Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk. Mr. Chairman, I rise today to offer an amendment that would increase funding for the Government Accountability Office, offset by a minor decrease in the funding for the MRA accounts here in…
Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
Mr. Chairman, I rise today to offer an amendment that would increase funding for the Government Accountability Office, offset by a minor decrease in the funding for the MRA accounts here in the House of Representatives.
I am offering the amendment for three reasons:
First, the bill significantly underfunds the GAO.
Second, the administration is actively thwarting congressional oversight, which we need more of, not less of.
Finally, Congress, which struck an aggressive posture in oversight during the previous administration, seems to have lost its way a bit in its constitutional duty to oversee the activities of this executive branch.
The GAO is a vital resource not only for congressional overseers, but also anyone interested in studying or improving the effectiveness of Federal agencies. The GAO is often referred to as the congressional watchdog. I am sure every Member of Congress has supported or requested a GAO report with the purpose of examining broad and discrete issues of executive branch oversight at some point in their career. It is a vital institution that saves taxpayer dollars.
Every dollar we invest in the GAO, Mr. Chairman, generates a $112 return for the Federal Government and for the taxpayer. This oversight dividend amounted to $63 billion in financial benefits for the Federal Government in fiscal year 2016 alone.
Unfortunately, the bill before us provides $46.2 million less than the budget request for fiscal year 2018. This amendment would simply restore a modest $1 million of it.
I know the lack of sufficient funding for the GAO has been a topic of discussion and debate between the majority and minority on the Appropriations Committee. I would note that the ranking member raised the issue in the ``Additional Views'' section of the committee report.
In the report, Ranking Member Lowey and Representative Tim Ryan, who is with us on the floor, stated it is irresponsible to underfund the GAO, especially when administration officials have reportedly been ordered not to comply with Democratic oversight requests.
Which brings me to my second reason for offering the amendment: the indifferent and at times outright adversarial approach the Trump administration has decided to take to normal routine congressional oversight work. The administration has ignored the seven-member rule, for example, an authority enacted into law in 1928, which delegates authority to any seven members of my committee, the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, to require any executive branch agency to submit any information requested of it relating to any matter within the jurisdiction of our committee.
The Trump administration released an opinion issued by the Office of Legal Counsel, arguing that agencies and departments could ignore requests for documents and other information from Members of the minority party.
On June 7, Republican Senator Chuck Grassley, who certainly knew the benefit of getting information requests in the minority answered, wrote a scathing letter to President Trump urging him to reject the opinion. The opinion stated that only requests from committees or their chairs are constitutionally authorized. Senator Grassley, Republican chairman of the Judiciary Committee in the Senate, called the opinion nonsense.
In his letter to the President, he stated: ``For OLC to fundamentally misunderstand and misstate such a simple fact exposes its shocking lack of professionalism and objectivity.''
He also wrote: ``Oversight brings transparency, and transparency brings accountability. And the opposite is true. Shutting down oversight requests doesn't drain the swamp.''
Those are the words of Chuck Grassley.
As the vice ranking member of the Oversight and Government Reform Committee, I have witnessed firsthand the committee's volte-face on issues of oversight.
Whereas, during the Obama administration, one would have thought that, like the British Empire, the Sun never set on the jurisdiction of our committee. Now, suddenly, the majority advances a tortured and narrow interpretation of the committee's role as the primary oversight body for the House of Representatives.
If the administration is going to ignore the minority in Congress and the majority is suddenly allergic to congressional oversight, the demands on the GAO are going to grow.
With that greater responsibility should come greater resources. First and foremost, the House should join Senator Grassley and demand that this administration not impede congressional oversight activities.
In the absence of the administration acceding to this request, we have got to send a clear message about the importance to the executive branch of accountability by better funding the GAO.
This amendment will not solve the GAO funding created by this bill, but it would send a message to our colleagues in the Senate about the premium we place on the principle of robust oversight of the executive branch.
Mr. Chair, I rise today to offer an amendment which would increase funding for the Government Accountability Office (GAO) and offset that increase with a reduction in funding for the salaries and expenses of the House of Representatives.
I am offering this amendment for three reasons.
First, this bill significantly underfunds GAO.
Second, this administration is actively thwarting congressional oversight.
And finally, Congress, which struck an aggressive posture on oversight during the Obama Administration, seems to have forgotten its Constitutional duty to oversee the activities of the Executive Branch.
GAO is a vital resource for not only Congressional overseers, but also anyone interested in studying or improving the effectiveness of federal agencies and the way in which they carry out their vital missions.
GAO is often referred to as the ``congressional watchdog.''
I am sure nearly every Member of Congress has supported or requested a GAO report with the purpose of examining broad and discrete issues of Executive Branch oversight.
It is a vital institution that helps ensure taxpayer dollars are invested wisely.
Every dollar we invest in GAO generates a $112 return for the federal government. This oversight dividend amounted to $63 billion in financial benefits for the federal government in fiscal year 2016.
Unfortunately, the bill before us provides $46.2 million less than the budget request for FY 2018, which would result in the loss of 200 GAO staff by the end of the coming fiscal year.
I know the lack of sufficient funding for GAO has been a topic of discussion and debate between the Majority and the Minority on the Appropriations Committee.
I would note that the Ranking Member raised this issue in the ``Additional Views'' section of the Committee report for the Legislative Branch Appropriations Bill.
In the report, Ranking Member Lowey and Representative Tim Ryan stated, ``It is irresponsible to underfund the GAO, especially when Administration officials have reportedly been ordered not to comply with Democratic oversight requests.''
Which brings me to my second reason for offering this amendment--the indifferent and, at times, hostile approach the Trump Administration has decided to take to Congressional oversight work.
The administration has ignored the Seven Member Rule, an authority that was enacted into law in 1928 which delegates authority to any seven members of the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform to require any Executive Branch agency to ``submit any information requested of it relating to any matter within the jurisdiction of the committee.''
The Trump Administration released an opinion issued by the Office of Legal Counsel on May 1, 2017, arguing that agencies and departments could ignore requests for documents and other information from Members of Congress other than Republican Committee Chairmen.
On June 7, 2017, Republican Senator Chuck Grassley wrote a scathing letter to President Trump urging him to reject the opinion issued by Office of Legal Counsel.
The opinion stated that only requests from committees or their chairs are ``constitutionally authorized.''
Senator Grassley called the opinion ``nonsense.''
In his letter to the president he stated, ``For OLC to so fundamentally misunderstand and misstate such a simple fact exposes its shocking lack of professionalism and objectivity. Indeed, OLC appears to have utterly failed to live up to its own standards. You are being ill-served and ill-advised.''
He also wrote, ``Oversight brings transparency, and transparency brings accountability. And, the opposite is true. Shutting down oversight requests doesn't drain the swamp, Mr. President. It floods the swamp.''
And Congress is not blameless here.
As the Vice Ranking Member of the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee, I have witnessed firsthand that Committee's volte- face on issues of oversight.
Whereas, during the Obama Administration one would have thought that like the British Empire the sun never set on the jurisdiction of the Oversight Committee, now the Majority advances a tortured and narrow interpretation of the Committee's role as the primary oversight body for the House of Representatives.
If the Administration is going to ignore the Minority in Congress, and the Majority is suddenly allergic to Congressional oversight, the demands on GAO are only going to grow.
And with that greater responsibility should come greater resources.
First and foremost, the House should join Senator Grassley and demand that this administration not impede Congressional oversight activities.
In the absence of the administration acceding to this demand, we must send a clear message about the importance of Executive Branch accountability by better funding GAO.
This amendment will not solve the GAO funding difficulties created by this bill, but it would send a message to our colleagues in the Senate about the premium we place on the principle of robust oversight of the Executive Branch.
Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chair, I have great respect for gentlemen who offered this amendment.
They are my colleagues, and they are my friends.
Mr. Meadows and I work very closely together on the Government Operations Subcommittee. He is my Chairman, and he knows I value his collaboration.
Mr. Griffith is a fellow Virginian, and I have the pleasure of serving on committees with Mr. Jordan (OGR) and Mr. Perry (HFAC).
And that is why it especially pains me to say this.
But this amendment, which uses the disgraceful Holman Rule to eviscerate the Congressional Budget Office's Budget Analysis Division, is so transparent and so cynical it makes me want to weep.
This amendment would punish the Congressional Budget Office for exposing the House Republican repeal of the Affordable Care Act as a cruel bill that would deprive 23 million Americans of healthcare.
CBO is being retaliated against for the earnest work it conducted on the Trump Budget,
which demonstrated that the president's budget misrepresents deficit projections by $2.3 trillion.
This amendment says facts don't matter anymore.
And that is something to mourn.