Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 1644) to enhance sanctions with respect to transactions relating to North Korea, and for other purposes, as amended. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may…
Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 1644) to enhance sanctions with respect to transactions relating to North Korea, and for other purposes, as amended.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to include extraneous material on this measure in the Record.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 1644, the Korean Interdiction and Modernization of Sanctions Act.
I want to begin by thanking the coauthor of this bill, Ranking Member Eliot Engel, for his work on this legislation and for his steadfast leadership that he has shown on addressing this threat to national security. He has been in North Korea twice--I have been there once--and he has been focused on this for a long time.
Mr. Speaker, North Korea does, in fact, pose an immediate threat to the national security of the United States and to our allies. Experts believe that, in less than 4 years, North Korea will have the ability probably to target the United States with a reliable intercontinental ballistic missile, one topped by a nuclear warhead.
The quick speed with which North Korea's program is advancing is a game changer for our national security. It is no wonder that former President Obama warned President Trump that North Korea would be the top threat to the United States--and this is after the program of strategic patience which President Obama deployed. That policy of strategic patience, unfortunately, has not worked out. We must move forward with something based on a plan that has worked in the past.
North Korea, now that they have conducted two nuclear weapons tests this last year and launched a total of 26 ballistic missiles, including one from a submarine, has reached the point where it is a threat to the United States. In the last 2 years alone, we have seen 49 of these tests of one kind or another as they have built out this program.
Alarmingly, with every test, North Korea gains valuable technical knowledge that has enabled it to make significant improvements to its developing arsenal. So as they march towards the day that it will have the capability of striking all 50 States with an ICBM, we have been reminded by our Chairman of the Joint Chiefs that the ``I'' in that acronym stands for ``intercontinental,'' and he says: as from that continent to this continent.
More immediately, these missiles gravely threaten our allies in South Korea and Japan, and it is a threat to the tens of thousands of U.S. servicemen serving in those countries.
North Korea has been a major proliferator, cooperating on its nuclear and missile programs with the likes of Iran, of Syria, and of Pakistan. I will remind the Members that they built a carbon copy of their nuclear program in Syria on the banks of the Euphrates River. Had it not been--had it not been--for the Israeli Defense Forces taking that facility out some years ago, we would be wrestling right now with the question of whether that facility was in the hands of al-Nusra or in the hands of ISIS or in the hands of Hezbollah. They are undermining U.S. security along with the entire global counterproliferation system, so we can only guess the extent of the damage that is being done through illicit, undetected networks.
Mr. Speaker, Congress has a chance to put North Korea policy on firmer ground, and this bill, this Korean Interdiction and Modernization of Sanctions Act, is a response to this immediate threat. It builds upon the North Korea Sanctions and Policy Enhancement Act, which was a bill authored by Mr. Engel and myself that was signed into law last Congress. With this law, the United States designated North Korea as a primary money laundering concern, cutting off their access to cash, and found Kim Jong-un and his top lieutenants responsible for grave human rights abuses. Indeed, the magazine The Economist accurately described North Korea as a gulag now masquerading as a country.
But at the same time, North Korea has worked over the past year to evade international sanctions with the help of a vast network of front companies, which we have now identified, and those front companies work with governments spanning the globe. Those who do business with North Korea provide it with money to fund the regime's nuclear program and fund its grotesque human rights abuses, and they must be stopped.
This bill does that by expanding sanctions to deter North Korea's nuclear programs and to enforce United Nations Security Council resolutions. Let's be clear: these are international commitments that all nations are obliged to honor, including China.
It targets those who employ North Korean slave labor overseas. Companies from Senegal to Qatar to Angola import these North Korean workers who promptly send their salary back to the regime in North Korea, earning the regime billions of dollars in hard currency each year.
This is money that Kim Jong-un uses to advance his nuclear and missile program and also pay his generals, buying their loyalty to his brutal regime. That is what the high-level defectors that I have met with say. So let's squeeze his purse.
It cracks down on North Korean shipping and the use of international ports, restricting the regime's ability to ship weapons and other banned goods.
When we discover that foreign banks have helped Kim Jong-un skirt these sanctions, as some in China have repeatedly done, then we must give those banks and businesses a stark choice: to do business with that regime in North Korea or the United States. As we have heard from the new administration, this is a key focus of theirs.
So, Mr. Speaker, this legislation gives the administration powerful new tools to protect the U.S. and our allies from the threat of North Korean nuclear missiles by going after those who enable the regime's aggression. This shows the world that Congress stands ready to help the administration work with our allies and others to counter North Korea's belligerent behavior and maintain peace and stability in Northeast Asia.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on H.R. 1644, and I reserve the balance of my time.
House of Representatives, Committee on Oversight and
Government Reform,
Washington, DC, April 24, 2017.
Hon. Edward R. Royce,
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Washington, DC.
Dear Mr, Chairman: I write concerning H.R. 1644, the Korean
Interdiction and Modernization of Sanctions Act. As you know,
the Committee on Foreign Affairs received an original
referral and the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform
a secondary referral when the bill was introduced on March
21, 2017. I recognize and appreciate your desire to bring
this legislation before the House of Representatives in an
expeditious manner, and accordingly, the Committee on
Oversight and Government Reform will forego action on the
bill.
The Committee takes this action with our mutual
understanding that by foregoing consideration of H.R. 1644 at
this time, we do not waive any jurisdiction over the subject
matter contained in this or similar legislation. Further, I
request your support for the
appointment of conferees from the Committee on Oversight and
Government Reform during any House-Senate conference convened
on this or related legislation.
Finally, I would ask that a copy of our exchange of letters
on this matter be included in the bill report filed by the
Committee on Foreign Affairs, as well as in the Congressional
Record during floor consideration, to memorialize our
understanding.
Sincerely,
Jason Chaffetz,
Chairman.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Chabot), a senior member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Wilson), a senior member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, who also chairs the Armed Services Subcommittee on Emerging Threats and Capabilities.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Poe), the chairman of the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade of the Committee on Foreign Affairs.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Yoho), chairman of the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific of the Committee on Foreign Affairs and a coauthor of this bill.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague, Mr. Engel, for his comments.
I will return to this theme about the urgent threat that the United States and our allies face here. We have listened to experts who have looked at this problem. In less than 4 years, Pyongyang may have the ability to make a reliable intercontinental ballistic missile topped by a nuclear warhead capable of targeting the continental United States. When we watch these tests and we see, from a North Korean submarine, how they are launching missiles and we watch the atomic weapons tests that they are doing, you can see how North Korea has advanced in their capabilities as they try to shrink these warheads and figure out how to put them onto an ICBM.
The problem is that, in the next few years, at the current rate of production of their nuclear material, they are going to be able to build out 100 atomic weapons for these intercontinental ballistic missiles. So the threat from North Korea is real, and real threats demand real responses.
We have tried various approaches in the past. We tried strategic patience during the last administration. I will tell you that I think Secretary Tillerson has helped devise a strategy of maximum pressure that makes a tremendous amount of sense to me, and I will share with you why I think it is very credible.
We have seen in the past, in 2005, back during Banco Delta Asia, back when North Korea was caught counterfeiting $100 U.S. bank notes, a strategy deployed that froze the capability of that regime to move forward with its nuclear weapons program. We know from talking to defectors about the impact that that had internally on North Korea because, frankly, these weapons programs are very expensive to run. It requires billions and billions of dollars every year.
North Korea doesn't really manufacture much, other than some of the clandestine missile parts and so forth that they transfer overseas and some meth and counterfeit cigarettes. All of that can be halted so that hard currency doesn't come into the hands of the regime, and, therefore, the regime will no longer have this capability.
Because it happened in 2005 and because we know of the consequences at the time, but also because of what we have seen with other nations, we should move with bipartisan legislation here.
I am going to speak for a moment about what this House of Representatives and our counterparts in the Senate did in the 1990s when it came to the issue of a regime in South Africa that had obtained a nuclear weapon and also was doubling down on their practices of apartheid in terms of the way that that regime treated its own people.
If you will recall, despite the assurances and warnings about sanctions that this was the wrong road, this House stood up, and over 80 percent of the Members here and over 80 percent of the Members in the Senate--or 75--huge bipartisan majorities of Republicans and Democrats came together with a policy that said enough--enough of the conduct of that apartheid state, enough of them developing a nuclear weapon.
It was time for the United States to lead on this, work with the international community and enforce sanctions in a way that did what? That, within a short period of time, brought the apartheid regime to offer up to the international community that atomic weapon and to say: We are done with it. And for the South African apartheid regime to say, in terms of elections: Next year we are going to hold free and fair elections in South Africa--in terms of the release of Nelson Mandela and in terms of his election to President of South Africa.
Now, when people argue with us that sanctions may not be a way forward, I would remind them that, when we unite the international community and when we speak with one voice, yes, we could see a change of conduct in this regime in North Korea. So I say this gives a powerful tool to cut off the funding by going after those who do business with the regime in violation of U.N. Security Council resolutions.
Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Engel for his assistance in this, and I thank all of my colleagues who helped on this measure.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.