorstep. This year my call takes on an even more urgent ring. All of us in this chamber, Republicans and Democrats, want to see peace and prosperity come to all the people of Cyprus. We may be closer to peace on Cyprus today then at any time since 2004 when the U.N. plan for a settlement (the Annan Plan) won the support of Turkish Cypriots--by a clear majority of 65%--but failed to win the support of Greek Cypriots--who led by their leadership rejected it by even a larger majority of 76%. By continuing to distort the facts though we are potentially undermining our good faith efforts to see this conflict resolved.
Since the rejection of the Annan Plan, the Greek Cypriot side has been trying to argue that the plan ``did not meet the interests of the country'' and that ``it did not provide for guarantees to ensure the complete implementation of commitments under the plan''. However, the fact is that impartial European Union diplomats, closely associated with the reconciliation effort, have said publicly and very undiplomatically, that the Greek Cypriot people had been ``lied to'' by the Greek Cypriot government as to the details of the Annan plan.
As public servants I think the members of this House understand that no compromise worth its salt ever fully meets all of the demands of either side, nor could it do so or it wouldn't be much of a compromise. The fact is that the Annan Plan was a carefully balanced compromise that certainly from the Turkish Cypriot perspective represented immense sacrifices on the part of the Turkish
Cypriots, on such key issues as land, resettlement, property and security. The Greek government and several former Greek government leaders fully supported the plan and the Turkish government was also pivotal in encouraging the Turkish Cypriots to approve the plan. In the end, the only people who were not willing to make the sacrifices necessary to bring peace to this troubled island were the Greek Cypriots. This is a critically important point to reiterate Madam Speaker; when offered the chance to vote for peace which side rejected peace, Turkish or Greek? The answer is Greek.
To their credit, Turkish Cypriots continue to seek a settlement to the issue. This is testament to their hope for the future; and the latest round of direct negotiations between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots began in September 2008. These talks following a joint statement issued on May 23, 2008 where the two leaders reaffirmed their commitment to a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation with political equality, as defined by relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions. The statement adds ``This partnership will have a Federal Government with a single international personality, as well as a Turkish Cypriot Constituent State and a Greek Cypriot Constituent State, which will be of equal status.'' As recently as June 2009 Turkish Cypriot President Talat declared his support to ``find a comprehensive solution to the Cyprus problem as soon as possible and make Cyprus a full-fledged member of the European Union as a unified Cyprus. That is our main target and the ongoing negotiations I hope will lead to an ultimate solution.''
Are negotiations proceeding as rapidly and as smoothly as everyone would like; no, but progress is being made. And it is important to remember that the Cyprus conflict is more complex and convoluted then portrayed by many of my colleagues. This conflict did not start in 1974 as many people want to believe. Instead, the origins of the conflict can be traced back to the Greek Cypriot drive for Union with Greece (Enosis), a movement with roots in the waning days of the Ottoman Empire. Even the more modern history of the conflict, stems from the 1950s and 1960s rather then 1974.
The fact is that when the Island of Cyprus gained its independence from Great Britain in 1960, the Republic's constitution specifically defined a power-sharing arrangement which required a Greek Cypriot president and a Turkish Cypriot vice-president, each elected by their constituency.
The fact is that in 1963 Greek Cypriot President Makarios proposed sweeping constitutional modifications which heavily favored the Greek Cypriot community. The changes removed most of the checks and balances which had been built into the constitution to ensure the safety and equal status of the Turkish Cypriots. The inevitable result was a serious deterioration of relations between the two parties which came to a head in December 1963 when armed Greek Cypriots attacked and killed many Turkish Cypriots who were unable to escape. The armed conflict quickly spread with the Turkish Cypriots eventually being forced to withdraw into enclaves to defend themselves. For the next ten years, the campaign of the Greek Cypriots cost the Turkish Cypriots many lives and untold suffering, as well as their equal partnership status in the Cyprus government.
Former United States Undersecretary of State, George Ball, who, among others, was actively dealing with the crisis at the time, remarked in his memoirs entitled The Past Has Another Pattern, that Makarios has turned: ``This beautiful little island into his private abattoir'' (P. 341). Ball went on to say that: ``Makarios'' central interest was to block off Turkish intervention so that he and his Greek Cypriots could go on happily massacring the Turkish Cypriots'' (p. 345).
The fact is that in 1974, Archbishop of Cyprus Makarios--the Greek Cypriot leader at the time--escalated the crisis by embracing Enosis, or Union with Greece, as his election platform. Although Makarios won reelection he also created a power struggle between the military junta in control of mainland Greece and himself for the control over the Island. That power struggle culminated in a coup which forced Makarios to flee Cyprus and renewed ethnic cleansing of Turkish Cypriots.
In his address to the UN Security Council on July 19, 1974, Makarios himself described the coup as ``a clear attack from the outside and a flagrant violation of the independence and sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus''.
The fact is that in the face of a bloody coup that not only threatened the independence of Cyprus but also resulted in renewed massacres of Turkish Cypriots, Turkey, which was treaty-bound to act as a Guarantor State, was compelled to undertake action on July 20, 1974. And the fact is that as a result of this legitimate and timely action, Turkish Cypriots were saved from imminent destruction, bloodshed among the Greek Cypriots was ended and the independence of Cyprus was protected.
The fact is that the Turkish intervention was legitimate and was internationally confirmed by, among others, the Consultative Assembly of the Council of Europe (CACE). CACE resolution 573, dated July 29, 1974, clearly states, ``Turkey exercised its right of intervention in accordance with Article IV of the Guarantee Treaty of 1960.''
The fact is that Greek Cypriots, having already forestalled UN efforts to resolve the Cyprus issue--and been inexplicably rewarded for it through EU membership--may not truly feel under pressure to seek a just solution as the status quo benefits Greek Cypriots significantly more than Turkish Cypriots.
Madam Speaker, facts are stubborn things; and as the facts in this case clearly show, the crisis on Cyprus is significantly more complex than the ``blame Turkey'' special interest groups would like people to believe. The facts also show it seems to me that if either side has an incentive to drag its feet at the negotiations; and I'm not suggesting necessarily that either side does, but if one side did, it would be the Greek Cypriots.
It's time for the ``blame Turkey'' groups here in the United States to end the `blame game' and redirect their misspent energies towards the real work of reshaping Cyprus into a Cyprus that respects human rights and the fundamental freedoms for all Cypriots. And it's time for the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots to demonstrate political will and negotiate in good faith for the future of all Cypriots.