Madam Speaker, let's face facts. Let me tell my Republican friends: We have a terrible hunger crisis going on in this country right now. Fourteen million of our children are going to bed hungry this night. The American people are crying…
Madam Speaker, let's face facts. Let me tell my Republican friends: We have a terrible hunger crisis going on in this country right now. Fourteen million of our children are going to bed hungry this night.
The American people are crying out: Congress, help us.
We have support of our measure from the American Farm Federation and from Cargill, and we have support of our legislation from God Almighty Himself.
What did He tell you and me?
He said: Feed the hungry and heal the sick.
America is hungry, America is sick, and America is calling on you Republicans to love your people and take care of your people at this critical time of need.
Madam Speaker, as the first African American Chairman of the House Agriculture Committee, I am proud that the American Rescue Plan Act provides support for all sectors of agricultural production, including farmers, ranchers, and private forest land owners of color.
The U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) spends billions of dollars annually in providing much needed support to American producers. Sadly, Black farmers and other farmers of color have received a small share of the USDA farm loans and payments as a result of discrimination. When these producers did receive loans or payments, many of them were not provided timely or proper loan servicing options due to discrimination, which led to producers of color losing their land and operations.
Sections 1005 and 1006 of the American Rescue Plan Act provide targeted and tailored support for these farmers and ranchers. I note for the record that changes made to these sections in the Manager's Amendment were to ensure that these sections would meet the requirements of section 313 of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 for consideration in the United States Senate.
The systemic discrimination against Black farmers and other farmers of color by USDA is longstanding and well-documented and continues to present barriers for these producers to participate in the agricultural economy. It is important that we document this history and the continuing challenges for these farmers of color in the Congressional Record.
A 1965 report by the United States Commission on Civil Rights found that Federal, state, and local officials discriminated against Black farmers in agricultural programs and that this discrimination actively contributed to the decline in the Black ownership of farmland.
In 1968, a follow up report from the United States Commission on Civil Rights found that Black farmers continued to face discrimination when seeking farm loans and other forms of assistance.
In 1970, the United States Commission on Civil Rights again found that discrimination continued in USDA program administration. The 1970 report indicated that prior to 1968, no Black farmer had ever been elected to any former Agricultural Stabilization and Conservation Service committee at the county level in the South. In 1970, two out of more than 4,100 committee members in the South were Black farmers, even though there were 58 counties in the South, where Black farmers comprised a majority of the farm operator population.
In 1982, the United States Commission on Civil Rights issued another report on the rapid decline of Black-operated farms. The report noted that between 1970 and 1980, the Black farm population declined 65 percent, compared to a 22 percent decline in the white farm population. The report also documented numerous discrimination complaints filed against USDA field offices regarding the administration of farm loan programs and noted that for many of these complaints, USDA's Office of Equal Opportunity investigated and found equal opportunity violations at those field offices. The report concluded that racial discrimination was continuing within the USDA, at USDA headquarters, and in the network of field offices that implement USDA programs.
In 1988, Congress passed section 617 of the Agricultural Credit Act of 1987 requiring the USDA to establish annual target participation rates, on a county-wide basis, that would ensure that members of socially disadvantaged groups receive direct or guaranteed farm ownership loans. Congress amended this requirement in 1996, to ensure that USDA's implementation was consistent with the holding of the Supreme Court in Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Federico Pena, Secretary of Transportation, 515 U.S. 200 (1995), which held that race-based actions by the government is within constitutional constraints when it is necessary to further a compelling interest such as the ``unhappy persistence of both the practice and lingering effects of racial discrimination against minority groups.''
A 1995 U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) report found that socially disadvantaged producers were significantly underrepresented on the county and community committees of the former Agricultural Stabilization
and Conservation Service. Specifically, the report found that while minority producers accounted for nearly 5 percent of the producers eligible to vote for committee members, minority producers only represented 2.1 percent of county committee members in the United States.
In 1997, the USDA formed a Civil Rights Action Team to hold nationwide listening sessions to hear from socially disadvantaged and minority farmers. A report published after the listening sessions documented Black, Hispanic, Asian-American, and American Indian farmers who told stories of USDA hurting minority farmers more than helping them. Minority farmers described how their discrimination complaints were caught in the backlog of appeals or if successfully appealed, were given findings of discrimination that were not enforced. The report acknowledged that discrimination in USDA program delivery continued to exist to a large degree unabated.
Also in 1997, the USDA Office of the Inspector General (OIG) issued a report to the USDA Secretary that noted ``a climate of disorder within the civil rights staff at [the Farm Service Agency].'' It was difficult for the OIG to even determine the number and status of civil rights complaints at the agency and department because of that climate. As the OIG later summarized in a 2005 audit, ``it took 12 days longer to complete minority applications, delinquencies were higher for minority borrowers than nonminority borrowers, and minority borrowers were reluctant to enter into FSA offices to apply for loans.''
In 1998, the USDA National Commission on Small Farms further described and documented the longstanding discrimination of USDA towards socially disadvantaged producers. And, it observed that ``discrimination has been a contributing factor in the decline of Black farmers over the last several decades.'' The Commission's report also notes the ``history of under-allocation of resources to institutions that have served minority farmers,'' the ``disgraceful'' ``failure to elect minority farmers to positions on FSA County Committees,'' and more.
During the period between 1997 and 2000, Black farmers, Native American farmers, and Latinx farmers filed lawsuits alleging USDA discriminated against them on the basis of race in processing their farm program applications and that USDA failed to investigate their complaints of discrimination. But settlements resulting from these lawsuits have not provided the relief necessary for these farmers of color to participate fully in the American agricultural economy.
For example, the Los Angeles Times reported in 2012 that payments made to Black farmers under the Pigford settlements were significantly eroded by state taxes, as well as tax debt related to forgiven USDA farm loans.
In 2001, a report by the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights documented the continued discriminatory lending practices against minority farmers. The Commission found that Black farmers waited four times longer than white farmers for USDA farm loans. The Commission recommended that USDA resolve the backlog of civil rights complaints and document and alleviate discriminatory lending practices. However, USDA continued to struggle with resolving its backlog of civil rights complaints. In 2008, GAO reported that USDA's difficulties in resolving discrimination complaints persisted and that the USDA had not achieved its goal of preventing future backlogs of discrimination complaints.
Recent studies and reports continue to document the challenges and barriers faced by farmers of color due to race or ethnic discrimination or the legacy of such discrimination. A September 20, 2017, study in the Agriculture and Human Values journal described the challenges faced by Latinx farmers due to failure of agricultural agencies to engage in appropriate outreach or account for language barriers.
In 2019, a GAO report observed that socially disadvantaged farmers and ranchers had proportionately less agricultural credit than non- socially disadvantaged farmers and ranchers. This report found that farmers and ranchers of color continued to face more difficulties in obtaining farm loans and highlighted the historic, systemic discrimination against such farmers.
The Market Facilitation Program and Coronavirus Food Assistance Program are recent USDA programs designed to bolster the farm economy; in both programs the majority of funds went to non-minority farmers. For example, the Environmental Working Group reported that nonminority farmers received nearly 97 percent of the $9.2 billion provided by the USDA's Coronavirus Food Assistance Program. Additionally, the Farm Bill Law Enterprise reported that 99 percent of Market Facilitation Payments went to non-minority farmers.
The systemic discrimination of farmers, ranchers, and other producers of color by the USDA is longstanding and well-documented. I urge my colleagues to support me and the Committee on Agriculture as we work to enable socially disadvantaged producers to succeed in the agricultural economy. Sections 1005 and 1006 of the bill before the House today are critical to that work, and I urge my colleagues to support this measure.