Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to urge my colleagues to support the DREAM Act. Simply put, the DREAM Act is an investment opportunity in our nation's future. Providing thousands of children the chance to legalize their status by either attending college or serving in our Armed Forces strengthens our economy by creating a new generation of Americans paying into Medicare and Social Security; it creates a new generation of Americans that are educated to compete in a high-tech future. And, most importantly, it empowers a new generation of Americans to further contribute to their communities and our country.

Mr. Speaker, I ask my colleagues who are opposed to this bill, why they insist on punishing children because of a decision not made by them. Many of these kids know no other country other than America, know no other language other than English, and know no other dream than the American dream. They never controlled their immigration status. It's not any more their fault that this is their country than it is the fault of your children that they are here. For many, they have never considered themselves anything but American.

For instance, one of my constituents from Corona, Queens, was legally brought to this country on a visitors visa by his father when he was just five years-old, but overstayed the length of his visa and is now undocumented. Ironically, his father is now a U.S. citizen, as are his siblings who were born in the United States. Now a young man, he was graduated from a prestigious local high school in June with honors. He was a star baseball player and outstanding role model in the community. Mr. Speaker, how is it in our national interest to place barriers between this student and a higher education? Let's not penalize him for an immigration status he did not choose. Let's not deprive our nation of the contributions he makes to our economy.

This is no amnesty bill. This is no free ride. They will get no unpaid benefits. DREAM Act beneficiaries must submit to security and law enforcement background checks, must be of ``good moral character'' as defined by law, undergo a medical examination, register for the Selective Service, and pay a significant fee in connection with the DREAM Act application. DREAM Act participants are excluded from the Affordable Care Act health-insurance exchanges. They are prohibited from receiving Pell Grants, Medicaid, Food Stamps, and other entitlements, and must pay their taxes. Under the act, after ten years of conditional non-immigrant status, this selective group of dedicated students can then, and only then, apply for a green card.

There is no contradiction in supporting the DREAM Act and enforcing immigration law. We can enforce the law, strengthen our borders, which we are doing, and have a humane and just immigration policy that doesn't needlessly deprive a generation of children of a higher education. These kids want to attend college. They want to serve their country. They want to be Americans. It is in our best interest to invest in them and give them that opportunity.

I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this investment in the future of our nation and to support the DREAM Act.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to celebrate the 100th birthday of Shirley G. Rosenbaum, the pride of New York State.

Born on December 7th, 1910, in Oswego, New York, Shirley grew up with a deep love and appreciation for her community and country. She married Jack Rosenbaum in 1927, and they had two children, Elise and Richard. Richard, under Shirley's steady guidance, became a Justice of the New York State Supreme Court and Chairman of the New York State Republican Committee.

Shirley is a parent who never ceases to encourage her children to achieve their dreams. She always stressed to Elise and Richard the value of education in achieving those dreams.

In Shirley's 100 years, she has lived through some of the most difficult and joyous times in American history. No matter the challenge, Shirley has maintained a warm home, loving family, and an appreciation for the small pleasures in life. An avid bowler, Shirley is no stranger to 200+ games. She is quite the bridge player and loves to create word games. Her family is her greatest pride though, Elise and Richard, six grandchildren, 18 great grandchildren, and even one great great grandchild.

For her devotion to her family and her country, I ask my colleagues in the United States House of Representatives to please rise and join me in honoring Shirley G. Rosenbaum on the occasion of her 100th birthday.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in the strongest possible support of the 9/11 Health and Compensation Act, H.R. 847.

Mr. Speaker, we are here again on the floor of the House to consider doing the decent thing: helping the living victims of the 9/11 who continue to suffer the terrible effects of that day. For too long, the federal government has not stepped-up enough to help the responders, volunteers, workers and residents that went to Ground Zero during and after the horrific 9/11 attack. For too long, this Congress has not acted to help these victims on a permanent basis. Tragically, some of the very people that we want to help with this legislation have already died. Thousands of Americans who responded need medical treatment now. Thousands more will need treatment in the future. Nine years is too long: we must show the American people today that their representatives can put away their differences and work together to pass this bill. The sick and injured don't care about offsets and they don't care about election-year politics.

The horrific attack of 9/11 wasn't just an attack on New York City; it was an attack upon the entire United States. The brave men and women in uniform who risk their lives every day in Afghanistan and elsewhere aren't defending just New York City, they're defending America. Responders came to Ground Zero in the thousands from all around the country, from almost every Congressional District. Over 13,000 responders to Ground Zero are sick now and already are receiving medical treatment. Another 53,000 responders are currently being medically monitored and 71,000 individuals are enrolled in the World Trade Center Registry, meaning they were exposed to toxins at some point. In the coming years, these numbers will only increase as symptoms and conditions related to exposure to Ground Zero begin to manifest themselves in the victims. This measure would monitor and provide treatment to responders to Ground Zero and build on the existing monitoring and treatment programs. There's also an economic component to this bill. Victims would be able to be compensated for their economic losses and contractors would receive liability protection. We must pass this bill not only because it's the right thing to do for those people who are sick, but for the next generation of responders who will have to think twice about volunteering and working at a the site of a terrorist attack.

So, Mr. Speaker, I urge all my colleagues to support the 9/11 Health and Compensation Act so that all the victims of 9/11 will receive the medical care and help they need and deserve.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in recognition of the 100th anniversary of the Society of the Kastorians ``OMONOIA'' of New York, located in Whitestone.

The first Kastorian immigrants, hailing from Kastoria, a North- Western Province in Greece, have deep roots in New York City. After their arrival in 1887, the community quickly grew. These new Americans organized a philanthropic group that has done charitable work and donated resources both in Greece and here in the United States.

Founded on August 7, 1910, the Society first began sending aid back to its members' homeland, Kastoria. The first donations supported a girls' school, a pharmacy, and earthquake-recovery efforts. During both World Wars, the Society was active in providing assistance to Greece's infrastructure and its defenses. During those turbulent times, the Society's efforts helped Greece construct a warship, a power plant and a water supply distribution system, as well as providing shipments of flour to Greek refugees.

Through the years, the Society's generosity has not been limited to Greece; it has supported many initiatives in New York and throughout the United States. In 1941, the Kastorians purchased $16,000 in U.S. Savings Bonds, and an aircraft was named The Kastorian Spirit in their honor. They have donated to the American Red Cross and have annually given over $50,000 for scholarships. The Kastorians donated to the World Trade Center Fund after the 9/11 attacks, and to Columbia University for its Hellenic Studies and Ancient History program. They also purchased a two-building complex in Whitestone that the Society uses as its headquarters, where cultural lectures and celebrations are hosted.

Madam Speaker, for the last hundred years, the Society's members have been able to maintain their heritage and devotion to Greece, while at the same time dedicating themselves to their home in the United States. I look forward to seeing the Society of Kastorians ``OMONOIA'' of New York's future efforts in improving the lives of not only Greek- Americans, but also all Americans, for many more years to come.

I ask that my colleagues in the House of Representatives join me, and rise in recognition of the Society of Kastorians, its President, Dr. Elias Panides, its Vice President, Vasili E. Zisis, and all its members, on their centennial anniversary.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in recognition of the 100th anniversary of the Jefferson Democratic Club of Flushing, Inc. Representing Part A of the 26th Assembly District of New York, the Jefferson Democratic Club has fiercely and tirelessly advocated on every level for the interests of the Queens and greater New York City communities.

Speaker Tip O'Neil once observed that ``all politics is local.'' Organizations like the Jefferson Democratic Club are local politics' driving force. Without the hard work, enthusiasm, and dedication of the men and women of political organizations like the Jefferson Democratic Club, the gears of our democracy would grind to a halt.

Founded on June 14th, 1910 during the Republican Administration of William Howard Taft, the Jefferson Dems have been championing democratic values at the grassroots level for generations. Serving the areas of Auburndale, Bay Terrace, Bayside, Douglaston, Floral Park, Flushing, Little Neck, New Hyde Park, North Shore Towers, and Whitestone, they are a staple of the community and an invaluable asset to the people they represent. In recent years, the Club has participated in annual gift drives benefiting hospitalized war veterans; toy and clothing drives to assist hospitalized and needy children and the children of troops currently serving overseas; and many other important community programs.

I am proud to recognize such a prestigious organization and congratulate current District Leaders Joseph Bechtold and Ann-Margaret Carrozza; incoming District Leaders, Michael Sais and Carol Gresser; President, David Fisher; and all the members of the Jefferson Democratic Club of Flushing for their one hundred years of service to the people of Queens County, New York City, and New York State. I hope to see the good work continue for one hundred more. I ask that my colleagues in the House to join me and rise in recognition of the Jefferson Democratic Club of Flushing's centennial anniversary.

So you are for the bill, but you won't vote for it. Nonsense.

Nine years ago, your country was attacked, and you're here quibbling about politics. You're here talking about permanent entitlements. Oh, how easy it is to come down here to this floor. I have seen it done time after time, Mr. Speaker--people proving how patriotic they are, determined to fight against the terrorists, to defend America, leave no soldier behind.

Well, where I come from, we are leaving soldiers behind. We have thousands of people, besides the ones who died, who are on the battlefield in our hospitals--who are dying every day, who are reaching out and gasping for the last breaths that they have.

You call that an entitlement.

I don't question your patriotism. I don't question your nationalism. I don't question your strategy or your tactics to take petty political advantage of this terrible situation. Sure, you're patriots. Sure, you have great oratory, but I have one question: Where is your decency?

Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in the strongest possible support of the 9/11 Health and Compensation Act, H.R. 847.

Mr. Speaker, every September, we come to the floor of the House of Representatives to pay homage to the lives lost on the 11th of September in 2001, to recognize that each anniversary is a time of solemn commemoration, to extend condolences to the friends, families and loved ones of the innocent victims of the terrorists. Every September, we come here and reflect about that day in 2001 and to say none of us will ever forget what happened. And Mr. Speaker, those words are all well and good, those words are all spoken with sincerity and those words are all important. However, today this House has a chance to do something more, something different than just, ``expressing the sense of the House,'' something tangible, something that will help the living victims of 9/11.

Mr. Speaker, when the towers were falling, there were men and women who rushed to those towers to help when all human instinct would be to run away. Later, workers volunteered and were hired to work on the ``pile'' at Ground Zero at the World Trade Center. First responders, workers, visitors and residents at Ground Zero were exposed to a mixture of asbestos, dioxin, jet fuel and other toxins when they were told by the federal government that it was safe. Unfortunately, the previous Administration declared the site ``safe,'' puttered around with piecemeal and short-term efforts, and either by incompetence or design, utterly failed to address the now-acknowledged and long-term effects of exposure to the ``pile'' at Ground Zero. Nine years of waiting for a comprehensive plan of action is long enough; Congress must act now to provide for the lasting care of the people who rushed to Ground Zero to help others, as well as the thousands who worked on the ``pile'' in the aftermath to rebuild the site, and have gotten sick from it. We owe the heroes of 9/11 the medical care and compensation they deserve. H.R. 847, the 9/11 Health and Compensation Act, would finally establish a permanent federal program to monitor and treat the first responders, workers, and residents who were exposed to the harmful contaminants caused by the terrorist attacks of 9/11.

Mr. Speaker, sadly, there are opponents to this bill. There are opponents to this bill that object to the cost. They say we can't afford it, that we can't afford to add another program with mandatory spending, that these 9/11 victims should come back to Congress every fiscal year for funding. Well, this bill is paid for with an offset. Then there are other opponents who object to the offset used to pay for the bill--an offset which has passed this House three separate times. Apparently, those opponents believe that foreign corporations making profits in the United States should be able to evade taxes. Then there are yet even other opponents to this bill who believe this isn't a national issue, that it's a local, New York City issue. To those opponents: 9/11 wasn't an attack on New York City; it was an attack upon the entire United States. The brave men and women in uniform who risk their lives every day in Afghanistan and elsewhere aren't defending just New York City, they're defending America.

Personally, I find it outrageous that we have to even offset the costs of this bill at all. For my entire time here in Congress, I have strongly supported emergency spending for all Americans who are victims of natural and man-made disasters. When there was emergency spending needed for the victims of floods and tornadoes in the Midwest, or hurricanes on the Gulf Cost, or forest fires out West, I supported that spending. In the future, it is likely we will consider emergency spending for some new disaster or attack, whether

it will be helping our citizens affected by the oil spill or something else. I strongly believe the victims of 9/11 are owed the same consideration by the Members of this House.

Responders came to Ground Zero in the thousands from all around the country, from almost every Congressional District. Over 13,000 responders to Ground Zero are sick now and already are receiving medical treatment. Another 53,000 responders are currently being medically monitored and 71,000 individuals are enrolled in the World Trade Center Registry, meaning there were exposed to toxins at some point. In the coming years, these numbers will only increase as symptoms and conditions related to exposure to Ground Zero begin to manifest themselves in the victims. This measure would monitor and provide treatment to responders to Ground Zero and build on the existing monitoring and treatment programs. There's also an economic component to this bill. Victims would be able to be compensated for their economic losses and contractors would receive liability protection. We must pass this bill not only because it's the right thing to do for those people who are sick, but for the next generation of responders who will have to think twice about volunteering and working at a the site of a terrorist attack.

So, Mr. Speaker, I urge all my colleagues to support the 9/11 Health and Compensation Act so that all the victims of 9/11 will receive the medical care and help they need and deserve.

Madam Speaker, I rise today, on the thirty-sixth anniversary of Turkey's invasion of Cyprus, to sadly commemorate this tragic event. Turkey's illegal occupation has continued for far too long. After decades of stagnation, the situation in Cyprus demands a just and comprehensive solution.

Throughout my tenure in Congress, I have passionately, aggressively, and persistently called for an end to the devastating artificial division of the island of Cyprus. I have been an outspoken critic of Turkey's obstinate belligerence on this issue and a supporter of what seems like countless bills and resolutions pleading, urging, and demanding a just and peaceful resolution.

My voice has been just one in a rising chorus of international leaders asking Turkey to end its occupation and help facilitate a solution that is amenable to all Cypriots. Since Turkey's 1974 invasion, numerous United Nations resolutions have condemned Turkey's

actions and called for the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Cyprus. Turkey remains the only nation to recognize the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. The consensus of the world community is apparent--Turkey's control over the island's future is unjust and must end.

As we and other nations work to forge a path towards a free and unified Cyprus that fulfills the needs of all its citizens, we should give special attention to the refugees who have been yearning to return to their homes in safety. A solution must be found that respects the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus and provides to all Cypriots the dignity to which they are entitled. Difficult problems rarely have easy solutions--and Cyprus is no exception. Only a Cypriot state that reflects the needs and consent of all its people will be able to thrive. The international community-- including Turkey--must help facilitate this transition. I hope Istanbul will find the political will and courage to at last be part of the solution.

Thirty-six years is far too long for this tragedy to continue in search of a solution we know is possible. We who live every day in a nation of different ethnic backgrounds and divergent religious beliefs know coexistence and self-governance is possible, and that pluralism is no pipedream. The citizens of Cyprus yearn for a government of, by, and for the people and deserve it as much as any of us.

Madam Speaker, I rise to honor the remarkable life of Ann Permut Silberfein as she approaches the occasion of her 100th birthday.

Ann Permut Silberfein was born of immigrant parents; Rose Sachawetsky of Russia and Nathan Permut of Kiev on September 25, 1910. Her parents came to America as children with their parents to escape the religious persecution that was, unfortunately, so common in Europe during the early 20th century. Rose and Nathan met in America at a very young age, were married, and eventually started their own business: a curtain and linen store at 670 Manhattan Avenue in Brooklyn. They knew that owning their own business would not have been possible in Europe and they embraced and achieved the American dream.

Rose and Nathan's children helped out in the family store when they were young. As customers checked out, young Ann Permut would write down the price of each item on a brown paper bag and would add the columns in her head. Her years of calculating customers' tabs in her head put her ahead of her classmates and Ann, graduated from high school at 16 years of age. Ann attended college and graduated from Jamaica Training School for Teachers.

Ann later met her husband, George Silberfein. After a wonderful courtship, they were married on June 24, 1934. They lived on Linden Boulevard in Brooklyn and moved to Ridgefield Highlands until 1939, when they moved to Huntington, New York. They spent many years as members of Cold Spring Country Club, where Ann won many golf tournaments. In May 1979, Ann and George moved to Hillcrest, Florida.

Ann and George were married for 61 happy years until George passed away in 1995. They gave their children, Judy and Manny, Michael and Jane, and Stephen and Linda, a love for America and a drive to give back to the country that had done so much for their family. Their children all went on to college and gave Ann and George nine grandchildren, Steve and Bonnie, Sue, Richie and Carol, Andy and Amy, Jimmy and Diane, Jeffrey, Adam, Scott and Joey, and Jason and Paige.

Ann still resides in Hillcrest and leads an active life with her friends and family. As Ann prepares to celebrate her 100th birthday in September, she rejoices in the warmth of her children, her grandchildren, and her 11 great grandchildren: Emily, Jackie, Josh, Rebecca, Tori, Jill, Matthew, Ryan, Mattie, Brady, and Reese.

Madam Speaker, on the occasion of her 100th birthday, I ask my colleagues in the

House of Representatives to join me in honoring Ann Silberfein and wishing her many, many more years to come.

Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of the DISCLOSE Act and offer a very simple but also very important amendment which simply adds the words ``clear and conspicuous'' as a requirement to the disclosures that covered organizations are required to submit to shareholders, members, or donors under the bill.

In the wake of the Supreme Court's ruling in Citizens United, corporations now have a First Amendment right to spend millions or even billions of dollars of shareholder money to defeat or support candidates for public political office. While this ruling is now United States law, the DISCLOSE Act takes the appropriate step of mandating that corporations tell their shareholders how they're using the money. After all, investors in a company have a right to know how their company is using their money. But the underlying bill fails to ensure that these corporate disclosures are made clearly and understandably or that they are printed in such a way that allows shareholders to see them.

Mr. Chairman, Congress has insisted on disclosure requirements for corporations before, and anyone who receives a credit card offer knows that this is what we get--tiny, unreadable text in 5-point font. Even if you could read it, which you can't without a magnifying glass, you would have to have degrees in law or advanced mathematics to be able to understand it.

The central theme of the DISCLOSE Act is empowering American investors by mandating that companies disclose their political expenditures. My amendment very simply imposes and adds the words ``clear and conspicuous'' as a requirement for all organizations covered under the bill so that American investors have a chance to actually see and understand those disclosures. As Congress takes the very reasonable approach of mandating corporate disclosures of political expenditures, we must ensure that corporations present that information clearly and understandably to all of their shareholders.

I thank the Rules Committee for making my very straightforward, commonsense amendment in order.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, the purpose of this bill, as I understand it, is for transparency and for people to understand what's happening out there as people spend lots of money--other people's money, very often--to advocate for or against candidates. In the case of unions, unions are very transparent in who they're supporting and who they're not supporting when they decide to take that kind of action. Union members pay voluntarily with their dues money, and the unions disclose who they are and who they're supporting.

People who invest in corporations, presumably for the purpose of investing money and furthering America's economic and their own economic interest, have a right to know how those corporations are spending their money that they thought was being invested for the purpose of capitalism and free enterprise rather than to be diverted into anybody's personal political agendas. Unions do that because their members vote; corporations do not. And I would have no idea of a corporation that I may invest in, whether they're spending my initial investment money to work against my interests or even your interests-- or for them, for that matter. This is just to let people know.

The second point, the amendment that I offer covers every organization that is covered under the bill equally.

I yield back the balance of my time.

I thank the chairman for his leadership.

Mr. Speaker, this bill has teeth, real teeth, great big, nasty sharp teeth that are finally going to force businesses and banks around the world to choose between the American economy and financial system, or business as usual with Iran's theocratic dictatorship.

This bill has real sanctions. Not maybe sanctions, not sort of sanctions, but real sanctions. This bill has real sanctions- investigation requirements, not maybe we will look at it. And not, we will try to get to it when we can, but clear and legal requirements to investigate potential violations.

In short, this is a bill that forces the question, will the world watch passively as Iran crosses the nuclear arms threshold, or will we join together to compel Iran to pull back from the nuclear brink?

We cannot guarantee the success of these measures. Ultimately, the choices lie with the regime in Tehran. But it should be clear that we are doing all that we can to impose on Iran the highest possible costs for its defiance, that we are demonstrating by our actions and by our efforts the depths of our commitment to peacefully ending Iran's illegal nuclear activities.

We are trying diplomacy. We are trying unilateral sanctions. We are trying multilateral sanctions. We are trying our utmost to avoid making conflict inevitable. But there should be no question about the absolute determination of the United States to prevent

Iran from acquiring the capability to produce nuclear weapons. Iran's illicit nuclear activities and programs must stop. Above all other considerations, above all other costs, without any doubt or uncertainty, Iran's nuclear program must be stopped. It must be stopped, and we begin that today.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support for the bill and I offer my congratulations to the Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, and to all my fellow conferees on what is a remarkable piece of legislation.

This bill has teeth, real teeth, great big nasty sharp teeth that are finally going to force businesses and banks around the world to choose between access to the American economy and financial system, or business as usual with Iran's theocratic dictatorship.

This bill has real sanctions; not maybe sanctions, not sort-a sanctions, real sanctions. This bill has real sanctions investigation requirements; not maybe we'll look into it, not we'll try to get to it when we can, but a clear legal requirement to investigate potential violations. This bill creates legal safe harbor for the potential divestment of billions of dollars of equity from companies that continue to do business in Iran, the world-capital of state-sponsored terrorism. This bill has real sanctions on Iran's energy sector and all the things that keep it alive and allow it to operate. This bill will force new requirements on U.S. banks to keep Iran's blood-tainted money from being laundered by the international financial system.

This bill imposes sanctions on those in Iran responsible for human rights violations and those companies that facilitate Iranian state repression. America will not merely bear witness to the brave struggle of the people of Iran to be free; we choose to stand with the Iranian people against the jackboot of the ayatollah's tyranny.

This bill will force action to close loopholes abroad that have allowed Iran to import, smuggle and altogether befuddle international efforts to keep dangerous technologies out of their malicious hands. With this bill there will be no more blind eyes for allies; no more sleeping at the export control switch.

In short, this is a bill that forces the question: will the world watch passively as Iran crosses the nuclear arms threshold, or will we join together to squeeze, wrangle, coerce, and compel Iran to pull back from the nuclear brink?

Iran's nuclear program is the greatest threat to peace and security in the Middle East and throughout the world. We know it. Our allies in Europe know it. Russia and China know it. All the Arab states know it. Successful nuclear proliferation by Iran would likely mean the collapse of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, the onset of a mad rush for nuclear arms in the Middle East and a vastly increased possibility of the unimaginable horror of nuclear arms being used.

This bill is also a triumph for the Leadership of this Congress and for the Obama Administration. For the entirety of their eight years, the previous Administration talked tough while the Iranian nuclear program went from crawling to walking; from walking to running; and from running to sprinting towards a nuclear bomb. The rhetoric was always very fierce, the results were always very flaccid. The previous Republican-controlled Congresses, though no less aware of the looming danger following the revelation of Iran's uranium enrichment program in 2002, also said all the right things, but somehow--somehow--never got around to passing this bill or one like it.

Look at who's in charge today. Look at who is going to get this bill done with broad bipartisan support. Look at who just put Iran's energy sector under the gun. Look at who just

closed the investigations loophole and the diversion loophole. Look at who just imposed unprecedented energy, banking, and finance sector sanctions. Look at who just imposed human rights sanctions on Iran's regime of thugs.

Look also at who just got Russia and China to join with the international community in passing the toughest ever UN Security Council sanctions on Iran; sanctions that authorize the inspection of Iranian ships; that impose major new restrictions on Iranian banking, finance, shipping, and arms transactions; and that designates the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps and key Iranian firms and figures associated with proliferation for additional penalties. Two years ago if someone had suggested the Security Council would have adopted these positions, they would have been taken away in a straitjacket. Today it's reality.

The cowboy rhetoric and the contempt for diplomacy are gone. But the results, which are what actually matters, are compelling. Just as we in Congress have come together to pass this historic legislation, the Obama Administration has rallied the world to stand against Iran's nuclear ambitions. Results matter.

We can not guarantee the success of these measures. Ultimately, the choice lies with the regime in Tehran to decide what price they're prepared to pay to sustain their illicit nuclear activities. But it should be clear that we are doing all that we can to impose on Iran the highest possible costs for its defiance and that we are demonstrating, by our actions and by our efforts, the depth of our commitment to peacefully ending Iran's illegal nuclear activities.

We are trying diplomacy. We are trying unilateral sanctions. We are trying multilateral sanctions. We are trying our utmost to avoid making conflict inevitable. But there should be no question about the absolute determination of the United States to prevent Iran from acquiring the capability to produce nuclear weapons.

Iran can not and must not be allowed to cross the threshold of nuclear arms. They can stop their program, or it can be stopped by others. And it would be far, far better if they stopped their nuclear program themselves. The United States and the other P5+1 nations have all made clear the benefits Iran would gain if it made this choice. The United Nations and the Congress today are showing Iran the rising costs and growing isolation it will endure if its behavior doesn't change.

Iran's illicit nuclear activities and programs must stop. Above all other considerations, above all other costs, without any doubt or uncertainty, Iran's nuclear arms program must be stopped. It must be stopped.

Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 1359) calling for the immediate and unconditional release of Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit held captive by Hamas, and for other purposes, as amended.

I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I want to thank my good friend, the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, for his support for this resolution and for its consideration by the House today.

Madam Speaker, Gilad Shalit is not an American. He is an Israeli soldier who has been held captive by Hamas for 4 years.

His parents are not Americans. I don't know that he's ever even been to the United States. But I would contend that, nonetheless, he's one of us. Why? Most simply, because he is a soldier serving in the army of a fellow democracy, a long-standing ally that is fighting a war of survival against an Iranian-backed radical Islamist terror organization explicitly committed to the destruction of the Jewish State and the annihilation of all Jews in Israel.

Some may doubt that such shocking, vicious bigotry is really possible in the year 2010. It's not merely possible, and it's not an overstatement. It's reality. On June 11, not even 2 weeks ago, Hamas authorities in Gaza broadcast the following ceremony--and this is a quote directly from that sermon: ``Whoever believes that our battle with the Jews and the crusaders has subsided or is dormant is living in delusions. The Jews are convinced that their annihilation and the destruction of their State will never be accomplished by secular, reactionary, Pan-Arabic, or Baathist regimes. Their annihilation and the destruction of their State will only be achieved through Islam.'' It goes on. But that was the basis of the Hamas sermon. That's the Hamas world view. And they're not ashamed of it. We shouldn't hesitate to believe them when they say they hate Jews and they're trying to destroy Israel and they want to create an Islamic theocracy in Palestine. Just look at what they've done in Gaza.

For those who believe in universal human rights and religious rights and freedom, Hamas is your enemy. If you believe in peace and two states for two peoples, these are your foes. If you believe kidnapping and extortion are inexcusable and detonating a bomb full of nails and ball bearings inside a city bus or restaurant is barbaric, these are your adversaries. If you believe that firing rockets at homes and kindergartens filled with young kids is absolutely indefensible, and that teaching hate to children is monstrous, these are your opponents. If you support the Palestinian Authority and President Abbas and Prime Minister Fayad are Palestinian's best chance of statehood, Hamas is the opposition. If you support a democratic Jewish State of Israel and want to see Prime Minister Netanyahu take chances for peace, Hamas is the enemy desperate to ensure that he never will. If you want the United States to be active in helping Israelis and Palestinians to make peace, Hamas are the people working against our every effort.

Gilad Shalit is just one soldier, but his captivity tells you everything you need to know about Hamas. As the resolution makes clear, contrary to both international humanitarian law and the most basic standards of human conduct, Hamas has prevented all access to Gilad Shalit by competent medical personnel and the representatives of the International Committee of the Red Cross. They've done this time and time again. And, Madam Speaker, they've just done it again today. They've denied him the humane treatment to which any captive is entitled; they've barred any communication by him with his family; and they've compelled him to appear on propaganda videos. Each of these unconscionable choices demonstrates the amoral and depraved character of Hamas.

These allegedly religious militants are nothing but thugs. Nothing more. They hold up all kinds of banners, and they champion all kinds of causes, and they claim all kinds of mandates. But their real goal is power and their true intention is a disruption of the State of Israel.

Against their enterprise of darkness and hatred and bloodshed, we need to stand up with both Palestinians and Israelis for a different vision and a different future--one where Israelis and Palestinians live side by side in peace; where the City of Jerusalem is a city of coexistence and tolerance; where the lost and the missing--all of them--all of them--are returned to their families and their people. It is this vision that motivates us, that mobilizes us to work so hard to achieve peace for others. And it is within this vision of a better future that we keep faith with

our allies in the State of Israel and with the Shalit family as they wait for the return of their lost son.

I reserve the balance of my time.

I want to thank the gentlewoman from Florida, the distinguished ranking member of the committee, for her statement and for her support.

Madam Speaker, now it's my pleasure to yield such time as she may consume to the gentlewoman from Nevada, Shelley Berkley, a distinguished and respected member of our committee.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to include extraneous material on the resolution that is now under consideration.

I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not present.

Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of the resolution. I want to thank the Chairman and commend Mr. Costa and Mr. Poe for their work on the resolution.

The anniversary of the uprising of the Iranian people to secure their democratic rights is a solemn occasion. The images from last year of ordinary Iranians showing unbelievable courage in challenging the ruthless and vicious theocracy that controls Iran resonated powerfully with Americans. Recalling the late 1980s and the collapse of Communism, many have begun to hope that this wholly indigenous movement, by virtue of its own success, and entirely for its own reasons, will throw on to the ash-heap of history the brutal, irresponsible, and vicious regime of the mullahs.

I don't think any one believes the current leadership of the Islamic Republic of Iran will go quietly or easily into retirement. And I think it would be foolish to assume that a reformed Iranian government would automatically be very friendly to the United States, or be less committed to the pursuit of its own national interests. But there is good reason to think that a different Iranian government, one that was truly answerable to the aspirations of the Iranian people, would transform the politics of the Middle East, dramatically change the global struggle against violent Islamic extremism and, potentially, salvage the global non-proliferation regime.

But as we think about how we can aid the Green Movement, I believe we need to be especially careful and thoughtful. There is, unfortunately, a painful history of American intervention in Iranian affairs, and we should, at the very least, have some humility about our ability to competently shape highly politicized and dynamic events in other nations.

Iran is a sovereign state whose people are struggling bravely for their own freedom. It is natural and right for us to want to support their struggle. The question is how? It seems to me that our first obligation is ``to do no harm.'' And our second obligation is to recognize that we are not a doctor, and Iran is not a patient.

With these caveats, I believe there are some important things that we can and should do; all of which can be done publicly and outside of Iran. First, as we are doing today, we must continue to let the people of Iran know that we have not forgotten them or their struggle for freedom. Second, we must continue to bear witness to vicious crimes the Iranian regime is perpetrating against its own citizens. A government at war with its own citizens is illegitimate by definition. Third, we and other nations truly committed to universal human rights must continue to highlight Iran's absolutely illegitimate and immoral behavior in international forums and in the United Nations. The Iranian regime's behavior can not be denied and it can not be excused.

Finally, and most critically, we absolutely must prevent Iran from acquiring the capability to produce nuclear weapons. For the sake of the people in Iran, for the sake of the people in the Middle East, for the sake of our allies in Israel, and for our own vital national security interests, Iran's nuclear ambitions absolutely must not be allowed to succeed.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in recognition of the accomplishments of Mr. Charles Segal, a dedicated public servant who has made immeasurable contributions to forging close ties with America's most important ally in the Middle East, the State of Israel.

Throughout Mr. Segal's years of service, he has dedicated himself to protecting the human rights of Soviet Jewry and the critically important mission of exposing Nazi war criminals who escaped justice. His work has earned him the deep appreciation not only of strong supporters of the U.S.-Israeli friendship, but also of the State of Israel. I am proud to recognize Mr. Segal and submit a letter from the Israeli Consul General, honoring his exemplary work on behalf of Israel.

Consulate General,

of Israel in New York,

May 5, 2010.

Dear Mr. Segal, I recently learned from Rabbi Paul Silton

of your longstanding commitment and service to the State of

Israel and therefore it is my pleasure to extend these

heartfelt wishes of mazal tov to you.

As the State of Israel celebrates its 62 anniversary, you

have had the privilege of watching our small State take root,

grow, and blossom before your very eyes. While some easily

dismissed its hidden potential and true value, you took every

opportunity available to fight for its existence, knowing

that the Jewish people had earned the right to return to

their homeland.

As a foreign correspondent, you used the power of your

words to mobilize the American and Canadian communities in

support of Israel as we struggled to become a free and

democratic state. You served the Jewish people by fighting

for our rights in Washington, DC and representing our goals

and aspirations to President Truman. You used your political

clout and influence to establish ties and build a solid

friendship between America and the State of Israel. Your

important work to expose Nazi war criminals and to protect

the rights of Soviet Jewry depicts the true character of a

man who has always put the wellbeing of others at the

forefront of his agenda. The foundation you built has lasted

for decades, and we are so grateful for all you have done.

On behalf of the State of Israel, I thank you for all of

your efforts. I have no doubt that even after all these years

of service we will be privileged to see many more incredible

things from you.

Sincerely,

Asaf Shariv,

Consul General.