Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I rise in recognition of a document of great significance, the Cyrus Cylinder, that will be touring the United States for the duration of this year and will be on display in museums across this country. On October 2, the Cyrus Cylinder will be displayed to the public at the Getty Museum in Malibu, California.

In what historians call the ``first bill of human rights,'' the Cyrus Cylinder, out of Persia, remains important, particularly as the Cylinder's inheritors, the people of Iran, continue to suffer under the repressive Islamic Republic in Iran.

Jews, Babylonians, and Greeks left laudatory accounts of Cyrus' actions. The Cyrus Cylinder is widely considered to be not only the first human rights document, but a document to protect other cultures. In the Torah, it is written:

King Cyrus issued a decree concerning the house of God in

Jerusalem, let the house be rebuilt. The cost will be paid

from the cost of the King.

In what now can be considered a defining moment in history, Cyrus permitted the Jews to take their statues, their ceremonial vessels, and important cultural and religious objects back with them to Jerusalem and rebuild their temple.

Cyrus the Great holds a special position in the history of civilization. His humanitarian values of freedom for all people, respect for culture and religious diversity, and recognition of the fact that it is better to be loved than feared are remarkable attributes for any ruler.

But as Ali Razi, who left Iran in the wake of the Iranian Revolution, shares with us, for someone who lived 2,600 years ago, such beliefs are truly exceptional. Ali Razi makes a second point about the document's influence on Persian and Greek culture, and on the European Enlightenment. Cyrus' values and ideas for governance have long inspired political thinkers and leaders of men, including the Founding Fathers of this country, who wove these same ideals into the very Constitution of the United States. Thomas Jefferson owned two copies of ``Cyropedia,'' a book of histories by the Greek historian Xenophon that told the story of King Cyrus--Cyrus the Great, as the Persians call him. Such was Jefferson's admiration for this work that Jefferson wrote to his own grandson:

I would advise you, go first through the Cyropedia, and

then read Herodotus and Thucydides.

Unfortunately, contrary to the traditions of the Cyrus Cylinder, the Iranian Government continues to engage in widespread human rights abuses. While the Cyrus Cylinder highlighted peace and acceptance as its ideals, the current regime in Iran has steadily increased its discriminatory practices and repression of the country's ethnic and religious minority populations--from Azerbaijanis to Baluchis, to Kurds and Arabs, to the Baha'is and Christians and Zoroastrians. Iranian authorities routinely deny its citizens the most basic human rights through harassment, intimidation, detention, and violence.

And for those minorities who have served in the prison system in Iran, they can tell you the stories of how horrible that violence can be. Actions that often violate Iran's own international obligations routinely occur there in that country, and I hope that the tour of the Cyrus Cylinder across the United States brings attention to the oppressiveness of the Iranian regime and serves as a symbol, a symbol that promotes human rights around the world, a symbol to remind people of what that culture once stood for under Cyrus the Great.

So, in 2013, on the occasion of the first-ever visit of the Cyrus Cylinder from the British Museum to the United States, and to the Getty Museum in Malibu from October 2 to December 2, we call attention to this important historical document for the example it set over two millennia ago.

Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

I yield myself 3 minutes.

Before beginning, I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) be permitted to control 5 minutes of the debate time allocated to me.

Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the very hard work of Chairman Lucas, but there is one program in glaring need of reform. This bipartisan amendment will make our well-intentioned, but grossly outdated, international food aid programs more flexible, more efficient, and far more effective.

Under the current system, which was designed 60 years ago, all of our food aid must be purchased in the U.S., and at least 50 percent has to be shipped on U.S.-flagged vessels. Yet, today, 60 years later, food prices and U.S. agricultural exports have reached historic highs, and this makes this program of negligible value to the U.S. farm economy. Food aid purchases now account for less than half a percent of net farm income. Businesses at the ports are booming, and there are only a handful of U.S.-flagged ships.

When asked how the proposed reforms would impact American farmers, the Secretary of Agriculture stated:

Far from ending a partnership between our Nation's

humanitarian and development mission and our world-class

agricultural and food system, we are recommitting to the role

that American agriculture plays in food security and tapping

into the ingenuity of American farmers and the powers of

science and innovation to avoid future shortages and global

hunger.

Mr. Chairman, these subsidies can no longer be justified. They only add to the cost of the program, and they delay by months the time that it takes for food aid to reach desperate disaster victims. The Royce- Engel amendment would enact two commonsense reforms:

First, the amendment would allow up to 45 percent food aid to be purchased closer to the crisis. This change will yield an estimated $215 million in efficiency savings; it's going to reduce mandatory spending by $150 million over the bill's life; and it's going to allow us to reach 4 million more disaster victims.

Second, the amendment curtails a process called ``monetization,'' which the Government Accountability Office found is inefficient and disrupts local markets. In other words, it wastes money; it slows economic growth; and it harms those we are trying to help. In recent years, it has wasted $215 million.

There are real-life consequences to clinging to an inflexible, inefficient program that puts the interests of the few over those of the taxpayers, not to mention over those of the millions in desperate need of humanitarian aid globally. With this reform, by investing in local markets, we help nations become more food secure; we develop more U.S. trade partners; we break the cycle of aid dependency.

This amendment enjoys wide bipartisan support. Both administrations-- this one and the last--have sought these changes. The amendment is supported by a long list of relief organizations. Mr. Chairman, the question is not: Why should we reform food aid? It is: Why have we waited so long?

I reserve the balance of my time.

I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, the gentleman has expressed concern about accountability. With all due respect, allow me to dispel a myth. We are not talking about sending bags of cash to foreign governments so they can spend it on whatever they want. No matter the form, U.S. food assistance is now and will continue to be subject to multiple levels of scrutiny and monitoring and evaluation. The Food for Peace Program maintains strong accountability for funds. Food aid will continue to be branded with U.S. aid logos, prominently displayed on all program- related materials regardless of whether the food is purchased in the United States or in the affected region. That is the way this program works.

And according to the Secretary of Defense, the Defense Department supports the President's proposed reform,

supports this reform of the food aid program, and the Defense Department has assessed that it will not affect U.S. maritime readiness or national security obviously in any way since these are non- militarily useful ships under foreign ownership anyway, for the most part.

Mr. Chairman, this is about fixing a broken system. Our food aid takes too long to arrive and costs too much to get there. A former top aid official told our committee last week that in fast-onset famines such as Somalia and wars involving mass population displacements, such as Darfur: ``I watched people die waiting for food aid to arrive.'' He wants a change so that the aid can be purchased right there, and during that first month when they are waiting for the ship to arrive, to feed those people before they starve to death. That's what's driving this amendment.

In Syria, a shipment of U.S. food just arrived, yes it did, 2 years after the onset of this--2 years afterwards. It would have been helpful if we'd had a little ability in the program to handle this on the ground. U.S. interests are being undermined here by archaic food aid programs, and I urge adoption.

I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 1151) to direct the Secretary of State to develop a strategy to obtain observer status for Taiwan at the triennial International Civil Aviation Organization Assembly, and for other purposes.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to include extraneous material on this legislation.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of bipartisan legislation that I authored to help secure observer status for Taiwan at the International Civil Aviation Organization. This legislation requires the Secretary of State to develop and execute a strategy to ensure that Taiwan has a seat at the table for ICAO's upcoming September plenary meeting.

It has been over 40 years since Taiwan was last a member of ICAO. Indeed, a lot has changed in those 40 years. As it stands now, all communications between Taiwan and the U.S. on aviation safety must be channeled through the American Institute in Taiwan, which is our Nation's de facto embassy in Taiwan. The fact that Taiwan can't speak directly to the Federal Aviation Administration without this added layer of bureaucracy makes no sense. After all, we are talking about air safety information that is otherwise readily available to all of ICAO's members.

Taiwan's entry into the U.S. Visa Waiver Program last year has dramatically increased both the frequency of flights between our airports and the real number of travelers coming here to the United States. For my home State of California, the increase in visitors from Taiwan has resulted in a significant boost for the local economy, especially for the travel industry, the leisure industry, for restaurants,

for example, and shops. I'm proud to have worked on Taiwan's entry into the Visa Waiver Program because I know that, as a result of this agreement, Taiwanese Americans in Southern California have a much easier time staying connected to their families.

Mr. Speaker, as the number of visitors from Taiwan has grown exponentially, there is an urgent need to ensure that Taiwan has real- time access to air safety information. Strengthening air safety benefits American citizens as much as it does the Taiwanese. Every year, tens of thousands of Americans fly through Taiwan's air space, which must be as safe as it can be, and this bill will certainly help.

Just as Taiwan was allowed to join the World Health Organization as a result of the SARS outbreak, so, too, should Taiwan be afforded the opportunity to observe the proceedings of the ICAO. We all share the responsibility to ensure that international air travel is safe. Taiwan's unique political status has thus far hindered its inclusion in ICAO. With this piece of legislation, we're sending a clear message that air safety is a priority and not a geopolitical issue.

Earlier this year, my good friend Eliot Engel of New York and I traveled to Taiwan to see firsthand the immense progress that the people of Taiwan have made over such a short period of time. Taiwan is indeed a beacon of freedom in the Asia-Pacific region. We share many values with Taiwan, including an unwavering commitment to democracy, to human rights, to free markets, and to the rule of law. Helping Taiwan gain entry as an observer into the ICAO is the right thing to do, and I urge my colleagues to vote in favor of this legislation.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

I thank the gentleman from American Samoa, and I'd like to yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen), chairman emeritus of the Foreign Affairs Committee and chairman of the Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa. She is also a cosponsor of this measure.

Mr. Speaker, it has been over 40 years since Taiwan last had a seat at the International Civil Aviation Organization. The volume of air traffic in and out of Taiwan's airports back then cannot be compared with that incredible volume of traffic, millions of planes a year, that come in and out of modern-day Taiwan.

Under the Visa Waiver Program, airlines have added even more flights in order to take advantage of greater demand for tourists and business travel from Taiwan into the United States. This number is only going to grow as more and more Taiwanese take advantage of the Visa Waiver Program.

It is time that we readmit Taiwan into ICAO so that everyone who boards a plane can have the utmost confidence about the safety of their trip. Aviation technology has progressed by leaps and bounds, and the idea that Taiwan cannot directly communicate with the United States or any other nation engaging in issues regarding air safety is not in anyone's interest. That's not in the interest of any nation.

I urge my colleagues to join in supporting H.R. 1151. Taiwan is one of America's closest friends in the world. We share so much in common, including a steadfast dedication to democracy and the rule of law and human rights; and it is time that we fixed this problem.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Chairman, I have a colloquy on an amendment I intend to withdraw.

Mr. Chairman, we are facing a serious and growing national security threat in central Africa. Rebel groups, long active in the region, have taken on a new form of illicit activity to fill their coffers, and that form is poaching. On the black market, ivory from elephant tusks runs over $1,000 per kilo. Rhino horns are worth more than their weight in gold--$30,000 per pound.

The black market for wildlife is now in the league of drug smuggling. The low risk and high reward of poaching makes it ideal for criminal groups, but also for extremist groups. Indeed, groups like the Lord's Resistance Army, which the U.S. military is helping Africans to track down, and the al Qaeda-linked al-Shabaab are reaping the benefits by brutally slaughtering these majestic, defenseless animals.

These aren't your poor man's poachers either. Many poachers today are outfitted with night-vision goggles and sophisticated GPS equipment. They fly helicopters, slaughtering these endangered species from above.

A recent U.N. report cites an increase in advanced weapons used in poaching, which can be traced back to the fall of Qadhafi in Libya.

Earlier this year, testifying on worldwide threats, the head of our intelligence community noted that the multibillion-dollar industry of illicit wildlife trade ``threats to disrupt the rule of law in important countries

around the world,'' and that this trade involves ``disparate actors-- from government and military personnel to members of insurgent groups and transnational organized crime organizations.''

Unfortunately, African nations trying to fight off transnational poachers lack the capacity to address the problem. With relatively few security resources dedicated to combating them, poachers operate freely.

This amendment would have provided authority for the Defense Department to advise and assist Africans to suppress this illicit wildlife trade. AFRICOM is rightly involved in many of these regions, focusing on counterterrorism and on counternarcotics. Since these illicit activities are interwoven, this is an ideal area to further our cooperation with African partners, helping their stability, our security, and the chances that magnificent species aren't extinguished.

I thank the gentleman.

Chairman McKeon, I know you share my concern with this growing transnational threat of poaching. And I am hopeful that, looking ahead, we can work together to address any concerns that may exist and support a more aggressive U.S. commitment to this problem.

I appreciate the Chairman's comments.

Mr. Speaker, Congresswoman Tulsi Gabbard and I are proud to have the opportunity to welcome Satguru Bodhinatha Veylanswami, the spiritual leader and head of Kauai's Hindu monastery. He has come here today to give the opening prayer on the Hindu American Foundation's 10th Annual Capitol Hill Advocacy Day, and he is a true leader in the Hindu community.

Satguru has been head of the monastery since 2001, and works to spread

the principles of peace and inclusiveness around the community. Additionally, his achievements have international reach. Not only does he oversee the Himalayan Academy's various publications, he serves as a publisher of the international magazine Hinduism Today.

Furthermore, Satguru dedicates his time to cultivating the religious instruction of Hindu youth around the world through producing a series of books that teach Hinduism's ethical restraints, and teach religious observances as well.

Thank you, Satguru, for your opening prayer.

Mr. Speaker, as chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, let me make it abundantly clear here: the pipeline is going to be built. The question is whether it's going to be built west to Vancouver, and then we're going to see the product shipped to our economic competitors; or will the pipeline be built south to our refineries in the United States.

There's a second point. We've got the cleanest burning refineries in the world. That is not true in terms of our economic competitors.

So from an environmental standpoint and from the standpoint of energy needs in the U.S., it makes no sense to advance the interests of our economic competitors.

Now, the U.S. energy costs have been declining. China's energy costs have been rising. Our country is becoming a more attractive place to manufacture goods. We are also becoming more competitive, both with Europe and with Asia.

U.S. gasoline prices right now are 30 percent lower than China's, and U.S. electricity prices are 50 percent lower than Europe's. For those of us that have been involved in manufacturing in the past, we understand how important that is. We want energy prices lower here in the United States than they are overseas, not the other way around.

A reliable and efficient energy supply is, frankly, vital to our economic competitiveness; and unless we reverse course, we could squander the advantage we have right now. The Keystone pipeline will have a major positive impact on the economy at a time when millions of hard-pressed Americans are searching for work. Keystone will create an estimated 20,000 new direct jobs and we know hundreds of thousands of indirect jobs, not only in the States where the pipelines will be built and operated, but throughout the entire country.

Keystone is going to enhance our national security. Think about this for a minute. And, frankly, our Foreign Affairs Committee members, 24 of our Republican Members, wrote to the President in February saying that by providing secure access to petroleum from Canada, we would reduce our reliance on energy imports from countries in the OPEC cartel. The U.S. would be less vulnerable to political and security- related disruptions of our energy supply.

Well, that's the point. That's the objective here. And in the same vein, energy from Canada will enable us to reduce our dependence on unstable and unfriendly oil exporters. For example, while the Venezuelan regime remains openly hostile to the U.S., the country is our fourth largest source of oil. By contrast, Canada has long been one of our closest allies.

Our economies are joined together with Canada and our energy sectors are already integrated. We want to spend the money in Canada and have it circulated back over that border. Ninety percent of what Canada buys is made in the United States. We could have no better partner in our effort to ensure our energy security.

By obstructing the approval process, the administration not only prevents the benefits of the pipeline from materializing; it also chills the development for new projects. Think about this. At the present time, Canada and Mexico are major sources of American energy and offer enormous potential for the development of new oil and gas fields and greatly expanded cross-border energy trade.

Yet if our existing Federal bureaucracy is willing to impose excessive costs and continued delays on a project as sound as Keystone, what reasonable business will want to assume similar risks going forward? I tell you what will happen: that pipeline will be built instead to Vancouver, British Columbia, and instead of the imports coming into the United States.

The role of the State Department in the approval process is to determine whether the project serves the national interest. No one familiar with the facts would deny that it does, but the delays continue based on unfounded claims.

The State Department's own draft Supplemental Environmental Impact Statement on Keystone concluded that, in effect, there was no environmental reason not to approve the pipeline; yet still no action has been taken.

But it appears that not everyone in the administration got the message to slow this project down. This month, the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service concluded that the proposed Keystone XL pipeline would have no negative impact

on a wide range of threatened species--from the gray wolf, to the whooping crane, to the prairie fringed orchid. While it found that the project was likely to affect the American burying beetle, ABB, it concluded that Keystone XL's conservation measures ``would likely result in a net increase in protected ABB habitat.'' So the one animal affected will actually be better off after the Keystone pipeline.

It is time to stop this charade. All reasonable objections to the pipeline have been fully addressed. Please pass the legislation.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to condemn the systematic and brutal enslavement of women during World War II by the Imperial Government of Japan. What is known today as ``comfort women'' is, in reality, a state-sponsored program of sexual brutality against 200,000 women from Korea, China, Taiwan, and the Philippines.

The fact that women and girls as young as 13 years old would be forced into this kind of misery is appalling. It runs counter to every recognized international norm against human dignity.

Anyone seeking to justify or deny the existence of comfort women is ignoring history. The sheer amount of evidence regarding this terrible time in history is staggering. Not only are there documents chronicling the existence of comfort women camps, but there is also the gut- wrenching testimony of survivors and of eye witnesses.

Countless governments around the world have come to the conclusion that, yes, the Imperial Government of Japan did indeed condone this most reprehensible of actions during World War II, along with such brutal violence as the rape of Nanking.

That is why I rise today to condemn the unfortunate remarks of the mayor of Osaka, Japan, who, as recently as yesterday, denied the existence of comfort women. The mayor not only questioned the existence of comfort women, but he sought to justify the use of a ``comfort woman system'' as a means to boost morale for the military. The mayor's remarks are absolutely outrageous, and it adds insult to injury for survivors and their families.

The rise of ultranationalism in Japan is very worrisome and, as chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, I strongly condemn it.

Mr. Speaker, the House went on record in 2007 to express our outrage regarding the forced enslavement of 200,000 women during World War II. The civilian populations of Korea, China, Taiwan, and the Philippines suffered so much from the imperialism and aggression of the Imperial Government of Japan.

We speak with one voice when we speak against grave violations of human rights. It is in America's interest that we continue to press for justice and to never forget.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 1580, which reaffirms current policy to preserve and advance the successful multi- stakeholder model that governs the Internet, which is so very critical to our economic and social well-being.

In June 2011, the thirty-four member countries of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, business representatives, and technical experts agreed on principles that included a commitment to promote the open, distributed and interconnected nature of the Internet. The 34 OECD members range from the United States to France to South Korea to Mexico.

This landmark OECD communique recognized the importance of the multi- stakeholder approach, stating that ``The Internet's openness to new devices, applications and services has played an important role in its success in fostering innovation, creativity and economic growth.'' That's right.

Yet somehow the United Nations missed the memo. In December 2012, the U.N.'s International Telecommunications Union--a government-only membership body--took a vote on a binding global treaty that would establish the ITU as the forum for Internet standard setting. Despite U.S. opposition, 89 of 144 countries voted for the revised International Telecommunications Regulations. They included China, Cuba, Russia and other countries hostile to political freedom.

In a UN system where each country has one vote--no matter how undemocratic--this UN overreach could shift the idea of Internet governance from what is best for netizens to what is best for a group of governments. There is no need for a UN Internet treaty. The Internet is flourishing in the current multi-stakeholder framework just fine.

In addition, there are serious concerns around the lack of transparency and inclusivity of the UN's ITU process. The Internet has transformed our ability to access and share information--surely Internet policy should not be developed behind the closed doors of the

Mr. Speaker, I rise today regarding my recent absence from the House on Wednesday, May 8th. During this time, as Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, I travelled back to Southern California to participate in the official visit of President Park Geun-hye of South Korea. Because of this absence, I missed several important votes on the House floor, and would like to submit how I would have voted had I been in attendance. The votes were:

Rollcall No. 135, on Agreeing to the Amendment to H.R. 1406, the Gibson of New York Amendment No. 1. I would have voted ``aye.''

Rollcall No. 136, on the Motion to Recommit H.R. 1406 with instructions, I would have voted ``no.''

Rollcall No. 137, on Passage of H.R. 1406, the Working Families Flexibility Act, I would have voted ``aye''

Rollcall No. 138, on Ordering the Previous Question for H. Res. 202, To Provide for Consideration of H.R. 807, the Full Faith and Credit Act I would have voted ``aye.''

Rollcall No. 139, on H. Res. 202, Providing for consideration of the bill H.R. 807, the Full Faith and Credit Act I would have voted ``aye.''

Madam Speaker, I rise in support of the Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act. This is important legislation to help protect women and families from domestic violence. I have long championed the rights of crime victims, especially women. So I am glad we are passing this legislation today, and that it will soon become law. This will ensure we continue our efforts to address the issue of violence against women from a variety of angles, including prevention, intervention, and prosecution.

Today I want to address specific aspects of Title XII of this Act, entitled ``Trafficking Victims Protection.''

Human trafficking is an egregious offense against human dignity that oppresses tens of millions of people around the world, and disproportionately victimizes women and girls. But even those jarring statistics can obscure the depressing reality: the harm of trafficking is probably most clearly seen in the eyes of a girl who is being robbed of her freedom, her youth, and her hope for the unjust benefit of someone else.

As Chairman of the Committee of primary jurisdiction for the original Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000 (TVPA) and the three subsequent reauthorization statutes, I am proud of the strong, bipartisan role that the Foreign Affairs Committee and the Congress have played in the global fight against modern-day slavery over the past 13 years.

Title XII of the bill before us today extends and amends those anti- trafficking authorities with language that was not considered under regular order by House committees. I rise to register my concern with certain sections that normally would fall within Foreign Affairs jurisdiction, because I do not want that language to harm the important work already being done by the Department of State, and particularly its Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons, known as the ``TIP Office.''

While our limited resources must be put to their best uses, I don't understand why the Senate has slashed funding for the TIP Office, in contrast to the funding increases elsewhere in Title XII. That is a mistake. I just hope it is not a mistake that is fatal to the integrity and vitality of anti-trafficking efforts at the Department of State. Within State, the TIP Office has been the Congressionally-authorized anchor that has kept trafficking advocacy and the annual tier rankings from being subordinated to the usual pressures of bilateral diplomacy. That is, the frequent temptation for the State Department to compromise our human trafficking concerns for interests perceived, and often misperceived, as being more important than pressing another country on this crime against humanity. This bill weakens the hand of the TIP Office.

Section 1201 of the bill directs the regional bureaus at the State Department to develop annual, country-specific anti-trafficking goals and objectives in cooperation with the TIP Office. With its deep expertise in implementing and assessing interventions to combat modern

slavery, the TIP Office has the lead role on such issues within the Department, and should maintain that lead. Section 1201 should not provide the basis for a mechanism that is independent from the work of the TIP Office, or from the recommendations set forth in the annual Trafficking in Persons Report. Rather, it should be used to increase regional bureau support for those priorities at the country level.

Furthermore, the host government consultations contemplated by section 1201 should focus on implementation of Department-set goals and objectives, rather than become a bilateral negotiation on their initial formulation in a way that might subvert the purpose of section 110 of the original TVPA, which mandates actions against governments that fail to meet minimum standards.

Section 1204(5) of the bill would change the TVPA ``minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking'' to include consideration of whether a foreign government has entered into effective partnerships or agreements with other governments, civil society or nongovernmental groups, or others, ``that have resulted in concrete and measurable outcomes.'' I regret that the bill is vague about what those outcomes must be. The numbers of traffickers prosecuted and convicted, and the number of trafficking survivors assisted, should be indispensible components of any concrete, measurable outcomes for purposes of this section. At least the language is clear that such outcomes must already have occurred in order to qualify. This section must not be used to allow a government to avoid a Tier 3 designation by signing a new agreement or MOU promising prospective progress, even if that new agreement is with the U.S. Government. Foreign government promises to take action just don't count.

I appreciate the considerable anti-trafficking work of the TIP Office at the Department of State over the past dozen years, under both Republican and Democrat administrations. During that time, the leadership of the United States has helped to fuel the passage of more than 130 anti-trafficking laws around the world, though much work remains to be done. I hope that the elements of Title XII that I have discussed will not undercut those efforts. The Foreign Affairs Committee will be working to assure that.

Mr. Speaker, as an original co-sponsor of the Academic Competition Resolution (H. Res 77), I rise to express my strong support for the Congressional Academic Competition for STEM Education. I believe this new and innovative program promotes entrepreneurship while engaging students in Science, Technology, Engineering and Math (STEM).

With the increasing demand for students to focus on STEM fields, it is important for students to get involved, compete, and further their scientific knowledge. This Congressional competition will prepare future generations to better understand the world and technological progress. Since technology evolves rapidly, this competition reflects the fast pace of developments in these cutting edge fields.

The Congressional Academic Competition for STEM will first focus on developing mobile applications for phones, tablets and other computer devices. As time progresses, it has been constructed to evolve to meet future STEM needs whether it be technological applications or future inventions.

I am excited to see what students across America will invent and I look forward to the creative breakthroughs and scientific advancements this competition will fuel. I encourage my colleagues to support this initiative, which seeks to inspire our future generations to lead through innovation.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 65) condemning the Government of North Korea for its flagrant and repeated violations of multiple United Nations Security Council resolutions, for its repeated provocations that threaten international peace and stability, and for its February 12, 2013, test of a nuclear device, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to include extraneous materials on this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

What I want to share with the body is that, on February 12 of 2013, North Korea successfully carried out a nuclear test--a test in flagrant violation of numerous international sanctions and of numerous agreements that North Korea has made in the past.

This test, which is the third time that North Korea has exploded a nuclear device, is a stark reminder that Kim Jong Un is determined to develop his nuclear arsenal while depriving North Koreans of their most basic human rights. When I say their ``most basic human rights,'' we had an opportunity to speak with the former propaganda minister of North Korea, who told us that 1.9 million North Koreans starved while this regime, in violating every agreement it had made with the international community, plowed forward with a plan to develop nuclear weapons.

North Korea has literally spent billions on its nuclear and its three-stage ICBM program, and that is all money that could have provided enough food to feed this country for years. If you've ever been in North Korea, you've seen

that the children there are malnourished. As a matter of fact, up to 50 percent of the children are so malnourished that it is estimated that it's going to affect their future development and their ability to really think conceptually because of the degree of deprivation there.

In the meantime, it also continues to build up its military. This week's test comes only 2 months after the launch of a North Korean intercontinental missile, leaving no doubt in my mind that decades of fruitless negotiations, frankly, have been a failure.

North Korea is a pariah state that has attacked its neighbors many times. Just last month, Ranking Member Eliot Engel of New York and I had the opportunity to visit the wreckage of the South Korean naval vessel Cheonan, and there we saw the evidence where 46 South Korean sailors lost their lives in 2011--victim to a North Korean torpedo that was fired at that ship. I cannot imagine the anguish that this despicable act has caused for so many of those parents of those young sailors in South Korea.

The shared sacrifice that South Koreans and Americans have endured as a result of North Korean aggression is a sacred, inseparable bond between our two peoples. This resolution appropriately stands by South Korea and Japan, our allies in northeast Asia.

As North Korea continues to disregard international norms, it's important for this House to speak out, but we must do more. In the coming weeks, I will introduce legislation that targets North Korea's ability to access hard currency.

In my conversations with President Lee Myung-bak of South Korea and President-elect Park Geun-hye, I have always stressed the importance of targeted sanctions so that we can bring about change inside North Korea. When dictators cannot pay their generals, they cannot test nuclear weapons and launch missiles. This was an important lesson of the financial sanctions we put on Banco Delta Asia and other banks in the past that have dealt with the North Korean regimes; and, as a result of that imposition at the time, it brought to a halt the ability of the North Korean regime to pay its generals.

Mr. Speaker, America's policy on North Korea has been a bipartisan failure. We can no longer just hope that North Korea is going to give up its weapons in exchange for aid. It is time we come together to hold this regime responsible for all the pain and suffering that it has caused, and do so by imposing this access to hard currency restriction. I cannot envision a scenario where Kim Jong Un voluntarily gives up the one weapon that, frankly, keeps his dynasty in power.

Reports indicate that North Korea's nuclear program is getting more powerful and its missiles are flying further. If North Korea is allowed to continue down this path, frankly, we all lose. The time to act is now.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I just want to take a moment and thank Mr. Engel for the forceful leadership that he gave us on this issue as we were meeting with the Governments of China and Japan and South Korea.

Mr. Speaker, I would now yield 2 minutes to the gentlelady from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen), chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa and our chairman emeritus, who has been very engaged on North Korea policy.

I yield the gentlelady an additional minute.

If I might yield, Mr. Speaker, 2 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Chabot), chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I would just like to urge my colleagues to support this resolution condemning North Korea's nuclear test. This threat, I would point out, is not just a threat to Northeast Asia; it's a global threat that demands our attention.

North Korea has demonstrated a willingness--in the past they've demonstrated a clear ability to proliferate nuclear and missile technology. We think about their proliferation to countries, nuclear proliferation to Syria. We think about their nuclear technology and their missile technologies for proliferation to Iran.

We cannot wait for the next nuclear test, Mr. Speaker, or the news that North Korea has successfully miniaturized a nuclear weapon. We already saw the statement that this was a smaller nuclear weapon in the past. We saw the official KCNA news outlet for the North Korean regime make the statement that their target for their ICBM program was the United States.

Lastly, many of us remember the video that came out last week, that very odd video that shows a North Korean sleeping, dreaming about an ICBM attack. The ICBM is launched. It ends up following the curvature of the Earth and hitting New York City in this video with that very odd background music playing. But it just shows an attitude.

I think that we cannot stand idle and tell ourselves that further sanctions have no prospect of success, especially when we saw how effective, for that brief period of time where the Treasury Department was so concerned about the counterfeiting of $100 bills that they actually forced deployment of those financial sanctions on those institutions which the North Koreans used in order to have access to hard currency.

We saw, at that time, the result and the protest from North Korea, and the result inside North Korea when there was not the money to pay the military or carry out the types of programs that they do in terms of their missile and nuclear testing.

So it's time to be honest with the American people that, frankly, our current North Korean policy is not working. It hasn't worked for a long time. Going forward, we need to move away from that failed North Korean policy to one with energy and creativity and focus. And I think we need to learn from what worked in the past until, unfortunately, those sanctions were lifted shortly after they were deployed because of the protests from North Korea.

So let's tackle North Korea's illicit activities, its missile and drug proliferation, where, between that and its counterfeit currency program, that's how it gets close to 50 percent of its hard currency. This regime will do anything for money, obviously. As South Koreans will tell you, it's a gangster regime.

But let's interfere with those shipments. Let's disrupt the bank accounts that are used. Let's ramp up the radio broadcasts into the country, where there is evidence the information wall is cracking. Thirty-seven percent of those people that flee the regime today say they're listening to broadcasts or they're accessing information that is telling them about what's happening in the outside world and what's really going on in their own country. And that's the kind of information we have to get into this regime.

Let's help the refugees who are literally dying to escape the prison above the 38th parallel. Weakening the regime is the only way to make the Korean Peninsula secure. So we must come together and do whatever is necessary to deprive Kim Jong Un of his nuclear weapons.

I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to recognize the legacy of President Richard Nixon in this centennial year of his birth.

President Nixon took the oath of office at a time of domestic upheaval and far-reaching social, economic, and political change. I doubt there was ever a day when he did not wake to an agenda of pressing challenges and difficult decisions.

But his true legacy lies in foreign policy.

Few Presidents have entered the White House with a deeper understanding of international affairs, and we are very fortunate that he did. For when he first walked into the Oval Office, he inherited a world in which the U.S. was faced with enormous difficulties and problems that seemed to have no solution, from our grinding engagement in Vietnam to an increasingly emboldened Soviet Union.

He understood from the first that the old ways of doing things simply would not work in a new and dangerous world and repeatedly astonished his admirers and opponents alike with a surprisingly flexible and sophisticated, albeit tough-minded, approach.

That was most famously demonstrated by his stunning reaching out to China.

For decades this action has been the subject of much discussion and comment, and it is commonly cited as a model for similarly bold action today.

But there is danger in easy comparisons. It is of key importance to stress that he did not suffer from an illusion that Mao's dictatorship was reforming itself or that our mutual hostility was primarily the fault of the United States. Or that a handshake could somehow transform conflicting goals into a broad partnership.

Instead, it was based on a clear-eyed understanding of how the world actually works and that a rigid adherence to ideology can blind one to inconvenient facts and potential options. Only someone deeply confident in his beliefs could have done so. But he did not take unnecessary risks, he did not leap into the dark, hoping for the best. Instead, he took deliberate steps on a well-thought-out path to specific goals.

Even then, his eyes were not focused on China, but on a much larger purpose, namely reordering the international system to give the U.S. new options that it otherwise would not have had, including an ability to exploit divisions among opponents that rendered each eager for improved relations with the U.S.

What a contrast to today's world, where the U.S. often goes hat in hand to professed enemies in the illusion that they can be bribed to abandon their fundamental goals, that unilateral concessions will generate good will, or that they can somehow be convinced to become good international citizens through pleas or lectures.

Nixon knew that peaceful outreach and negotiations were possible only when the other side had no doubts of your toughness. Sometimes a smile is helpful, but often a stick is more convincing. No one ever doubted that Richard Nixon understood the difference.

His no-nonsense view of the world can be seen in the aftermath of the murder of Israeli Olympians in Munich by PLO terrorists on September 27th, 1972 when he warned that if we want safety, we must not seek ``accommodations with savagery, but rather act to eliminate it.''

That was written twenty-nine years before the devastating 9/11 terror attacks, but it remains a crucial guide to action today.

As Chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, I deal on a daily basis with the many problems the U.S. faces around the world. Some would be familiar to President Nixon; many are quite different. But the deep understanding, the commitment to basic principles, the pragmatic flexibility that characterized his approach are as essential today as they were then.

I met him once when he spoke before the House Republican Conference in March, 1993, shortly after I first entered Congress. The subject was Russia in the aftermath of the collapse of the Soviet empire, but even after many years out of office, and only a year before his death, his understanding of the range of issues and problems facing that country and ours impressed everyone in the room. He was masterful to the end.

Afterward, the President mentioned his old House seat to me, and he asked me to join him for a meeting with members of the Senate, organized by Senator Patrick Moynihan. There he spoke of the future challenges and opportunities with respect to China, Eurasia, Africa, and Latin America. As usual, he spoke without using notes.

Perhaps his greatest legacy is what any student of his accomplishments can see for themselves: that the United States has no choice to be a leader in the world if we are to secure the safety and interests of the American people, that passivity and a surrender to events can bring only disaster, that refusing to recognize that the world is often a dangerous and unforgiving place is to live in illusion, that foolishly acting as though our resources were unlimited with no need to prioritize our goals is a certain road to defeat.

So it gives me pride to recognize President Richard Nixon during the centennial of his birth. We owe him our respect for what he accomplished on behalf of the security of the United States in a turbulent world.

Rules of the Committee on Foreign Affairs for the 113th Congress

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, as required by clause 2(a) of House

rule XI, I respectfully submit the rules of the Committee on

Foreign Affairs, which were adopted earlier today at a public

meeting of the Committee.

Rules of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, 113th Congress

1. General Provisions

(a) The Rules of the House of Representatives, and in

particular, the committee rules enumerated in clause 2 of

rule XI, are the rules of the Committee on Foreign Affairs

(hereafter referred to as the ``Committee''), to the extent

applicable.

(b) A motion to recess and a motion to dispense with the

first reading (in full) of a bill or resolution, if printed

copies are available, are privileged non-debatable motions in

Committee.

(c) The Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs shall

consult the Ranking Minority Member to the extent possible

with respect to the business of the Committee. Each

subcommittee of the Committee is a part of the Committee and

is subject to the authority and direction of the Committee

and to its rules, to the extent applicable.

2. Date of Meeting

The regular meeting date of the Committee shall be the

first Tuesday of every month when the House of

Representatives is in session pursuant to clause 2(b) of rule

XI of the House of Representatives. Additional meetings may

be called by the Chairman as the Chairman may deem necessary

or at the request of a majority of the Members of the

Committee in accordance with clause 2(c) of rule XI of the

House of Representatives. The determination of the business

to be considered at each meeting shall be made by the

Chairman subject to clause 2(c) of rule XI of the House of

Representatives. A regularly scheduled meeting need not be

held if, in the judgment of the Chairman, there is no

business to be considered.

3. Quorum

For purposes of taking testimony and receiving evidence,

two Members shall constitute a quorum, and the Chairman of

the full Committee or a subcommittee shall make every effort

to ensure that the relevant Ranking Minority Member or

another Minority Member is present at the time a hearing is

convened. One-third of the Members of the Committee or

subcommittee shall constitute a quorum for taking any action,

except: (1) reporting a measure or recommendation; (2)

closing Committee meetings and hearings to the public; (3)

authorizing the issuance of subpoenas; and (4) any other

action for which an actual majority quorum is required by any

rule of the House of Representatives or by law. No measure or

recommendation shall be reported to the House of

Representatives unless a majority of the Committee is

actually present. No measure or recommendation shall be

reported to the full Committee by a subcommittee unless half

of the subcommittee is actually present. A record vote may be

demanded by one-fifth of the Members present or, in the

apparent absence of a quorum, by any one Member.

4. Meetings and Hearings Open to the Public

(a) Meetings

(1) Each meeting for the transaction of business, including

the markup of legislation, of the Committee or a subcommittee

shall be open to the public except when the Committee or

subcommittee, in open session and with a majority present,

determines by record vote that all or part of the remainder

of the meeting on that day shall be closed to the public,

because disclosure of matters to be considered would endanger

national security, would compromise sensitive law enforcement

information, or would tend to defame, degrade or incriminate

any person or otherwise violate any labor rule of the House

of Representatives. No person other than Members of the

Committee and such congressional staff and departmental

representatives as the Committee or subcommittee may

authorize shall be present at any business or markup session

which has been closed to the public. This subsection does not

apply to open Committee hearings which are provided for by

subsection (b) of this rule.

(2) The Chairman of the full Committee or a subcommittee

may postpone further proceedings when a record vote is

ordered on the question of approving any measure or matter,

or adopting an amendment. The relevant Chairman may resume

proceedings on a postponed request at any time. When

exercising postponement authority, the relevant Chairman

shall take all reasonable steps necessary to notify Members

on the resumption of proceedings on any postponed record

vote. When proceedings resume on a postponed question,

notwithstanding any intervening order for the previous

question, an underlying proposition shall remain subject to

further debate or amendment to the same extent as when the

question was postponed.

(b) Hearings

(1) Each hearing conducted by the Committee or a

subcommittee shall be open to the public except when the

Committee or subcommittee, in open session and with a

majority present, determines by record vote that all or part

of the remainder of that hearing on that day should be closed

to the public because disclosure of testimony, evidence or

other matters to be considered would endanger the national

security, would compromise sensitive law enforcement

information, or otherwise would violate any law or rule of

the House of Representatives. Notwithstanding the preceding

sentence, a majority of those present, there being in

attendance the requisite number required under the rules of

the Committee to be present for the purpose of taking

testimony--

(A) may vote to close the hearing for the sole purpose of

discussing whether testimony or evidence to be received would

endanger the national security, would compromise sensitive

law enforcement information, or violate paragraph (2) of this

subsection; or

(B) may vote to close the hearing, as provided in paragraph

(2) of this subsection.

(2) Whenever it is asserted by a Member of the Committee

that the evidence or testimony at a hearing may tend to

defame, degrade, or incriminate any person, or it is asserted

by a witness that the evidence or testimony that the witness

would give at a hearing may tend to defame, degrade, or

incriminate the witness--

(A) such testimony or evidence shall be presented in

executive session, notwithstanding the provisions of

paragraph (1) of this subsection, if by a majority of those

present, there being in attendance the requisite number

required under the rules of the Committee to be present for

the purpose of taking testimony, the Committee or

subcommittee determines that such evidence or testimony may

tend to defame, degrade, or incriminate any person; and

(B) the Committee or subcommittee shall proceed to receive

such testimony in open session only if the Committee, a

majority being present, determines that such evidence or

testimony will not tend to defame, degrade, or incriminate

any person.

(3) No Member of the House of Representatives may be

excluded from non-participatory attendance at any hearing of

the Committee or a subcommittee unless the House of

Representatives has by majority vote authorized the Committee

or subcommittee, for purposes of a particular series of

hearings, on a particular article of legislation or on a

particular subject of investigation, to close its hearings to

Members by the same procedures designated in this subsection

for closing hearings to the public.

(4) The Committee or a subcommittee may by the procedure

designated in this subsection vote to close one (1)

subsequent day of hearing.

(5) No congressional staff shall be present at any meeting

or hearing of the Committee or a subcommittee that has been

closed to the public, and at which classified information

will be involved, unless such person is authorized access to

such classified information in accordance with rule XX of the

House of Representatives.

5. Convening Hearings and Markups

(a) Hearings. Public announcement shall be made of the

date, place, and subject matter of any hearing to be

conducted by the Committee or a subcommittee at the earliest

possible date, and in any event at least one (1) week before

the commencement of that hearing. If the Chairman of the full

Committee or a subcommittee, with the concurrence of the

relevant Ranking Minority Member, determines that there is

good cause to begin a hearing sooner, or if the Committee or

subcommittee so determines by majority vote in the presence

of the number of members required under the rules of the

Committee for the taking of action, the Chairman of the full

Committee, if concurring, shall make the announcement at the

earliest possible date.

(b) Markups and Other Meetings to Transact Business

(1) Convening. The Chairman of the full Committee or a

subcommittee may call or convene, as the relevant Chairman

considers necessary, meetings of the Committee or

subcommittee for the consideration of a bill or resolution

pending before the Committee or subcommittee, as the case may

be, or for the conduct of other Committee or subcommittee

business.

(2) Notice. Public announcement shall be made by the

Chairman of the full Committee of the date, place, and

subject matter of any markup or other meeting to conduct

business at the earliest possible date, and in any event at

least one (1) week before the commencement of such markup or

meeting, unless the relevant Chairman determines, in

consultation with the relevant Ranking Minority Member, that

there is good cause to begin such a markup or meeting on an

earlier date. If such determination is made, the Chairman of

the full Committee, if concurring in that determination,

shall make the announcement at the earliest possible date.

(3) Agenda and Texts. The relevant Chairman shall provide

to all Committee or subcommittee Members an agenda for each

Committee and subcommittee markup or other meeting to

transact business, setting out all items of business to be

considered, including whenever possible a copy of any measure

scheduled for markup, at least 48 hours (excluding Saturdays,

Sundays, and legal holidays) before the meeting.

Bills on subjects not listed on such agenda shall be

subject to a point of order unless their consideration is

agreed to by a two-thirds vote of the Committee or

subcommittee, or by the Chairman of the full Committee with

the concurrence of the Ranking Minority Member. The text of

any measure to be marked up shall be made publicly available

in electronic form at least 24 hours prior to the

commencement of the markup meeting, or at the time of an

announcement under subparagraph (b)(2) made within 24 hours

before such meeting.

(c) Publication. Public announcement of all hearings and

markups shall be published in the Daily Digest portion of the

Congressional Record and made publicly available in

electronic form. Members shall be notified by the Staff

Director of all meetings (including markups and hearings) and

briefings of subcommittees and of the full Committee.

(d) Member Seating. During Committee and subcommittee

hearings and markups, chairs on the dais are for Members. No

staff member other than a Committee or subcommittee staff

director, counsel, or professional staff member may occupy a

chair on the dais, unless authorized by the Chairman of the

full Committee, after consultation with the Ranking Member of

the Full Committee. Only one staff member each from the

majority and the minority may occupy

chairs on the dais at any time during a hearing or markup.

6. Witnesses

(a) Interrogation of Witnesses

(1) In so far as practicable, witnesses shall be permitted

to present their oral statements without interruption subject

to reasonable time constraints imposed by the Chairman of the

full Committee or a subcommittee, with questioning by the

Committee Members taking place afterward. Members should

refrain from questions until such statements are completed.

(2) In recognizing Members, the relevant Chairman shall, to

the extent practicable, give preference to the Members on the

basis of their arrival at the hearing, taking into

consideration the majority and minority ratio of the Members

actually present. A Member desiring to speak or ask a

question shall address the relevant Chairman and not the

witness.

(3) Subject to paragraph (4), each Member may interrogate

the witness for 5 minutes, the reply of the witness being

included in the 5-minute period. After all Members have had

an opportunity to ask questions, the round shall begin again

under the 5-minute rule.

(4) Notwithstanding paragraph (3), the relevant Chairman,

with the concurrence of the Ranking Minority Member, may

permit one (1) or more majority Members of the Committee

designated by the relevant Chairman to question a witness for

a specified period of not longer than 30 minutes. On such

occasions, an equal number of minority Members of the

Committee designated by the Ranking Minority Member shall be

permitted to question the same witness for the same period of

time. Committee staff may be permitted to question a witness

for equal specified periods either with the concurrence of

the Chairman and Ranking Minority Member of the full

Committee or by motion. However, in no case may questioning

by Committee staff proceed before each Member of the

Committee who wishes to speak under the 5-minute rule has had

one opportunity to do so.

(b) Testimony of Witnesses

(1) Advance Filing Requirement. Each witness who is to

appear before the Committee or a subcommittee is required to

file testimony with the Committee or subcommittee at least

two (2) business days in advance of that appearance. For

purposes of this subsection, testimony includes the written

statement of a witness, as well as any video, photographs,

audio-visual matter, posters, or other supporting materials

that the witness intends to present or display before the

Committee. Such testimony should be provided in electronic

form to the extent practicable. The Committee or subcommittee

shall notify Members at least two business days in advance of

a hearing of the availability of testimony submitted by

witnesses. In addition, each witness shall provide sufficient

copies, as determined by the Chairman of the full Committee

or a subcommittee, of his or her proposed written statement

to be provided to Members and staff of the Committee or

subcommittee, the news media, and the general public. The

text of the written statement provided pursuant to this

paragraph shall be considered final, and may not be revised

by the witness after the Committee meeting at which the

witness appears.

(2) Witness Preclusion and Waiver. The requirements of

paragraph (1) or any part thereof may be waived by the

Chairman of the full Committee or a subcommittee, or the

presiding Member, or the Ranking Member of the Committee or

subcommittee as it relates to witnesses who are called by the

minority to testify, provided that the witness or the

relevant Chairman or Ranking Minority Member has submitted,

prior to the witness's appearance, a written explanation to

the reasons testimony has not been made available to the

Committee or subcommittee. If a witness who is not an

official of the U.S. Government has not submitted testimony

as required by paragraph (1) and no such written explanation

has been submitted, the witness shall be released from

testifying unless a majority of the Committee or subcommittee

votes to accept his or her testimony.

(3) Remote Witness Participation. The Chairman of the full

Committee or a subcommittee shall promptly, and not later

than 48 hours beforehand if possible, notify the relevant

Ranking Member of any witness who is likely to present

testimony other than in person, such as by video conference.

A witness may not testify via telephone or other audio-only

medium without the concurrence of the Chairman and Ranking

Member of the Committee or subcommittee. The relevant

Chairman shall make reasonable efforts to verify the identity

of any witness participating remotely.

(4) `Truth In Testimony' Disclosure. In the case of a

witness appearing in a nongovernmental capacity, a written

statement of proposed testimony shall, to the extent

practicable, include a curriculum vitae and a disclosure of

the amount and source (by agency and program) of any Federal

grant (or sub grant thereof) or contract (or subcontract

thereof) received during the current fiscal year or either

of the two previous fiscal years by the witness or by an

entity represented by the witness, to the extent that such

information is relevant to the subject matter of, and the

witness' representational capacity at, the hearing. Such

statements, with appropriate redactions to protect the

privacy of the witness, shall be made publicly available

in electronic form not later than one day after the

witness appears.

(5) Witness Presentation. A witness shall limit his or her

oral presentation to a brief summary of his or her written

statement.

(6) Translation. A witness requiring an interpreter or

translator should include in the testimony provided pursuant

to paragraph (1) the identity of the interpreter or

translator that the witness intends to use. Unless properly

noticed as a separate witness, an interpreter or translator

appearing before the Committee should not present views or

statements other than those expressed by the witness.

(c) Oaths. The Chairman of the full Committee or a

subcommittee, or any Member of the Committee designated by

the relevant Chairman, may administer oaths to any witness

appearing before the Committee.

7. Preparation and Maintenance of Committee Records

An accurate stenographic record shall be made of all

hearings and markup sessions. Members of the Committee and

any witness may examine the transcript of his or her own

remarks and may-make any grammatical or technical changes

that do not substantively alter the record. Any such Member

or witness shall return the transcript to the Committee

offices within fourteen (14) calendar days (not including

Saturdays, Sundays, and legal holidays) after receipt of the

transcript, or as soon thereafter as is practicable.

Any information supplied for the record at the request of a

Member of the Committee shall be provided to the Member when

received by the Committee.

Transcripts of hearings and markup sessions (except for the

record of a meeting or hearing which is closed to the public)

shall be printed as soon as is practicable after receipt of

the corrected versions, except that the Chairman may order

the transcript of a hearing to be printed without the

corrections of a Member or witness if the Chairman determines

that such Member or witness has been afforded a reasonable

time to correct such transcript and such transcript has not

been returned within such time.

The records of the Committee at the National Archives and

Records Administration shall be made available for public use

in accordance with rule VII of the House of Representatives.

The Chairman shall notify the Ranking Minority Member of any

decision, pursuant to clause 3(b)(3) or clause 4(b) of the

rule, to withhold a record otherwise available, and the

matter shall be presented to the Committee for a

determination on the written request of any Member of the

Committee.

The Committee shall, to the maximum extent feasible, make

its publications available in electronic form.

8. Extraneous Materials in Committee Hearings Prints

No extraneous material shall be printed in either the body

or appendices of any Committee or subcommittee hearing,

except matter which has been accepted for inclusion in the

record during the hearing or by agreement of the Chairman of

the full Committee or a subcommittee and Ranking Minority

Member of the Committee or subcommittee within five (5)

calendar days of the hearing. Copies of bills and other

legislation under consideration and responses to written

questions submitted by Members shall not be considered

extraneous material.

Extraneous material in either the body or appendices of any

hearing to be printed which would be in excess of eight (8)

printed pages (for any one submission) shall be accompanied

by a written request to the relevant Chairman. Such written

request shall contain an estimate in writing from the Public

Printer of the probable cost of publishing such material.

9. Information on Committee Action

(a) Record Votes. The result of each record vote in any

meeting of the Committee outside of executive session shall

be made publicly available in electronic form within 48 hours

of such record vote. Such result shall include a description

of the amendment, motion, order, or other proposition, the

name of each Member voting for and against, and the Members

present but not voting.

(b) Adopted Amendments. Not later than 24 hours after the

adoption of any amendment to a measure or matter considered

by the Committee, the text of each such amendment shall be

made publicly available in electronic form.

(c) Hearing and Markup Attendance. Member attendance at

each Committee hearing and markup shall be recorded and

included in the Committee print of the transcript of that

hearing or markup.

10. Proxies

Proxy voting is not permitted in the Committee or in

subcommittees.

11. Reports

(a) Reports on Bills and Resolutions. To the extent

practicable, not later than 24 hours before a report is to be

filed with the Clerk of the House on a measure that has been

ordered reported by the Committee, the Chairman shall make

available for inspection by all Members of the Committee a

copy of the draft Committee report in order to afford Members

adequate information and the opportunity to draft and file

any supplemental, minority or additional views which they may

deem appropriate.

With respect to each record vote on a motion to report any

measure or matter of a public character, and on any amendment

offered to the measure or matter, the total

number of votes cast for and against, and the names of those

Members voting for and against, shall be included in any

Committee report on the measure or matter.

(b) Prior Approval of Certain Reports. No Committee,

subcommittee, or staff report, study, or other document which

purports to express publicly the views, findings,

conclusions, or recommendations of the Committee or a

subcommittee may be released to the public or filed with the

Clerk of the House unless approved by a majority of the

Committee or subcommittee, as appropriate. A proposed

investigative or oversight report shall be considered as read

if it has been available to Members of the Committee for at

least 24 hours (excluding Saturdays, Sundays, or legal

holidays except when the House is in session on such a day).

In any case in which clause 2(1) of rule XI and clause

3(a)(1) of rule XIII of the House of Representatives does not

apply, each Member of the Committee or subcommittee shall be

given an opportunity to have views or a disclaimer included

as part of the material filed or released, as the case may

be.

(c) Foreign Travel Reports. At the same time that the

report required by clause 8(b)(3) of rule X of the House of

Representatives, regarding foreign travel reports, is

submitted to the Chairman, Members and employees of the

Committee shall provide a report to the Chairman listing all

official meetings, interviews, inspection tours and other

official functions in which the individual participated, by

country and date. Under extraordinary circumstances, the

Chairman may waive the listing in such report of an official

meeting, interview, inspection tour, or other official

function. The report shall be maintained in the Committee

offices and shall be available for public inspection during

normal business hours. Except in extraordinary circumstances,

no Member or employee of the Committee will be authorized for

additional Committee travel until the reports described in

this subsection have been submitted to the Chairman for that

person's prior Committee travel.

12. Reporting Bills and Resolutions

Except in extraordinary circumstances, bills and

resolutions will not be considered by the Committee unless

and until the appropriate subcommittee has recommended the

bill or resolution for Committee action, and will not be

taken to the House of Representatives for action unless and

until the Committee or a relevant subcommittee has ordered

reported such bill or resolution, a quorum being present.

Except in extraordinary circumstances, a bill or resolution

originating in the House of Representatives that contains

exclusively findings and policy declarations or expressions

of the sense of the House of Representatives or the sense of

the Congress shall not be considered by the Committee or a

subcommittee unless such bill or resolution has at least 25

House co-sponsors, at least 10 of whom are Members of the

Committee.

For purposes of this rule, extraordinary circumstances will

be determined by the Chairman, after consultation with the

Ranking Minority Member and such other Members of the

Committee as the Chairman deems appropriate.

The Committee or a subcommittee shall not consider a bill

or resolution originating in the House of Representatives

that expresses appreciation, commends, congratulates,

celebrates, recognizes the accomplishments of, or celebrates

the anniversary of, an entity, event, group, individual,

institution, team, or government program, or that

acknowledges or recognizes a period of time for such

purposes, except in circumstances determined by the Chairman

with the concurrence of the Ranking Minority Member.

The Chairman is directed to offer a motion under clause 1

of rule XXII of the Rules of the House whenever the Chairman

considers it appropriate.

13. staff services

The Committee staff shall be selected and organized so that

it can provide a comprehensive range of professional services

in the field of foreign affairs to the Committee, the

subcommittees, and all its Members. The staff shall include

persons with training and experience in foreign affairs,

making available to the Committee individuals with knowledge

of major countries, areas, and U.S. overseas programs and

operations.

Subject to clause 9 of rule X of the House of

Representatives, the staff of the Committee, except as

provided in paragraph (c), shall be appointed, and may be

removed, by the Chairman with the approval of the majority of

the Members in the majority party of the Committee. Their

remuneration shall be fixed by the Chairman, and they shall

work under the general supervision and direction of the

Chairman. Staff assignments are to be authorized by the

Chairman or by the Staff Director under the direction of the

Chairman.

Subject to clause 9 of rule X of the House of

Representatives, the staff of the Committee assigned to the

minority shall be appointed, their remuneration determined,

and may be removed, by the Ranking Minority Member with the

approval of the majority of the minority party Members of the

Committee. No minority staff person shall be compensated at a

rate which exceeds that paid his or her majority staff

counterpart. Such staff shall work under the general

supervision and direction of the Ranking Minority Member with

the approval or consultation of the minority Members of the

Committee.

The Chairman shall ensure that sufficient staff is made

available to each subcommittee to carry out its

responsibilities under the rules of the Committee. The

Chairman shall ensure that the minority party is fairly

treated in the appointment of such staff.

14. number and jurisdiction of subcommittees

(a) Full Committee. The full Committee will be responsible

for oversight and legislation relating to: foreign assistance

(including development assistance, Millennium Challenge

Corporation, the Millennium Challenge Account, HIV/AIDS in

foreign countries, security assistance, and Public Law 480

programs abroad); national security developments affecting

foreign policy; strategic planning and agreements; war

powers, treaties, executive agreements, and the deployment

and use of United States Armed Forces; peacekeeping, peace

enforcement, and enforcement of United Nations or other

international sanctions; arms control and disarmament issues;

the United States Agency for International Development;

activities and policies of the State, Commerce, and Defense

Departments and other agencies related to the Arms Export

Control Act and the Foreign Assistance Act, including export

and licensing policy for munitions items and technology and

dual-use equipment and technology; international law;

promotion of democracy; international law enforcement issues,

including narcotics control programs and activities;

Broadcasting Board of Governors; embassy security;

international broadcasting; public diplomacy, including

international communication and information policy, and

international education and exchange programs; and all other

matters not specifically assigned to a subcommittee. The full

Committee will have jurisdiction over legislation with

respect to the administration of the Export Administration

Act, including the export and licensing of dual-use equipment

and technology and other matters related to international

economic policy and trade not otherwise assigned to a

subcommittee, and with respect to the United Nations, its

affiliated agencies, and other international organizations,

including assessed and voluntary contributions to such

organizations. The full Committee may conduct oversight and

investigations with respect to any matter within the

jurisdiction of the Committee as defined in the Rules of the

House of Representatives.

(b) Subcommittees. There shall be six (6) standing

subcommittees. The names and jurisdiction of those

subcommittees shall be as follows:

(1) Functional Subcommittee. There shall be one

subcommittee with functional jurisdiction:

Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade:

Oversight and legislative responsibilities over the United

States' efforts to manage and coordinate international

programs to combat terrorism as coordinated by the Department

of State and other agencies, and efforts to bring

international terrorists to justice. With the concurrence of

the Chairman of the full Committee, oversight of, and

legislation pertaining to, nonproliferation matters involving

nuclear, chemical, biological and other weapons of mass

destruction, except for legislation involving the Foreign

Assistance Act, the Arms Export Control Act, the Export

Administration Act, and sanctions laws pertaining to

individual countries and the provision of foreign assistance

(which is reserved to the full Committee). Oversight of

matters relating to international economic and trade policy;

commerce with foreign countries; international investment

policy; the Overseas Private Investment Corporation and the

Trade and Development Agency; commodity agreements; and

special oversight of international financial and monetary

institutions; the Export-Import Bank, and customs. With the

concurrence of the Chairman of the full Committee,

legislative jurisdiction over measures related to export

promotion and measures related to the Overseas Private

Investment Corporation and the Trade and Development Agency.

(2) Regional Subcommittees. There shall be five

subcommittees with regional jurisdiction: the Subcommittee on

Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International

Organizations; the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific; the

Subcommittee on Europe, Eurasia, and Emerging Threats; the

Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa; and the

Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere. As detailed below,

two of the regional subcommittees also shall have functional

jurisdiction.

The regional subcommittees shall have jurisdiction over the

following within their respective regions:

(1) Matters affecting the political relations between the

United States and other countries and regions, including

resolutions or other legislative measures directed to such

relations.

(2) Legislation with respect to disaster assistance outside

the Foreign Assistance Act, boundary issues, and

international claims.

(3) Legislation with respect to region- or country-specific

loans or other financial relations outside the Foreign

Assistance Act.

(4) Legislation and oversight regarding human rights

practices in particular countries.

(5) Oversight of regional lending institutions.

(6) Oversight of matters related to the regional activities

of the United Nations, of its

affiliated agencies, and of other multilateral institutions.

(7) Identification and development of options for meeting

future problems and issues relating to U.S. interests in the

region.

(8) Oversight of base rights and other facilities access

agreements and regional security pacts.

(9) Concurrent oversight jurisdiction with respect to

matters assigned to the functional subcommittees insofar as

they may affect the region.

(10) Oversight of foreign assistance activities affecting

the region, with the concurrence of the Chairman of the full

Committee.

(11) Such other matters as the Chairman of the full

Committee may determine.

The Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human

Rights, and International Organizations: In addition to its

regional jurisdiction, oversight of: international health

issues, including transboundary infectious diseases, maternal

health and child survival, and programs related to the global

ability to address health issues; population issues; the

United Nations and its affiliated agencies (excluding

peacekeeping and enforcement of United Nations or other

international sanctions); international cultural and

educational programs and exchanges; the American Red Cross;

and the Peace Corps. In addition, legislation and oversight

pertaining to: implementation of the Universal Declaration of

Human Rights; other matters relating to internationally-

recognized human rights, including legislation aimed at the

promotion of human rights and democracy generally; and the

Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child

Abduction, and related issues.

The Subcommittee on Europe, Eurasia, and Emerging Threats:

In addition to its regional jurisdiction, with the

concurrence of the Chairman of the full Committee, oversight

related to emerging foreign threats to the national security

and interests of the United States.

15. powers and duties of subcommittees

(a) In General. Each subcommittee is authorized to meet,

hold hearings, receive evidence, and report to the full

Committee on all matters referred to it.

(b) Scheduling. Subcommittee chairmen shall set meeting

dates after consultation with the Chairman, other

subcommittee chairmen, the relevant Ranking Minority Member

and other appropriate Members, with a view toward minimizing

scheduling conflicts. It shall be the practice of the

Committee that meetings of subcommittees not be scheduled to

occur simultaneously with meetings of the full Committee. In

order to ensure orderly administration and fair assignment of

hearing and meeting rooms, the subject, time, and location of

hearings and meetings shall be arranged in advance with the

Chairman through the Staff Director of the Committee.

(c) Vice Chairmen. The Chairman of the Full Committee shall

designate a Member of the majority party on each subcommittee

as its vice chairman.

(d) Participation. The Chairman of the full Committee and

the Ranking Minority Member may attend the meetings and

participate in the activities of all subcommittees of which

they are not Members, except that they may not vote or be

counted for a quorum in such subcommittees.

(e) Required Oversight Hearings. During each 180-day period

following organization of the Committee, each subcommittee

shall hold at least one hearing on oversight of U.S.

Government activities.

16. referral of bills by chairman

In accordance with rule 14 of the Committee and to the

extent practicable, all legislation and other matters

referred to the Committee shall be referred by the Chairman

to a subcommittee of primary jurisdiction within two (2)

weeks. In accordance with rule 14 of the Committee,

legislation may also be referred to additional subcommittees

for consideration. Unless otherwise directed by the Chairman,

such subcommittees shall act on or be discharged from

consideration of legislation that has been approved by the

subcommittee of primary jurisdiction within two (2) weeks of

such action. In referring any legislation to a subcommittee,

the Chairman may specify a date by which the subcommittee

shall report thereon to the full Committee.

Subcommittees with regional jurisdiction shall have joint

jurisdiction with the Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health,

Global Human Rights, and International Organizations over

legislation regarding human rights practices in particular

countries within their regions.

The Chairman may designate a subcommittee Chairman or other

Member to take responsibility as manager of a bill or

resolution during its consideration in the House of

Representatives.

17. party ratios on subcommittees and conference committees

The majority party caucus of the Committee shall determine

an appropriate ratio of majority to minority party Members

for each subcommittee. Party representation on each

subcommittee or conference committee shall be no less

favorable to the majority party than the ratio for the full

Committee. The Chairman and the Ranking Minority Member are

authorized to negotiate matters affecting such ratios

including the size of subcommittees and conference

committees.

18. subcommittee funding and records

Each subcommittee shall have adequate funds to discharge

its responsibility for legislation and oversight.

In order to facilitate Committee compliance with clause

2(e)(1) of rule XI of the House of Representatives, each

subcommittee shall keep a complete record of all subcommittee

actions which shall include a record of the votes on any

question on which a record vote is demanded.

The result of each record vote shall be promptly made

available to the full Committee for inspection by the public

in accordance with rule 9 of the Committee.

All subcommittee hearings, records, data, charts, and files

shall be kept distinct from the congressional office records

of the Member serving as Chairman of the subcommittee.

Subcommittee records shall be coordinated with the records of

the full Committee, shall be the property of the House, and

all Members of the House shall have access thereto.

19. meetings of subcommittee chairmen

The Chairman shall call a meeting of the subcommittee

chairmen on a regular basis not less frequently than once a

month. Such a meeting need not be held if there is no

business to conduct. It shall be the practice at such

meetings to review the current agenda and activities of each

of the subcommittees.

20. access to classified information

(a) Authorized Persons. In accordance with the stipulations

of the Rules of the House of Representatives, all Members of

the House who have executed the oath required by clause 13 of

rule XXIII of the House of Representatives shall be

authorized to have access to classified information within

the possession of the Committee.

Members of the Committee staff shall be considered

authorized to have access to classified information within

the possession of the Committee when they have the proper

security clearances, when they have executed the oath

required by clause 13 of rule XXIII of the House of

Representatives, and when they have a demonstrable need to

know. The decision on whether a given staff member has a need

to know will be made on the following basis:

(1) In the case of the full Committee majority staff, by

the Chairman, acting through the Staff Director;

(2) In the case of the full Committee minority staff, by

the Ranking Minority Member of the Committee, acting through

the Minority Staff Director;

(3) In the case of subcommittee majority staff, by the

chairman of the subcommittee;

(4) In the case of the subcommittee minority staff, by the

Ranking Minority Member of the subcommittee.

No other individuals shall be considered authorized

persons, unless so designated by the Chairman of the full

Committee.

(b) Designated Persons. Each Committee Member is permitted

to designate one member of his or her staff as having the

right of access to information classified Confidential. Such

designated persons must have the proper security clearance,

have executed the oath required by clause 13 of rule XXIII of

the House of Representatives, and have a need to know as

determined by his or her principal. Upon request of a

Committee Member in specific instances, a designated person

also shall be permitted access to information classified

Secret which has been furnished to the Committee pursuant to

section 36 of the Arms Export Control Act, as amended. Upon

the written request of a Committee Member and with the

approval of the Chairman in specific instances, a designated

person may be permitted access to other classified materials.

Designation of a staff person shall be by letter from the

Committee Member to the Chairman.

(c) Location. Classified information will be stored in

secure safes in the Office of the Security Officer and in the

Office of the Minority Staff Director. All materials

classified Top Secret or higher must be stored in a Secure

Compartmentalized Information Facility (SCIF).

(d) Handling. Materials classified Confidential or Secret

may be taken from Committee offices to other Committee

offices and hearing rooms by Members of the Committee and

authorized Committee staff in connection with hearings and

briefings of the Committee or its subcommittees for which

such information is deemed to be essential. Removal of such

information from the Committee offices shall be only with the

permission of the Chairman under procedures designed to

ensure the safe handling and storage of such information at

all times. Except as provided in this paragraph, Top Secret

materials may not be taken from approved storage areas for

any purpose, except that such materials may be taken to

hearings and other meetings that are being conducted at the

Top Secret level when necessary. Materials classified Top

Secret may otherwise be used under conditions approved by the

Chairman after consultation with the Ranking Minority Member.

(e) Notice. Appropriate notice of the receipt of classified

documents received by the Committee from the Executive Branch

will be sent promptly to Committee Members through the Survey

of Activities or by other means.

(f) Access. Except as provided for above, access to

materials classified Top Secret or otherwise restricted held

by the Committee will be in approved Committee spaces. The

following procedures will be observed:

(1) Authorized persons will be permitted access to

classified documents after inquiring of the Staff Director or

an assigned staff

member. Access to the SCIF will be afforded during regular

Committee hours.

(2) Authorized persons will be required to identify

themselves, to identify the documents or information they

wish to view, and to sign the Classified Materials Log, which

is kept with the classified information.

(3) The assigned staff member will be responsible for

maintaining a log which identifies: (1) authorized persons

seeking access, (2) the classified information requested, and

(3) the time of arrival and departure of such persons. The

assigned staff member will also assure that the classified

materials are returned to the proper location.

(g) Divulgence. Classified information provided to the

Committee by the Executive Branch shall be handled in

accordance with the procedures that apply within the

Executive Branch for the protection of such information. Any

classified information to which access has been gained

through the Committee may not be divulged to any unauthorized

person. Classified material shall not be photocopied or

otherwise reproduced. In no event shall classified

information be discussed in a non-secure environment.

Apparent violations of this rule should be reported as

promptly as possible to the Chairman for appropriate action.

(h) Other Regulations. The Chairman, after consultation

with the Ranking Minority Member, may establish such

additional regulations and procedures as in his judgment may

be necessary to safeguard classified information under the

control of the Committee. Members of the Committee will be

given notice of any such regulations and procedures promptly.

They may be modified or waived in any or all particulars by a

majority vote of the full Committee.

21. broadcasting of committee hearings and meetings

All Committee and subcommittee meetings or hearings which

are open to the public may be covered, in whole or in part,

by television broadcast, radio broadcast, and still

photography, or by any such methods of coverage in accordance

with the provisions of clause 3 of House rule XI.

The Chairman of the full Committee or a subcommittee shall

determine, in his or her discretion, the number of television

and still cameras permitted in a hearing or meeting room, but

shall not limit the number of television or still cameras to

fewer than two (2) representatives from each medium.

Such coverage shall be in accordance with the following

requirements contained in section 116(b) of the Legislative

Reorganization Act of 1970, and clause 4 of XI of the Rules

of the House of Representatives:

(a) If the television, Internet or radio coverage of the

hearing or meeting is to be presented to the public as live

coverage, that coverage shall be conducted and presented

without commercial sponsorship.

(b) No witness served with a subpoena by the Committee

shall be required against his will to be photographed at any

hearing or to give evidence or testimony while the

broadcasting of that hearing, by radio or television is being

conducted. At the request of any such witness who does not

wish to be subjected to radio, television, Internet or still

photography coverage, all lenses shall be covered and all

microphones used for coverage turned off. This subparagraph

is supplementary to clause 2(k)(5) of rule XI of the Rules of

the House of Representatives relating to the protection of

the rights of witnesses.

(c) The allocation among cameras permitted by the Chairman

of the full Committee or a subcommittee in a hearing room

shall be in accordance with fair and equitable procedures

devised by the Executive Committee of the Radio and

Television Correspondents' Galleries.

(d) Television cameras shall be placed so as not to

obstruct in any way the space between any witness giving

evidence or testimony and Member of the Committee or its

subcommittees or the visibility of that witness and that

Member to each other.

(e) Television cameras shall operate from fixed positions

but shall not be placed in positions which obstruct

unnecessarily the coverage of the hearing by the other media.

(f) Equipment necessary for coverage by the television and

radio media shall not be installed in, or removed from, the

hearing or meeting room while the Committee or subcommittee

is in session.

(g) Floodlights, spotlights, strobe lights, and flashguns

shall not be used in providing any method of coverage of the

hearing or meeting, except that the television media may

install additional lighting in the hearing room, without cost

to the Government, in order to raise the ambient lighting

level in the hearing room to the lowest level necessary to

provide adequate television coverage of the hearing or

meeting at the current state-of-the-art level of television

coverage.

(h) In the allocation of the number of still photographers

permitted by the Chairman of the full Committee or a

subcommittee in a hearing or meeting room, preference shall

be given to photographers from Associated Press Photos,

United Press International News pictures, and Reuters. If

requests are made by more of the media than will be permitted

by the Chairman of the full Committee or a subcommittee for

coverage of the hearing or meeting by still photography, that

coverage shall be made on the basis of a fair and equitable

pool arrangement devised by the Standing Committee of Press

Photographers.

(i) Photographers shall not position themselves, at any

time during the course of the hearing or meeting, between the

witness table and the Members of the Committee or its

subcommittees.

(j) Photographers shall not place themselves in positions

which obstruct unnecessarily the coverage of the hearing by

the other media.

(k) Personnel providing coverage by the television and

radio media shall be currently accredited to the Radio and

Television Correspondents' Galleries.

(l) Personnel providing coverage by still photography shall

be currently accredited to the Press Photographers' Gallery

Committee of Press Photographers.

(m) Personnel providing coverage by the television and

radio media and by still photography shall conduct themselves

and their coverage activities in an orderly and unobtrusive

manner.

22. Subpoena Powers

A subpoena may be authorized and issued by the Chairman, in

accordance with clause 2(m) of rule XI of the House of

Representatives, in the conduct of any investigation or

activity or series of investigations or activities within the

jurisdiction of the Committee, following consultation with

the Ranking Minority Member.

In addition, a subpoena may be authorized and issued by the

Committee or its subcommittees in accordance with clause 2(m)

of rule XI of the House of the Representatives, in the

conduct of any investigation or activity or series of

investigations or activities, when authorized by a majority

of the Members voting, a majority of the Committee or

subcommittee being present.

Authorized subpoenas shall be signed by the Chairman or by

any Member designated by the Committee.

23. Recommendation for Appointment of Conferees

Whenever the Speaker is to appoint a conference committee,

the Chairman shall recommend to the Speaker as conferees

those Members of the Committee who are primarily responsible

for the legislation (including to the full extent practicable

the principal proponents of the major provisions of the bill

as it passed the House), who have actively participated in

the Committee or subcommittee consideration of the

legislation, and who agree to attend the meetings of the

conference. With regard to the appointment of minority

Members, the Chairman shall consult with the Ranking Minority

Member.

24. General Oversight

Not later than February 15th of the first session of a

Congress, the Committee shall meet in open session, with a

quorum present, to adopt its oversight plans for that

Congress for submission to the Committee on House

Administration and the Committee on Oversight and Government

Reform, in accordance with the provisions of clause 2(d) of

rule X of the House of Representatives.

In accordance with the provisions of clause 2(n) of rule XI

of the House of Representatives, the Committee or a

subcommittee thereof shall hold at least one hearing during

each 120-day period following its establishment on the topic

of waste, fraud, abuse, or mismanagement in programs within

its jurisdiction, as documented in reports received from a

Federal Office of the Inspector General or the Comptroller

General of the United States that have been provided to the

Ranking Minority Member prior to the notice of the hearing

pursuant to Committee rule 5.

25. Other Procedures and Regulations

The Chairman, in consultation with the Ranking Minority

Member, may establish such other procedures and take such

actions as may be necessary to carry out the foregoing rules

or to facilitate the effective operation of the Committee.

Any additional procedures or regulations may be modified or

rescinded in any or all particulars by a majority vote of the

full Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I think what gets lost in the 30-second sound bites on the fiscal cliff is the real cliff facing this country in the form of a massive wave of entitlement obligations.

Government accounting doesn't tell the whole story. The actual liabilities of the Federal Government, the present value of Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security programs already exceed $86 trillion. By 2040, our entitlement obligations will consume all of the average postwar projected tax revenue. We have to come to grips with that.

That means every dollar collected by the IRS would go to pay Social Security, Medicare, or Medicaid, without reforms. We will have to go out and borrow to pay for other spending should that happen. It is unfortunate that the President wasn't willing to engage on this front, and it is unfortunate that the Senate leader continues to deny the crisis.

On the day of new year's resolutions, let's hope Senator Reid and President Obama resolve to be honest about the crisis our Nation faces with the coming wave of entitlement obligations, making these programs solvent, and reining in these trillion dollar deficits, which every economist will tell you is unsustainable. This must be done in 2013.

Without the legislation before us today, without this bill, millions of Americans would see their tax rates go up, and that would provide a systemic shock to our already weak economy. This plan that we're about to vote on locks in a reduced tax rate for middle class families who otherwise would have seen $3,000 in higher taxes on average. It permanently holds down the death tax, which impacts so many small businesses. It permanently protects the middle class from the alternative minimum tax, and it adjusts that for inflation.

The plan does away with a new entitlement program created in ObamaCare, and it makes permanent a 15 percent capital gains and dividends rate for income up to $400,000 for singles, $450,000 for married couples, and a 20 percent rate for those above. That rate would have gone to 39.6 percent for dividends. That would have been very injurious for our capital markets. That would be very injurious for economic growth if we allowed that to happen.

Tax relief has been achieved. Now is the time for the President to work with Congress to address government overspending, the underlying problem.