Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself as much time as I may consume. Mr. Chairman, I rise today to offer an amendment that would require that the cybersecurity strategic research and development plan…
Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself as much time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, I rise today to offer an amendment that would require that the cybersecurity strategic research and development plan to also include how we can work with international partners to make our technology infrastructure even safer.
Throughout most of our Nation's history, our security concerns have evolved around our national security of military security, intelligence, and protection of our borders. Now, over the past few decades, our technological advances and our ever-increasing reliance on that technology are increasingly important and have drastically expanded. This, naturally, makes our technology a likely target for attack by those that would like to harm the United States.
Furthermore, as Minnesota's Chief Information Officer, Gopal Khanna, says, ``Cybersecurity is not just a Federal issue; it is also a national policy issue with huge global ramifications.'' And he is absolutely correct, Mr. Chairman. We must view the issue of cybersecurity from both a domestic and a foreign perspective. His article, ``Mutually Assured Survival in Cyber Space,'' which I do intend to offer into the Record, outlines the critical importance of our Nation's cybersecurity infrastructure.
As Mr. Khanna states, a cybersecurity attack on our most vulnerable assets--that's the data and information that power our productivity and support the United States and global economies--will be utterly devastating. An attack would not only affect us here at home, but it would have a very adverse impact on our trading partners and the flow of commerce every day.
Today's technology-driven economy makes cybersecurity an essential national security issue, one with ramifications that stretch across our Nation and far beyond our borders. We must remember this as we look at ways to strengthen cybersecurity. We need to think about our alliances abroad in the general context of new geopolitical realities of the digital cyberworld in which we live and operate today, and this amendment recognizes those realities.
[From Governing, Sept. 8, 2009]
Mutually Assured Survival in Cyber Space
(By Gopal Khanna)
We must pool resources to focus on an all-encompassing
national approach to defending our information infrastructure
from attacks.
For the better part of the 20th century, America's greatest
threat came from the expansionist strategies of Communism,
with its values and aspirations so contradictory to our own
free and open democratic society. At the heart of the
conflict was the proliferation of nuclear arsenals and the
horrific potential to kill millions with one strike. Baby
boomers who were schoolchildren at the time remember the
drills when they were instructed to hide under their desks in
the event of an attack.
While nuclear proliferation is still a threat, America is
beginning to recognize a sleeper threat of a different kind:
the devastation that can result from the mass disruption of
business communications and the workings of government
through cyber attacks. As we reflect on the results of
President Obama's 60-day Cyberspace Policy Review, policy
makers and private-sector leaders need to come together to
apply great effort and creativity in crafting safeguards
against these vulnerabilities.
The series of apparently orchestrated attacks on U.S. Web
sites in July--directed at such critical entities as the
Treasury Department, Secret Service, Federal Trade Commission
and New York Stock Exchange--is precisely why the U.S. should
become a leader in thwarting cyber attacks on our national
and international information infrastructure. In his May 29
remarks on securing the nation's information infrastructure,
President Obama stated that ``the status quo is no longer
acceptable'' and called our attention to the critical work
ahead. To reiterate that point, last month Homeland Security
Secretary Janet Napolitano emphasized how important the role
of state and local governments will be in meeting today's
cyber security threats and that ``it is important to
recognize that there is no international structure'' where
cyber crime is concerned.
The Cyberspace Policy Review has validated our
understanding that it is not only corporate America that is
now under siege, but the federal, state and local
governments, private institutions and non-governmental
organizations as well. Capable of wreaking a different sort
of havoc, and easier to execute, today's menace comes from
cyber security attacks on our most valuable assets--the data
and information that power our productivity and support the
economy of the United States and the world.
That is why we must pool resources to focus on an all-
encompassing national approach to defending our assets within
the context of the new geopolitical realities of the digital
world we live in. We need to apply all of our tools and our
finest minds to harness our capabilities and competencies in
the interest of protecting an infrastructure that supports
our way of life. Just as ducking under desks would have done
little to protect schoolchildren in the 1950s from a nuclear
attack, simply hiding behind new software or the latest
firewall will not protect us from tomorrow's range of cyber
threats. We must do more.
To this end, the United States should take the lead in an
international endeavor to address these threats; not only the
risks to our own country but also the risks to our allies in
free economies and open governments around the world. Every
attack, regardless of its target, poses global dangers, due
to the interconnections of digital infrastructure and
networks as well as the interdependencies of national and
regional economies, and imperils commerce and communications
among all nations.
In the past, the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction
acted as a deterrent to prevent a nuclear first-strike by
either side. Both the United States and the Soviet Union knew
that a strike would mean mutual annihilation. As a result,
although the doctrine has not contained the spread of nuclear
technology to rogue states, a nuclear weapon has not been
detonated in military conflict since World War II.
We need to develop an analogous approach against these new
dangers--one that fends off the cyber anarchy envisioned by
some nation-states and fringe borderless entities.
The G-20 Summit in Pittsburgh this month is an ideal forum
to establish America's leadership in cyber security. It's
important that the international community come together to
answer some basic, foundational questions about cyber attacks
as a tactic of warfare: Should attacks of a cyber-nature be
condemned in the same manner as chemical and biological
weapons? How should a country respond to a cyber attack from
another nation-state? How should the international community
respond to such an attack?
The potential for mass disruption to all aspects of social,
economic and political workings of nations requires that the
G-20 country CIOs who are responsible for policies, practices
and management of the digital infrastructure in their
respective jurisdictions be a part of this discussion.
By working together, perhaps it will be understood that a
cyber attack against one country is an attack against all
countries, justifying a response--maybe even an international
response. Time will tell if the international community will
embrace as bold a deterrent as ``Mutually Assured Survival in
Cyber Space.'' Still, now is the time to develop a doctrine
of accountability and consequences that will serve as a
deterrent to nation-states and rogue entities and prevent
levels of cyber warfare that could jeopardize international
trade, our government services, our security, our corporate
and business interests, and most important, our open,
democratic way of life.
I yield such time as he may consume to my colleague from Texas (Mr. McCaul).
I reserve the balance of my time, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chairman, just in closing, I know that by working together on the commonsense approach--I thank the gentleman--I look forward to support of this amendment.
I yield back the balance of my time.