Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague, John Garamendi, for taking up the special orders and for doing such a striking job, compelling job, of lining out what the country needs to do in the way of building our roads and bridges and our energy…
Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague, John Garamendi, for taking up the special orders and for doing such a striking job, compelling job, of lining out what the country needs to do in the way of building our roads and bridges and our energy infrastructure. So much that needs to be done that would make a big difference for jobs, for our economy; and then contrasting that, unfortunately, with what the President, after a year of looking forward to this, seems to have come up with. It is just baffling, and I think we need to understand here tonight what is going on and resolve to do better. We have got to do better than this.
Although the President is, of course, onto a major issue, we have always said that. During the campaign, in the early months of the new administration, President Trump spoke a lot about infrastructure, promised to put forward a bold plan to put Americans to work, repairing, modernizing our infrastructure.
Now, many issues divide Democrats and Republicans, but that really isn't one of them. This is an issue that potentially, at least, unifies us, brings us together. During the last election, both candidates were talking infrastructure. It stood out as an area of common ground, potential bipartisan cooperation.
Unfortunately, I am afraid, now, after a year, and after a year of concentrating on other things like repealing healthcare and a massive tax cut for the wealthy, now, finally, the President does come around to infrastructure, and, frankly, it is pretty underwhelming. The plan doesn't make good on the promise that he put forward during the campaign for a serious bipartisan plan. It certainly isn't bipartisan.
It calls for $1.5 trillion in new investment, but it shifts the overwhelming majority of the cost to States and municipalities, forcing them to either raise taxes or to sell off public assets or to cut other critical programs. So it is, on the face of it, just inadequate.
The Federal investment: $200 billion supposed to leverage $1.5 trillion. And it reverses the split in terms of Federal
and State responsibility. That is an 80/20 Federal-State split now, in most cases. Now it is going to go something like 20/80, and the States and the localities are burdened with taking this on with very limited and very inadequate Federal support. So it is inadequate, and it is certainly inadequate as a Federal investment.
Secondly, and my colleague has stressed this very effectively, this is a bait and switch. This is a bait and switch.
I am the ranking Democrat on the Transportation and Housing Appropriations Subcommittee. So we are now, with the budget agreement enacted last week, looking forward, hopefully in a bipartisan way, to writing a transportation bill for the remainder of 2018. Transportation investments that have bipartisan support are now in sight because of this budget agreement. But then along comes, ironically, the President's infrastructure plan alongside his budget proposal, which actually decimates the transportation programs we already have.
Mr. Garamendi stressed that very effectively. I will add just a few specifics, but this is the most incredible part of this plan to me. It not only falls short, but it actually does great damage to the infrastructure investments we are already making.
For example, we are building Union Station in Raleigh, North Carolina, at this moment. It is going to be a multimodal facility. It is going to facilitate transit bus transportation. It is also an intercity rail station with an Amtrak train leaving for Charlotte three times a day. That is going to be increased because it is a very successful run. Union Station, a multimodal facility: the essence of infrastructure, creating jobs.
How do you think Raleigh is paying for that?
It would be known as a TIGER grant, along with State and local participation. The President's budget totally eliminates TIGER grants, which have provided that kind of support around this country for innovative infrastructure projects, particularly multimodal projects.
TIGER grants: eliminated in the President's budget.
Community Development Block Grants: eliminated in the President's budget.
What on Earth are they thinking down there at the White House, to be simultaneously talking about a great infrastructure initiative and, at the same time, taking away the basic bread and butter infrastructure programs we already have?
Aviation: the President wants to cut Federal aviation appropriations.
FAA facilities and equipment: cut.
FAA operations: cut.
What are they thinking?
And then most incredible of all, when you turn to the ground transportation budget, they want to eliminate all new starts for mass transit in this country: cut the so-called capital investment grants radically.
The President wants to cut the very successful Northeast Corridor Amtrak operations radically. He wants even more to cut Amtrak operations in places like the Southeastern United States, the Midwest, and California--these very promising regional routes.
And this is an infrastructure program?
It certainly sounds like an anti-infrastructure program.
It does not add up. It doesn't begin to add up.
I think this is the most outrageous aspect of this: that the President is coming out with what he markets as a new, bold initiative, and, at the same time, he is actually not just trimming, he is radically cutting, as far as I can tell, all modes of transportation, virtually everything we count on to underwrite and support infrastructure at present.
Then, finally, the President is making a big thing out of rolling back environmental protections and limiting the review of projects. Now, we all know--and Democrats and Republicans have gotten together on this in the FAST Act, for example--that review needs to be expedited and review needs to be efficient.
The FAST Act contains many provisions to expedite review, and those aren't even fully implemented yet. But here we come with the President's infrastructure initiative, which proposes the arbitrary shortening of deadlines. It purports to override the National Environmental Policy Act, possibly even the Clean Water Act and Clean Air Act. It is hard to tell exactly what he has in mind. There is virtually no investment in clean energy infrastructure, which one would think would be a major forward-looking component of any infrastructure package.
Representative Alan Lowenthal and I co-chair a task force called the Sustainable Energy and Environment Coalition--so-called SEEC--and we have released in the last couple of days a sustainable infrastructure proposal. When you place it alongside what the President seems to be suggesting, with some details yet to be announced, there is a great contrast.
What we are advocating is that we invest smartly and we invest sustainably. We have no desire to destroy the core environmental safeguards. In fact, we want to have a meaningful, serious review process. We want to incorporate forward-looking sustainability and resiliency initiatives in our infrastructure plan.
So I commend to my colleagues this report, which we just issued, which I hope will gain attention from both sides of the aisle as we attempt to deal with the President's proposal, to deal with the appropriations bills that we are going to be considering here, and try to build into our infrastructure proposals sound environmental practices, and sustainable practices, for example, taking into account climate change--global warming.
The President reportedly has no intention of including that in his proposal. What a shortsighted thing that would be, to be building bridges and highways and other projects, and then some years from now find that the planning was inadequate to deal with the sea level rise, or whatever kind of effects of global warming we might have.
So, again, I thank my colleague for helping us understand what we need to do as a country, but also understanding how we really need, as a Congress--and I would hope both sides of the aisle. We need to assert ourselves, not just assume that this is some kind of Trump proposal that we can't criticize. Or, in fact, we need to not just criticize it, but we need to do far, far better. So I thank the gentleman.
Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Speaker, I know the gentleman shares
my sense that we need to diversify our transportation system in this country. We, in particular, need to develop high-speed rail in these corridors where it makes so much sense. Raleigh to Charlotte has been a kind of demonstration of what is possible there.
And transit is not a Democratic or a Republican issue. Our cities-- large and small cities--throughout this country are getting into transit: bus rapid transit, light rail, and regional rail.
And the notion that, ironically, especially on the same week you are announcing an infrastructure plan, you would, at the same time, say no new starts in transit is just beyond belief.
Will the gentleman yield?
That appears to be what is happening. Or else the OMB Director and the President's people in the White House doing this infrastructure plan never checked with each other.
I do think the bait-and-switch aspect is the most incredible aspect of this because it really, really would damage transportation efforts that we already depend on.