Ukraine And Iran
Mr. Speaker, I think this is a good time to reflect on a couple of things. One is certainly Iran. The other is certainly Ukraine. I think that the American people obviously have a very important stake in what is going on in both countries.…
Mr. Speaker, I think this is a good time to reflect on a couple of things. One is certainly Iran. The other is certainly Ukraine.
I think that the American people obviously have a very important stake in what is going on in both countries. In Ukraine, in Kiev, we see people marching for freedom, demanding the kinds of freedoms that we, in the United States, are used to, the freedoms that we hold so dear in our country; and we saw the people initially being countered by brutal police attacks on them.
But you know, Mr. Speaker, the right prevailed, and the people in the streets won, and they clearly said that they don't want to have Russian domination; but, instead, they want to look toward the West, rather than look East.
The European Union has been negotiating with Ukraine for some time, and their president, now deposed, said that he would rather work with Russia into the Russian Customs Union, which is sort of, in my opinion, a rekindling of the old Soviet Union. That angered many people in Ukraine, and they took to the streets.
I hope that the European Union continues to make overtures to Ukraine. I think now is a very, very critical moment, in that the United States has a role to play with our European allies, to try to tell the people of Ukraine that we would like them to look Westward and that, in looking Westward, there will be opportunities for their country.
I am concerned that if there are too many stringent rules and regulations put up before a country can affiliate with the EU--and at the same time, Putin is saying here are these billions and billions of dollars, which makes it seem like it is a lot easier to go with Putin.
This is one of those rare visceral moments where I think action by the United States and our allies in the European Union will make the difference for generations to come; and I would hope that we would deal with Ukraine in a benevolent manner, so that they would be able to say: yes, we want to look Westward, and it is going to help our economy, it is going to help our people.
There are serious problems in Ukraine. Their economy is in shambles. And, of course, there has been a total lack of freedom and democracy, and the people of Ukraine demand no less.
I think that Secretary Kerry was absolutely right and the President was absolutely right in telling Russian President Putin that he had better think twice before he considers any kind of military intervention in Ukraine.
That is not something that can be or should be tolerated, and Russia must understand that it cannot be business
as usual, that if they make any military moves into Ukraine, it is going to cost them a great deal in their relationships with the United States and with our European allies in the European Union.
It can't be business as usual--which leads me to Iran. We are in very delicate negotiations with Iran right now. The one thing that everybody in the P5+1 agrees on is that, at the end of the day, Iran must not be allowed to have a nuclear weapon.
I have been very critical of the Iranian regime through the years and continue to be so. What irks me especially is that, while they are negotiating with us, they are continuing to wreak havoc in all different parts of the world. Iran remains the leading supporter of terrorism throughout the world.
In fact, if we look just next door into Syria--and we know the Syrian civil war is a real mess. We have jihadists pouring into that country, even more so than they poured into Iraq at the height of the Iraq war. We have all kinds of foreign fighters.
Assad was on the verge of being kicked out of power by his own people. He was losing the civil war. We had the Free Syrian Army, who are the people who really are for democracy in Syria, and Assad was losing that war.
Then what happened, Mr. Speaker, Iran unleashed its proxy--its terrorist proxy--Hezbollah into Syria; and Hezbollah entered the war in Syria on the side of Assad; and that turned the war, unfortunately, to Assad's favor.
So now, we are in a position where Assad doesn't want to negotiate, doesn't want to sue for peace, certainly doesn't want to negotiate his own exit from power in Syria, which we all thought was imminent just a few months ago; and he feels he has the upper hand because his ally, Iran, has changed the course of the war in there by unleashing their proxy, Hezbollah, a terrorist group, to fight on the side of Assad.
So Assad has essentially become an Iranian puppet in his own country, and that is Iran continuing to do all kinds of mischief while they are negotiating with us, ostensibly, so that they would not be allowed to have a nuclear weapon at the end of the day.
We know that the Israelis have taken matters into their own hands, and when they see weapons are being transferred to Hezbollah, they will do what they need to do to protect their own security.
So I think--the way Putin must understand that he cannot have it both ways, I think that the Iranians need to understand that as well. Iran must not be allowed to have a nuclear weapon. They are a theocracy, and I think that we all believe that their having nuclear weapons would cause a proliferation of nuclear weapons all throughout the area, the Middle East.
Certainly, if Iran were to have a nuclear weapon--and that must not happen--Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, so many other countries would feel the need as well to get nuclear weapons; and we would start a chain of events that--who knows how it would end? So I believe that we have to be very, very crystal-clear.
I hope that these negotiations of the P5+1 with Iran bear fruit, but I think Iran must understand that we are not backing off, we are not going back, that nothing short of their not being able to produce a nuclear weapon is acceptable; and Iran must dismantle its nuclear weapons program.
That is not something that just the United States wants. That is something that the negotiations are really and truly all about.
I have said before that it troubles me that, while we are negotiating with Iran, Iran continues to enrich uranium. It would seem to me that if Iran had good intentions, it would at least understand that if the purpose of the negotiations is that, at the end of it, Iran would not be allowed to have a nuclear weapon, then it didn't seem so great for me to say to Iran, while we are negotiating, while we are talking, and while we are talking about you not having a nuclear weapon, you need to stop enriching while the talks are going on.
Now, Iran refused to do that because they wanted a loosening even further of sanctions if they were to stop enriching, and to me, it shows a malevolent intent on the part of Iran.
So I just think that, in our negotiations, we have to be resolute, and we have to be clear that, at the end of the day, Iran must not be allowed to have a nuclear weapon. At the end of the day, Iran must dismantle its program, and at the end of the day, we have to make sure that there is no light between us in terms of the P5+1 and that we are all demanding the same thing from Iran.
I think that we are united on this. I believe that everyone understands that, for Iran to have a nuclear weapon, it is totally and absolutely unacceptable.
The United States has many interests in the Middle East; and I think it is very important that we work closely together with our partners-- Israel, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, United Arab Emirates, and others who also believe very strongly that Iran must never be allowed to have a nuclear weapon.
So, Mr. Speaker, I think it is important, as these negotiations are going on, that we set these parameters and that Iran must understand that it is unacceptable for them to have a nuclear weapon.
We may have negotiations. They may have a new president. He may be a little softer than the previous president; but let's remember, he was allowed to run in the Iranian elections, and that means that, as moderate as some people would like to believe he might be, six hard- liners were allowed to run.
He may be the most moderate of all the hard-liners, but he is hardly a moderate. All the moderates were disallowed to run for office, and the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei clearly calls the shots.
So everything is very delicate, and we hope and pray that these negotiations work well. I support the negotiations. I support the administration. But the bottom line, again, is that Iran must never be allowed to have a nuclear weapon.
I see that our minority whip is here, and I would like to invite him to join me.
(Mr. HOYER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)